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1
Schermuly, Allegra Clare, and Helen Forbes-Mewett. "Police legitimacy: perspectives of migrants and non-migrants in Australia." Journal of Criminological Research, Policy and Practice 5, no. 1 (February 28, 2019): 50–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jcrpp-08-2018-0025.
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Purpose This paper is drawn from a larger study investigating community perceptions of police legitimacy in the Monash Local Government Area (LGA), in the Australian state of Victoria. Monash had seen declining results in the official government survey in the indicators that assessed police legitimacy over the preceding decade. The purpose of this paper is to explore the perceptions of both migrant and non-migrant participants to understand the role of migrant status in influencing assessments of police legitimacy in Monash LGA. Design/methodology/approach Through six focus groups, 18 interviews and one e-mail response with 31 individuals, perceptions of Victoria Police among the communities of Monash were collated and analysed. Findings One of the key findings of the study was that ethnic diversity and/or migrant status of community members were a key factor raised in response to questions about community perceptions of the legitimacy of Victoria Police in Monash LGA. Demographic change had been significant in Monash LGA over the preceding decade, including increasing ethnic diversity in the population and a shift in migration patterns from predominantly European to migrants from East and South Asia. In this paper, the authors suggest that the migrant status of Monash residents was a key factor that both migrant and non-migrant participants thought influenced perceptions of the police. Accordingly, because migrants make up a significant cohort of Australia’s population, we afford due attention to this previously overlooked topic. Practical implications The practical implications of this paper are as follows: existing Victoria Police partnerships in the Monash community should be continued and expanded where possible; Victoria Police should also prioritise partnerships with large, new migrant communities, for example, Monash’s Chinese communities; orientation for new migrants to Victoria around the criminal justice system, including Victoria Police, would help new migrants be more aware of their rights and what to expect of law enforcement in their new host country; police should continue to increase representation of ethnic diversity in the force via recruitment of greater numbers of ethnically diverse police members. Originality/value Although there have been previous Australian studies on migrant status as a factor in perceptions of criminal justice (see Murphy and Cherney, 2011, 2012; Hong Chui and Kwok-Yin Cheng, 2014), the paper identifies a distinct narrative around migrants’ views of Victoria Police which the authors believe warrant further investigation using an example from a local context. Furthermore, most research in this field has been quantitative. The current study provides additional new insights through an in-depth qualitative approach.
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Casson, Rebecca. "Gas, grass or ass, no one rides for free: the mohawk mayor." Persona Studies 2, no. 2 (December 7, 2016): 42–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.21153/ps2016vol2no2art600.
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In November 2013 Darryn Lyons, a former celebrity photographer well-known for his colourful antics, was directly elected as mayor of Geelong, the second largest city in the State of Victoria, Australia. Also known as “Mr Paparazzi” and “The Mohawk Mayor”, Lyons’s leadership lasted just 30 months before the Victorian State Government sacked him and dissolved the entire Geelong Council, revealing a pre-existing culture of bullying that appeared to be compounded by Lyons’s celebrity persona. How did Lyons’s persona affect Geelong’s newly established procedures for a directly elected mayor? Drawing on one particularly controversial incident, and using data collected from Lyons’s autobiography, together with media articles, official documents and social media, this article discusses how - as a celebrity politician - Lyons appeared to be unable to effectively separate his celebrity persona from his public persona. This seemed to drown out Geelong’s important issues, and undermined the legitimacy of local government. The current literature on directly elected mayors does not include consideration of how electing a celebrity as mayor complicates the problems of legitimacy in local government, and there is a paucity of literature on directly elected celebrity mayors in Australia. An emerging literature on directly elected mayors primarily addresses problems with legitimacy in contemporary politics, while the literature on celebrity politics changing legitimacy has been well established. Using the Lyons case, this article examines both literatures and contributes to the national and international debate on directly elected celebrity mayors.
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Robinson, Marc. "Workers Compensation in Victoria: From WorkCare to WorkCover." Journal of Industrial Relations 36, no. 2 (June 1994): 213–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002218569403600202.
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When the Victorian Labor government created the WorkCare system in 1985, it believed that the government takeover of the workers compensation system from private insurers would permit the creation of a system that could provide more generous and compassionate benefits for injured workers. while first containing and then reducing costs to employers. The WorkCare system never succeeded in reconciling these goals. Instead, it became enmeshed in financial difficulties and failed to acquire either stability or political legitimacy throughout its seven years of existence. This failure made it possible for the incoming Coalition government to bring down the curtain on the WorkCare system at the end of 1992, and to replace it with a scheme based on harsh and ungenerous treatment of injured workers. Coalition policy is that this new 'WorkCover' scheme will be privatized once its financial position is stabilized. However. there is considerable uncertainty about whether privatization ultimately will occur.
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Schermuly, Allegra Clare. "Encounters between the police and the public: seize the day or practice avoidance?" Journal of Criminological Research, Policy and Practice 4, no. 2 (June 11, 2018): 148–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jcrpp-12-2017-0039.
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PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to investigate the effect of encounters on police legitimacy and levels of trust in the police in the Monash Local Government Area in the state of Victoria, Australia. Monash was chosen as it had experienced declining results in the official National Survey of Community Satisfaction with Policing in relation to police legitimacy and trust.Design/methodology/approachA qualitative case study comprising 18 interviews and six focus groups with community representatives from Monash is employed in the paper.FindingsWhen procedural justice approaches are applied during encounters between the police and the public, encounters contribute to securing legitimacy for the police. Contact between the police and the public in everyday situations also enhances trust in the police, depending on the way the police conduct themselves during such interactions.Research limitations/implicationsFindings from a qualitative case study are not able to be widely generalised but the conclusions are still useful for informing insights into processes impacting police legitimacy and trust.Practical implicationsContributes to informing evidence-based police practice around the way police conduct themselves during community interactions; informs policy decisions around allocation of funding for law enforcement with more officers required to carry out community policing; emphasises the importance of prioritising partnerships with communities; demonstrates that positive police/community relations have wider social cohesion implications in a contemporary era of counter-terrorism priorities.Originality/valueThe majority of research in this field to date has been quantitative. A qualitative approach provides fresh insights into the mechanisms of police legitimacy, especially the role of encounters and procedural justice.
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McBride, Tony, and Alana Hulme. "Continuing Uncertainties for Victorian Municipal Public Health Plans." Australian Journal of Primary Health 6, no. 2 (2000): 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/py00014.
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This paper discusses the current state of play in Victorian municipal public health planning and practice. It questions whether a legislative vehicle is still appropriate to realise local government's potential to affect its populations' health. The paper draws on four recent studies focused on the metropolitan experience. The impact of the radical local government restructuring in the mid-1990s and Compulsory Competitive Tendering were evident in the overlapping findings. These included: increased legitimacy for planning; an ambivalent policy environment; inconsistent support within councils; a paradox about external collaboration; limited community participation; and confusion about models for municipal health planning. However, there was a complex tapestry of positive and negative stories, perspectives, capacities and public health practices, reflecting the sectors' inherent geographical and political diversity. The continuing constraints on effective practice suggest that a reliance on State government legislation as the driving force for councils' approach to public health might no longer be the most productive approach. Public health advocates within and across councils need to help councils develop their own local rationales for action. To support this, the State government should act to create a more supportive and consistent policy environment.
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Mattiacci, Eleonora, and Benjamin T. Jones. "Restoring Legitimacy: Public Diplomacy Campaigns during Civil Wars." International Studies Quarterly 64, no. 4 (September 17, 2020): 867–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqaa065.
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Abstract Governments involved in civil wars often gain a strategic advantage from intentionally killing civilians. However, targeting civilians might also tarnish perceptions of the government’s legitimacy abroad, increasing the risk of foreign actors punishing the government. How can governments attempt to navigate this dilemma? Focusing on the United States as one of the most frequent interveners in civil wars after the Cold War, we examine one particular strategy governments might employ: public diplomacy campaigns (PDCs) targeting both the public and elites in the United States. PDCs can help governments restore perceptions of their legitimacy abroad in the face of civilian targeting by mobilizing coalitions of support and undermining critics. When governments can achieve plausible deniability for civilian deaths via militias, PDCs enable governments to reduce the damage to foreign perceptions of their legitimacy. When rebels engage in civilian targeting, PDCs allow governments to publicize these actions. We compile data PDCs in the United States by governments engaged in civil wars. Our results have important implications for current understandings of civil war combatant foreign policies, foreign interventions, and international human rights laws and norms.
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Metinsoy, Saliha. "“Selective Friendship at the Fund”: United States Allies, Labor Conditions, and the International Monetary Fund’s Legitimacy." Politics and Governance 10, no. 3 (August 23, 2022): 143–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v10i3.5303.
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This article discusses the International Monetary Fund’s recent effort to garner legitimacy by incorporating the reduction of economic inequality in its lending programs. It argues that the impact of the US as a major shareholder on conditionality and geopolitical considerations beyond objective and measurable economic necessities detract from these efforts to expand legitimacy. Using a panel data analysis of International Monetary Fund programs between 1980 and 2013, the article shows that US-allied left-wing governments receive a larger number of labor conditions in their programs compared to non-allied and right-wing governments. The article argues that this is part of left-wing governments’ strategy of maintaining their alliance with the US and demonstrating ideological proximity. In exchange, the US uses its influence to secure fewer conditions in total for its allied governments. This not only shifts the burden of adjustment on labor groups but also harms the Fund’s procedural legitimacy, as conditions are not objectively determined. It also has adverse implications for outcome legitimacy by distorting economic policies and outcomes and increasing income inequality.
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Smith, Jennifer. "Intergovernmental Relations, Legitimacy, and the Atlantic Accords." Constitutional Forum / Forum constitutionnel 17, no. 1, 2 & 3 (July 11, 2011): 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.21991/c91h3k.
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Are the Atlantic Accords regarded as legiti- mate agreements in Canada? If not, why not? And does it matter? The purpose of this article is to answer these questions. Legitimacy resides in the eyes of the be- holder. Who is the beholder? Initially, one thinks mainly of citizens in this respect. How- ever, another beholder is government — other governments. In federations, governments of- ten deal directly with one another, a sphere of activity called executive federalism. When the central government negotiates agreements with one or more (but not all) regional governments, the rest are relegated to the status of observ- ers. As observers, they might well have ideas on the legitimacy of the activity, including the process used and the resulting agreement that is reached.
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Scharpf, Fritz W. "Legitimacy in the multilevel European polity." European Political Science Review 1, no. 2 (July 2009): 173–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773909000204.
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To be at the same time effective and liberal, governments must normally be able to count on voluntary compliance – which, in turn, depends on the support of socially shared legitimacy beliefs. In Western constitutional democracies, such beliefs are derived from the distinct, but coexistent traditions of ‘republican’ and ‘liberal’ political philosophy. Judged by these criteria, the European Union – when considered by itself – appears as a thoroughly liberal polity which, however, lacks all republican credentials. But this view (which seems to structure the debates about the ‘European democratic deficit’) ignores the multilevel nature of the European polity, where the compliance of citizens is requested, and needs to be legitimated, by member states, whereas the Union appears as a ‘government of governments’, which is entirely dependent on the voluntary compliance of its member states. What matters primarily, therefore, is the compliance–legitimacy relationship between the Union and its member states – which, however, is normatively constrained by the basic compliance–legitimacy relationship between member governments and their constituents. Given the high consensus requirements of European legislation, member governments could, and should, be able to assume political responsibility for European policies in which they had a voice, and to justify them in ‘communicative discourses’ in the national public space. That is not necessarily so for ‘non-political’ policy choices imposed by the European Court of Justice (ECJ). By enforcing its ‘liberal’ programme of liberalization and deregulation, the ECJ may presently be undermining the ‘republican’ bases of member-state legitimacy. Where that is the case, open non-compliance is a present danger, and political controls of judicial legislation may be called for.
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Canel, Maria-José, Evandro Samuel Oliveira, and Vilma Luoma-aho. "Exploring citizens’ judgments about the legitimacy of public policies on refugees." Journal of Communication Management 21, no. 4 (November 6, 2017): 355–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jcom-02-2017-0025.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is threefold: to introduce a theoretical frame regarding the meaning of legitimacy as an intangible asset of the public sector; to test a way of operationalizing legitimacy typologies that allows exploring and comparing how citizens from two countries evaluate the legitimacy of public policies; and to suggest implications for governments’ legitimacy-building strategies in shared international crisis, such as the refugees coming from the Syrian region. Design/methodology/approach Building on Suchman’s typology, it was defined and categorized different types of legitimacy into concrete measurable, communication related statements concerning consequential, procedural, structural and personal. For the illustrative example, four focus groups were conducted in two different European societies as a mean to have two poles of comparison. Findings The paper reports current understanding of legitimacy by citizens, discusses how different legitimacy types might demand different communication and public diplomacy approaches. The basis for hypothesis for further research on how governments should build legitimacy during emerging societal issues such as immigration policies is set. Practical implications It proposes a typology and its operationalization, discusses how communication might shape legitimacy and profiles the challenge governments have in building it. Within a public diplomacy context, it brings clues for new strategies to the challenge of explaining policies on international crisis combining the tension of domestic with foreign publics. Originality/value There is little research so far in search for clues for communication strategies for the legitimacy of policies on the 2015 European refugee’s crisis. This contributes to the emerging area of intangible assets in the public sector and tests a focus-group research strategy with both hermeneutical and pragmatic aims. Combine public diplomacy theory with public sector intangible assets theory to respond to the tension of internal and external public demands.
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Shang, Po P. "Myanmar's Foreign Policy: Shifting Legitimacy, Shifting Strategic Culture." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 41, no. 1 (October 22, 2021): 88–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/18681034211044481.
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Since 2011, while the principles of foreign policy “independent, active, and non-aligned” under the respective governments under the Union Solidarity and Development Party and the National League for Democracy have remained the same, the foreign policy approaches – including the concept of non-alignment – of the two leaders of these governments have been quite different. This article describes the survival and foreign policy of the small country of Myanmar beyond the great power lens, arguing that the impact of strategic culture on the two governments since 2011 has differed because of the different levels of legitimacy enjoyed by the two leaders. The cornerstones of Myanmar's strategic culture are (1) that it shall never tolerate foreign interference, (2) that it shall always pursue self-reliance in its diplomacy, and (3) that the very nature of Myanmar is to be independent.
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Taylor, Zack. "Pathways to legitimacy." Planning Theory 18, no. 2 (October 17, 2018): 214–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1473095218806929.
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Planners are centrally concerned with the legitimacy of planning institutions and practices. In a democratic society, governments depend on the voluntary compliance of external actors for the implementation of their policies. Planning theorists have largely focused on the inclusiveness and quality of deliberation in goal-setting. This article expands this focus using Scharpf’s and Schmidt’s distinction between three domains of legitimation—input, throughput, and output—each of which affords a distinct pathway to legitimacy. These legitimation processes are examined through a comparison of the postwar development of American regional planning institutions in Minneapolis–St Paul, Minnesota, and Portland, Oregon. The input-throughput-output distinction can be used to interpret the operation and impacts of historical planning activities, or prospectively to evaluate the potential impacts of institutional reforms.
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EGGERT, HÅKAN, and RAZACK B. LOKINA. "Regulatory compliance in Lake Victoria fisheries." Environment and Development Economics 15, no. 2 (November 13, 2009): 197–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1355770x09990106.
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ABSTRACTThis paper analyzes the causes for regulatory compliance, using traditional deterrence variables and potential moral and social variables. We use self-reported data from 459 Tanzanian artisanal fishers in Lake Victoria. The results indicate that the decision to be either a non-violator or a violator, as well as the violation rate – if the latter – are influenced by changes in deterrence variables like the probability of detection and punishment and also by legitimacy and social variables. We also identify a small group of fishers who react neither to normative aspects nor to traditional deterrence variables but persistently violate the regulation.
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Flückiger, Matthias, Markus Ludwig, and Ali Sina Önder. "Ebola and State Legitimacy." Economic Journal 129, no. 621 (January 8, 2019): 2064–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ecoj.12638.
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Abstract We exploit the West African Ebola epidemic as an event that necessitated the provision of a common-interest public good, Ebola control measures, to empirically investigate the effect of public good provision on state legitimacy. Our results show that state legitimacy, measured by trust in government authorities, increased with exposure to the epidemic. We argue, supported by results from SMS-message-based surveys, that a potentially important channel underlying this finding is a greater valuation of control measures in regions with intense transmission. Evidence further indicates that the effects of Ebola exposure are more pronounced in areas where governments responded relatively robustly to the epidemic.
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Murphy, Sean D. "Democratic Legitimacy and the Recognition of States and Governments." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 48, no. 3 (July 1999): 545–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589300063430.
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In a seminal 1992 article Thomas Franck postulated the emergence in international law of a right to democratic governance.1 Franck argued that, increasingly, the acceptance of a government by other States turns on whether the government governs with the consent of its people.In supporting this notion, Franck pointed to events such as the 1991 effort by Haitian military and police authorities to overthrow the elected President of Haiti, Jean-Bertrand Aristide. Although those authorities exercised complete control over Haiti, the international community condemned the coup leaders, refused to engage in normal diplomatic relations with them or to seat their representatives at international organisations, and instead continued to recognise the exiled President Aristide as representing the legitimate government of Haiti. Severe economic and ultimately military sanctions were imposed on Haiti, and finally, in 1994, the coup leaders were forced to relinquish power. President Aristide then returned to Haiti to complete his term as president.
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McQuarrie, Fiona A. E., Alex Kondra, and Kai Lamertz. "The impact of government's coercive power on the perceived legitimacy of Canadian post-secondary institutions." Canadian Journal of Higher Education 43, no. 2 (August 31, 2013): 149–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.47678/cjhe.v43i2.2571.
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Governments regulate and control organizations, yet their role in determining organizational legitimacy is largely unexamined. In the changing Canadian post-secondary landscape, legitimacy is an increasingly important issue for post-secondary institutions as they compete amongst themselves for access to ever-shrinking resources. Using an institutional theory framework, we analyze two examples of government policy and legislation relating to the organizational legitimacy of Canadian post-secondary institutions. Based on this analysis, we suggest a more nuanced understanding of the effects of government’s coercive power on organizational legitimacy.
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McDonough, Peter, Samuel H. Barnes, and Antonio López Pina. "The Growth of Democratic Legitimacy in Spain." American Political Science Review 80, no. 3 (September 1986): 735–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1960536.
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The political transition in Spain provides a rare opportunity to monitor popular attitudes toward alternative regimes. Through the analysis of national surveys conducted in 1978, 1979–80, and 1984, we first establish that the Spanish public distinguishes not only between successive governments—the Franquist and the center-right and socialist governments of the post-Franco period—but also between Francoism and democracy as political systems. Second, we show that during the post-Franco era the criteria of legitimacy have begun to shift from formal political to social democratic values. These analytical results are achieved by comparing standard with less orthodox measures of political legitimacy and performance, and by revising conventional theories of system support. Third, we estimate the determinants of support for and opposition to the two regimes. The Franquist system remains more polarizing than does the democratic system; the constituencies of the democratic regime are considerably broader and more heterogeneous. However, while the new democratic state is comparatively inclusive and autonomous, low rates of political participation and changes in traditional socialist ideology have made the institutional bases of legitimacy ambiguous.
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Olausson, Albin. "Legitimacy of uncertain policy work: Exploring values in local economic development projects." Local Economy: The Journal of the Local Economy Policy Unit 35, no. 5 (August 2020): 440–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0269094220953199.
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This article takes the standpoint that, due to high levels of uncertainty, local economic development work suffers from both input- and output-based legitimacy. Nevertheless, local governments are active development agents and try to come up with economic development initiatives. In order to better understand the legitimate basis for uncertain economic development work, this article offers an unconventional analysis of economic development projects. Drawing on scholars of organization theory, legitimacy is defined as congruence in values between the studied projects and the stakeholders in the surrounding environment. The article examines what kinds of values pervade local governments’ economic development projects. The empirical material is based on thick interview and observation data derived from a study of eight local development projects in Sweden. The results show that values of professionalization and deliberation pervade the analysed projects. Taking the two sets of values together, the results indicate that local government administration seeks to legitimize its economic development work as being based on professional directed processes of public deliberation. Both these sets of values challenge the local representative democratic system of government as the prime source of the legitimacy of local governments’ interventions.
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Yun, Ji-Whan. "Conservative Politics and Compassionate Paternalism in Korea and Japan." Asian Survey 59, no. 5 (September 2019): 911–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2019.59.5.911.
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It is widely predicted that East Asia’s conservative governments will lose political power for managing socioeconomic crises under neoliberal globalization and find no way out of their legitimacy problem. However, Korea’s and Japan’s conservative governments have recently constructed a new model of crisis management—compassionate paternalism—in a highly discretionary manner.
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Levin, Benjamin. "Review of Governments and Higher Education: The Legitimacy of Intervention." Canadian Journal of Higher Education 17, no. 3 (December 31, 1987): 74–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.47678/cjhe.v17i3.183024.
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Aguirre Ochoa, Jerjes, and Casimiro Leco Tomas. "Political legitimacy in Mexico and police in high-conflict areas." Revista Cimexus 15, no. 2 (December 1, 2020): 151–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.33110/cimexus150207.
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This paper analyzes the importance of political legitimacy in police actions in Mexico, especially in regions where criminal cartels build strategies that seek to justify their criminal activities through social and political actions that give them the legitimacy that the police lack on local and sub-national governments. The article observes aspects of legitimacy of the National Police of Colombia that can be applied to the Mexican case, specifically to the recently created Mexican National Guard. The analysis focuses on the municipalities of the so-called Tierra Caliente, Michoacana that exemplify the problems of political legitimacy and the difficulties that this implies for police activity.
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Schuit, Anne. "Recognition of Governments in International Law and the Recent Conflict in Libya." International Community Law Review 14, no. 4 (2012): 381–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18719732-12341236.
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Abstract The meaning of recognition of governments varies in time and between individual States. At a minimum it entails that the recognising State wishes to be bound by the international legal consequences of recognition. How to recognise a government is not defined, as the decision whether or not to recognise a government is a unilateral act and at the discretion of each individual State. The most important criteria for recognising a government are the effective control and the legitimacy doctrine, although some States have decided to abolish the recognition of governments all together. Applying the criteria for recognition of governments to the conflict in Libya in 2011, it is concluded that the recognition of the Transitional National Council by some States while the Gadaffi regime was still in control over large parts of the territory is probably not supported by the effective control or legitimacy doctrine. This could invoke State responsibility.
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Liu, Xiao-xiao, Lai Si Tsui-Auch, Jun Jie Yang, Xueli Wang, Aihua Chen, and Kai Wang. "The Color of Faults Depends on the Lens: MNCs’ Legitimacy Repair in Response to Framing by Local Governments in China." Management and Organization Review 15, no. 02 (June 2019): 429–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mor.2019.29.
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ABSTRACTConcerns over food safety in China not only direct public attention to negative incidents, but also trigger the government's scrutiny of implicated firms, particularly MNCs. The question of how to repair legitimacy after media coverage of negative incidents has become a critical issue for MNCs. Although the factors for MNCs’ public crises have been identified, how local contexts and mechanisms shape repair approaches remain unclear. To address this research gap, we conducted a study of Walmart China's approaches associated with two negative incidents across two regions. We found that the negative incidents can be framed differently depending on the local environment's unfavorability for MNCs. Specifically, the negative framing gave rise to varying degrees of legitimacy loss and offered different leeway for MNCs to repair their legitimacy. We also identified the varied outcomes of different repair approaches. By revealing the linkages among local context, framing, legitimacy repair, and its outcomes, our study contributes to research on MNCs’ legitimacy management under institutional complexity and underscores the China context for legitimacy maintenance. We also offer insights that advance the institutional approach to legitimacy repair in this context. Last, we reflect on the techniques for conducting qualitative research in China.
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Saugheh, Hamed Hasyemi, and Rohaida Nordin. "Legitimacy as a Precondition for the Recognition of New Governments: A Case of Libya." Sriwijaya Law Review 2, no. 1 (January 31, 2018): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.28946/slrev.vol2.iss1.111.pp69-81.
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Recognition of new Stets and governments is a political act with legal reverberations. Although the recognition of new States and governments is a traditional concept of international law but the challenging recognition of the transitional government of Libya proved that this traditional concept still can be highly exigent. Traditionally, the States in providing recognition to a new government follow their own benefits and privileges and rarely consider the structure, capacity and public support for the new government. If the rule of law and respecting democracy is going to be means of promoting peace and security is various areas of the world, is not it time to redefine the traditional concepts of international law (included of recognition of new States and government) from a new perspective? Considering the fact that, the existence of a legitimate authority in a group enhances the effective functioning of that group and reduces the internal conflicts, it seems that it is time to expand the political concept of legitimacy of the authorities into the international law. Is there any State practice to support the argument? In this article, the existence of norm creating forces and role of legitimacy in the recognition of the Libyan Transitional Government is going to be analysed. The After studying the role of legitimacy of the Libyan NTC in passing the sovereignty from the past regime to the new government by the international community, the effect of lack of legitimacy on the previous regime will be examined and the question of withdrawing of recognition of governments will be addressed.
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HENDERSON, DAVID. "WTO 2002: imaginary crisis, real problems." World Trade Review 1, no. 3 (November 2002): 277–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474745602001246.
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This article contests the view advanced by Daniel Esty in World Trade Review, that the WTO is now facing ‘a crisis of legitimacy’, for which the remedy is to create for it ‘links with popular sovereignty’, to broaden its objectives and concerns, and to establish it as part of a stronger system of ‘global governance’. I argue that the legitimacy of an international agency derives first and foremost from its member governments; that democratic legitimacy and ‘popular sovereignty’ do not necessarily go together; that non-governmental organizations have no valid claim in their own right to participate in the activities of international agencies; that bringing these organizations into the WTO would weaken and divide it; that governments, in handling and deciding trade matters, already take account of wider issues and goals and are not uncritically committed to freer trade; that it is still appropriate to limit the concerns of the WTO to questions relating to trade and trade liberalization; that globalization has neither undermined the power and competence of national states nor given rise to a need for new forms of global governance; and that the WTO, despite its now more secure status and enlarged scope as compared with the GATT, is for good reasons neither a powerful instrument of global governance nor in course of becoming so. While the Organization has no ‘legitimacy crisis’, it faces substantial problems both old and new. Its potential for useful activity largely depends, as in the past, on the readiness of its member governments to defend and pursue the goal of freer trade.
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Jo, Hyeran, and Catarina P. Thomson. "Legitimacy and Compliance with International Law: Access to Detainees in Civil Conflicts, 1991–2006." British Journal of Political Science 44, no. 2 (January 23, 2013): 323–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123412000749.
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Existing compliance research has focused on states’ adherence to international rules. This article reports on state and also non-state actors’ adherence to international norms. The analysis of warring parties’ behaviour in granting the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) access to detention centres between 1991 and 2006 shows that both governments and rebel groups adhere to the norm of accepting the ICRC in order to advance their pursuit of legitimacy. National governments are more likely to grant access when they are democracies and rely on foreign aid. Insurgent groups are more likely to grant access when they exhibit legitimacy-seeking characteristics, such as having a legal political wing, relying on domestic support, controlling territory and receiving transnational support.
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Bonsón, Enrique, David Perea, and Michaela Bednárová. "Environmental Disclosure as a Tool for Public Sector Legitimacy." International Journal of Public Administration in the Digital Age 7, no. 3 (July 2020): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijpada.2020070101.
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The purpose of this study is to measure the extent of Twitter environmental reporting by Andalusian municipalities (Spain) and identify the determinant factors of such a disclosure. Thus, factors such as population, geolocation, political signs, and sustainable commitments were analyzed under the legitimacy theory approach. The sample consisted of the official Twitter accounts of the 153 biggest local governments in Andalusia. The classification of the environmental tweets was based on a dictionary based on the GRI reporting standards for environmental disclosure, and a Twitter environmental disclosure index (TEDI) was developed. The results show that most of the local governments in Andalusia (77.78%) have an official Twitter account with different levels of audience, penetration, and activity. On the other hand, it was found that environmental disclosure is very low. However, municipalities with more surplus budget and municipalities with a greater number of sustainable commitments networks tend to report more on environmental issues through Twitter.
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Álvarez Soria, Ignacio Jesús. "La controversia del altar de Victoria." Studium, no. 22 (September 2, 2018): 13–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.26754/ojs_studium/stud.2016223017.
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El artículo trata sobre las ideas de tolerancia, igualdad, legitimidad y libertad religiosa en la Tardoantigüedad, tomando como ejemplo la discusión surgida en torno al altar de Victoria, que evidencia también las relaciones de las autoridades paganas y cristianas con el poder imperial. A través de esta discusión podremos ver los argumentos y peticiones utilizados por ambas partes, que en muchas ocasiones coinciden con los discursos que tenían antes de que cambiasen las tornas y el cristianismo se convirtiese en una religión hegemónica en el Imperio Romano.
The article is about the ideas of religious tolerance, equality, legitimacy and liberty in the Late Antiquity with the example of the controversy of Victoria’s altar. This controversy also evinces the connection of Pagan and Christian authorities with the imperial power. Through this dispute, we can know the arguments and requests used by both parties; which usually agree with the reasons that the contrary had before Christianity became the dominant religion in the Roman Empire.
Symmachus, Ambrosius, Empire, religion, tolerance, Late Antiquity
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Hassfurther, Isabelle. "Transforming the “International Unsociety”: Towards Eutopia by Means of International Recognition of Peoples’ Representatives." Volume 60 · 2017 60, no. 1 (January 1, 2018): 451–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/gyil.60.1.451.
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This paper proposes a criterion of legitimacy for recognition of governments as a contribution to the “revolution in the mind”, a procedural vehicle towards a transformed international society envisioned by Philip Allott in his latest work ‘Eutopia’. It is suggested that in order to promote a shift from mere State co-existence to Allott’s Eutopia – a unified and flourishing human society – the representatives participating in the international process of renegotiating common values and ideas must be chosen according to a criterion coinciding with this end, not based on effective territorial control. Against this background, different contemporary proposals for determining legitimacy of governments are discussed, none of which seem apt to designate those employing the central mediating function between inner-State societies and the international sphere. Neither constitutional legality nor imposing a system of democratic legitimation necessarily ensure adequate representation of the free choice of the peoples. By contrast, the right to political self-determination, understood as an entitlement to exercise public sovereignty and be represented by the chosen government, provides a point of departure for a criterion of legitimacy sufficiently respecting normative expectations of the distinct national societies. Beyond this relative component, however, the dual role of legitimacy on the international plane calls for certain additional criteria reflecting a prospective international society’s core values. Therefore, a regime’s commission of mass atrocities, violating ius cogens norms which prioritise human beings and their flourishing, invariably deprives it of legitimacy to participate in the international self-constituting. A criterion of legitimacy so understood – combining relative and absolute standards of legitimacy, thereby ensuring the representation of varying societies’ ideas while safeguarding certain international core standards – could facilitate a ‘transitory Eutopia’ of legitimate peoples’ representatives, ultimately serving as a catalyst towards Allott’s “shared humanity of all human beings”.
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Mena, Sébastien, and Guido Palazzo. "Input and Output Legitimacy of Multi-Stakeholder Initiatives." Business Ethics Quarterly 22, no. 3 (July 2012): 527–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/beq201222333.
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ABSTRACT:In a globalizing world, governments are not always able or willing to regulate the social and environmental externalities of global business activities. Multi-stakeholder initiatives (MSI), defined as global institutions involving mainly corporations and civil society organizations, are one type of regulatory mechanism that tries to fill this gap by issuing soft law regulation. This conceptual paper examines the conditions of a legitimate transfer of regulatory power from traditional democratic nation-state processes to private regulatory schemes, such as MSIs. Democratic legitimacy is typically concerned with input legitimacy (rule credibility, or the extent to which the regulations are perceived as justified) and output legitimacy (rule effectiveness, or the extent to which the rules effectively solve the issues). In this study, we identify MSI input legitimacy criteria (inclusion, procedural fairness, consensual orientation, and transparency) and those of MSI output legitimacy (rule coverage, efficacy, and enforcement), and discuss their implications for MSI democratic legitimacy.
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Earl, Anna, and Snejina Michailova. "Home governments and MNEs in Russia: Relationships and MNE external legitimacy." Journal of International Management 27, no. 2 (June 2021): 100847. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.intman.2021.100847.
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Williams, Mark, and Rod Keenan. "Summary of Session 3: Climate change adaptation for Victoria." Proceedings of the Royal Society of Victoria 125, no. 1 (2013): 32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/rs13014.
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The session on adaptation to climate change was covered by four speakers who, in turn, addressed the topic by putting the case for using scenarios for climate adaptation, looking at climate change adaptation efforts by Victorian local governments, discovering what we have learned from Victorian Indigenous communities and an overview of current policy arrangements in response to climate change.
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de Wet, Erika. "The role of democratic legitimacy in the recognition of governments in Africa since the end of the Cold War." International Journal of Constitutional Law 17, no. 2 (April 2019): 470–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/icon/moz036.
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Abstract This article explores whether recent institutional reforms within Africa have modified the traditional criterion of effective control as the decisive requirement for recognition of de jure governments in the region. It examines in particular whether measures adopted by the African Union (AU) for outlawing unconstitutional changes of government have elevated democratic legitimacy to an (additional) criterion for governmental recognition. The article illustrates that on the whole, the practice of the AU has been neither consistent in the condemnation of coup regimes nor keen to support popular movements that oppose authoritarian rule, or scrutinize the democratic pedigree of governments for the purposes of (continued) recognition. In essence, the AU’s institutional commitments to oppose unconstitutional changes of government amount to guiding principles, rather than binding obligations. While at times decisive, democratic legitimacy has not yet replaced effective control as the point of departure for governmental recognition.
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Nyman-Metcalf, Katrin, and Ioannis Papageorgiou. "The Right for Regional Integration Organisations to Protect Democracy: Legitimacy at the Regional Level?" Baltic Journal of European Studies 6, no. 1 (February 1, 2016): 28–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bjes-2016-0002.
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AbstractRecently there have been several examples of different regional integration systems intervening to prevent unconstitutional events. The interventions can be based on explicit powers or be developed in response to events. This happens despite most regional integration systems having economic cooperation rather than explicit democratisation aims. Organs that issue laws or take constraining decisions must have a clear right to do this and a basis for exercising power-in other words, be legitimate. Where legitimacy comes from is debated, but as most countries today are democracies or purport to be, it somehow emanates from the people. National governments have a higher degree of legitimacy than regional integration organisations, possibly except the European Union. Regional integration organisations have to prove their legitimacy. The article examines if, to what extent, and on what basis regional integration systems have the right to exercise an independent role on the global stage. Legitimacy is a precondition for effective application of decisions of the organisation. Given the frequent lack of strong enforcement mechanisms, the question of legitimacy becomes even more important. With strong legitimacy, decisions taken by the regional integration organisation will be followed to a large extent even despite absence of effective enforcement mechanisms.
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Giacomini, Davide, Laura Rocca, Paola Zola, and Mario Mazzoleni. "Local Governments’ environmental disclosure via social networks: Organizational legitimacy and stakeholders’ interactions." Journal of Cleaner Production 317 (October 2021): 128290. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jclepro.2021.128290.
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Pastorella, Giulia. "Technocratic Governments in Europe: Getting the Critique Right." Political Studies 64, no. 4 (July 5, 2015): 948–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.12217.
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In Europe, technocratic governments have become a popular topic of debate. Commentators have condemned them as a ‘suspension of democracy’ or even as ‘the end of democracy as we know it’. However, no academic analysis has assessed whether technocratic governments are indeed undemocratic. This article is intended to fill this gap by assessing technocratic governments’ democratic credentials. It compares them to party governments along the main dimensions of party democracy, including representation, deliberation, constitutionality and legitimacy. It concludes that technocratic governments in Europe are not undemocratic per se, but are still a worrying phenomenon insofar as they reveal shortcomings that remain hidden in normal party governments: a loosening of delegation and accountability ties between voters, parties and cabinets; increasing external pressures on domestic political actors; and the weakening of partisan ideology-based politics. The article will add further elements to reinforce the already vast literature on the crisis of – especially party – democracy in Europe.
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Cerna, Christina M. "Democratic Legitimacy and Respect for Human Rights: The New Gold Standard." AJIL Unbound 108 (2014): 222–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s239877230000221x.
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Erika de Wet argues that state practice reveals that democratic legitimacy has not established itself alongside effective control for the purpose of recognition of governments in customary international law. My response is that we do not need to look to custom, difficult as it is to identify, when we have legally binding obligations such as those set forth in both the OAS Charter and the Inter-American Democratic Charter (IADC), not to mention the comparable European and African instruments. The new gold standard for recognition, I submit, is democratic legitimacy and respect for human rights, which has replaced “effective control.”
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Wedell, George. "Here is the news, the BBC is tumbling down." Government and Opposition 32, no. 2 (April 1997): 275–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1997.tb00162.x.
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ALL GOVERNMENTS WHETHER OR NOT PARTICIPATIVE NEED TO KEEP an eye on public opinion if they are to maintain their legitimacy. Even autocratic governments have to provide some bread and circuses for their citizens if they are to stay in power. Autocratic governments throughout history have relied on achieving the acquiescence of their citizens first by convincing most of them that the status quo is the best available, given the constraints under which the government is operating at the time. Alternatively they have had to externalize their problems by convincing the citizens that there is external pressure which can be resisted only by the exercise of restraint and patriotic support for the government.
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Harsono, Dwi. "PERFORMANCE LEGITIMACY: THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC CONDITIONS UNDER THE SULTAN’S ADMINISTRATION IN YOGYAKARTA." NATAPRAJA 8, no. 1 (May 1, 2020): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.21831/jnp.v8i1.31277.
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In his capacity as governor, Hamengkubuwono has a coordinating role to play between the provincial, municipal and district governments in Yogyakarta. Though most policy responsibility lies with the districts and city of Yogyakarta, the sultan still has an important function to fulfil as effective cooperation between different tiers of government is a crucial factor in facilitating successful policy outcomes at the local level. For the sultan, his role as mediator and coordinator works well because it reinforces public perceptions of him as a neutral arbiter who stays aloof from the bickering of day-to-day politics. Over the years, he has cultivated this image of a paternalistic figure by making regular appeals to district heads and the mayor of Yogyakarta to serve the people better. In the rare events where conflicts arise over public policy (for example over land), Hamengkubuwono successfully deflected the blame for controversial policies to the lower-level governments, even though the royal palace often has a direct stake in these policy decisions.
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Manfredi-Sánchez, Juan Luis. "Sanctuary Cities: What Global Migration Means for Local Governments." Social Sciences 9, no. 8 (August 14, 2020): 146. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci9080146.
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Cities have become active participants in implementing migration policies, thereby expanding the meaning of the word “global” with regard to the activity of local governments. International movement tends to flow toward and converge on metropolitan areas. This paper discusses the role of cities in immigration policy by taking into consideration legitimacy, authority, and public governance. Under Donald Trump’s crackdown on sanctuary cities, this study sheds light on implementation policies worldwide, and on the role of social demands in opening cities to migrants. Finally, the sovereignty-free approach explains why cities like San Francisco and Barcelona have opposed national foreign policy.
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Jafari, Mahtab. "The Relationship between Performance of the Administrative System and National Authority of Governments: An Islamic Point Of View." Public administration aspects 6, no. 4 (May 15, 2018): 5–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/15201817.
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Each government consists of two dimensions: 1) a sructural dimension that involves policy- and decision-making bodies and, 2) a functional dimension that is a set of government institutions and administrations. Also, national authority in a country is an outcome of three components, including legitimacy, acceptance, and efficiency of its government. The authority of governments is not merely limited to their structural legitimacy and acceptance; but, their functional dimension and the performance of their administrations also play a crucial role in building and strengthening their legitimacy. Therefore, the aim of the present study is to investigate how the administrative system of a government affects its national authority, with an emphasis on the Islamic point of view. To do so, this research has been carried out within the framework of theoretical research with practical purpose. The research method of the current study was descriptive-analytical. In the present study, the relationship between two variables – namely, “administrative system” and “national authority”– has been investigated within the framework of causal research. Due to the theoretical nature of this study, the resources used mostly include documents and library resources. The results of this study indicate that there is a direct and causal relationship between the national authority of governments (effect) and the performance of their administrative system (cause). Also, this relationship reveals how the administrative system affects national authority.
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Blanco-González, Alicia, Giorgia Miotto, Francisco Díez-Martín, and Camilo Prado-Román. "Relationship Between Equality Policies and Moral Legitimacy According to Experts’ Perceptions." Tripodos, no. 48 (December 2, 2020): 103–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.51698/tripodos.2020.48p103-116.
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The gender equality topic is gaining momentum both in the organizational and in the institutional management field. In order to close the gender gap that is common in the business environment, governments are promoting full and effective inclusion of women in all business areas and levels, developing useful policies to reach equal career progress opportunities and access to the highest level of the decision-making stages in the political, economic and public context. Companies also apply and implement these kinds of policies. The design and application of gender equality policies generates multiple benefits for companies’ intangible assets, such as positive reputation and legitimacy. Companies who apply effective equality policies can expect an improvement in their internal and external social acceptance, and, therefore, an increase in their moral legitimacy perception. The objective of this study is to verify how gender equality policies influence the corporate moral legitimacy. To measure this relationship, a sample of 75 experts in social responsibility has been used and a model of a regression has been applied to measure the impact of gender equality policies on moral legitimacy.
Keywords: legitimacy, gender equality, corporate social responsibility, sustainability, ethics.
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Fünfgeld, Hartmut. "Framing the challenge of climate change adaptation for Victorian local governments." Proceedings of the Royal Society of Victoria 125, no. 1 (2013): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/rs13016.
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Climate change adaptation, although dependent on our understanding of current and future climatic trends, is predominantly a social and institutional process. This becomes evident when studying how organisations actually respond to and prepare for climate change impacts. This paper explores the notion of framing climate change adaptation as a process of organisational development and change in the local government sector. Local governments, as the tier of government closest to the community, provide a raft of services to residents and businesses, many of which may be affected by the impacts of a changing climate. Local governments in Victoria and elsewhere have been at the forefront of assessing climatic risks and opportunities, as well as devising strategies and response measures to address these risks. The growing evidence of adaptation planning in the local government sector suggests that adaptation can be framed in many different ways, although a risk management perspective is frequently applied. Increasingly, adaptation to climate change is conceptualised as an ongoing, flexible process that needs to be fully embedded in the local and organisational context. This paper discusses the conceptual and organisational framing of climate change adaptation, illustrated by examples of the diversity of adaptation approaches taken by local governments in Victoria.
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Mojtahedi, Mohammad, and Bee Lan Oo. "Built Infrastructure Conditions Mediate the Relationship between Stakeholders Attributes and Flood Damage: An Empirical Case Study." Sustainability 13, no. 17 (August 30, 2021): 9739. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13179739.
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Most of the previous research has tended to focus on the impact of flood characteristics on built infrastructure damage rather than to investigate the condition of the infrastructure and stakeholders’ capacity to manage flood risks. The role of stakeholder attributes, such as the power, legitimacy, and urgency of local governments, in reducing the impact of disasters on built infrastructure remains ambiguous. Stakeholders’ organizational attributes, together with socio-economic and built infrastructure conditions, need to be considered to provide a better understanding of how to reduce disaster risk. The main aim of this research was to empirically investigate the mediating role of socio-economic and infrastructure conditions in the direct relationship between stakeholders’ attributes and economic damage to road infrastructure from flooding. Survey data collected from local governments in New South Wales, Australia and historical data for over 20 years from archive databases were analyzed using structural equation modeling with the partial least squares estimation approach. The results showed that socio-economic and infrastructure conditions have significant mediating effects on the direct relationship between stakeholders’ attributes and flood damage. Engaging stakeholders proactively empowers legitimate stakeholders in urgent conditions, and this is essential to reduce the economic impact of flood disasters and to better manage road infrastructure. Finally, to better manage flood risks, local governments need to improve their capacity of power, legitimacy, and urgency; state and federal governments need to improve the socio-economic conditions of the communities; and the transport infrastructure authorities need to develop long-term solutions for resilient roads and bridges.
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Brayson, Kimberley. "Securing the Future of the European Court of Human Rights in the Face of uk Opposition." International Human Rights Law Review 6, no. 1 (May 24, 2017): 53–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22131035-00601001.
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This article highlights transnational consequences for access to justice of political posturing by national governments in respect of the European Convention on Human Rights (echr). It charts the uk context preceding the adoption of Protocol 15, which inserts the concepts of subsidiarity and the margin of appreciation into the echr preamble. The article argues that whilst this was an attempt to curb the European Court of Human Rights’ (ECtHR) powers, this proved limited in effect, as the court is too well established as a Supreme Court for Europe in the cosmopolitan legal order of the echr. The political-legal interplay which is the genesis of the echr system means that political manoeuvring from national governments is inevitable, but not fatal to its existence. However, the legitimacy of the ECtHR is secured only through political concessions, which act to expel surplus subjects from echr protection. The article concludes that the legitimacy of the ECtHR is therefore secured at the cost of individuals whose rights are worth less than the future of the court.
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Woestenburg, Alexander, Erwin van der Krabben, and Tejo Spit. "Legitimacy Dilemmas in Direct Government Intervention: The Case of Public Land Development, an Example from the Netherlands." Land 8, no. 7 (July 9, 2019): 110. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/land8070110.
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The current paper examines the legitimacy dilemmas that rise from local governments’ direct policy instruments and market interventions. It takes the case of public land management strategies. The paper argues that current societal challenges—such as energy transition, climate change and inclusive urban innovation—require planning practices to be more effective. Direct government instruments such as direct market interventions have proven to significantly reduce the implementation gap of planning practice. Looking at significant urban challenges, municipalities worldwide could be urged to apply such direct government instruments on a larger scale in the future. However, although direct government intervention in markets can be very effective, it is also controversial in terms of legitimacy. It explicitly and inevitably introduces financial incentives to the organization of government. Balancing these incentives against spatial planning interests unavoidably causes dilemmas. Based on eight Dutch case studies, this paper develops a framework to systematically spell out the legitimacy dilemmas that stem from public market intervention. It facilitates an explicit discussion on varying instrumental rationalities and improving the legitimacy of public action.
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Okumu, Charles Onjumi, and Anthony Fee. "Understanding the impacts of Chinese business activity in Kenya from the perspective of locals." critical perspectives on international business 15, no. 4 (October 7, 2019): 361–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/cpoib-06-2019-0037.
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Purpose The authors report a field study examining the perceptions of Kenyan host-country stakeholders toward activities of Chinese businesses in their country, and the consequences of this on the legitimacy that they bestow on pertinent entities. Design/methodology/approach Interviews and observations across an eight-week period of field research revealed generally negative attitudes toward Chinese businesses, with issues pertinent to moral legitimacy prominent, notably, perceptions of corrupt practices, environmental neglect and profit expatriation. Findings The authors also find evidence that these negative attitudes spilled over to contaminate Kenyans’ perceptions of their own government, which respondents associated closely with the activities of Chinese entities. Originality/value The authors extend understanding of legitimacy theory and the implications of foreign business activity by highlighting that businesses may be mistaken to believe that their international business activities are politically neutral, and while host governments may believe that the economic benefits arising from attracting foreign business activity can buttress their legitimacy, the perceived activities of these businesses, in the absence of supporting institutional frameworks, may render this counterproductive.
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W. Bulliet, Richard. "Neo-Mamluk Legitimacy and the Arab Spring." Middle East Law and Governance 3, no. 1-2 (March 25, 2011): 60–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633711x591422.
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Many explanatory suppositions have been off ered to account for the civil disorder that struck so many Arab countries in the first six months of 2011. The popular term for this multi-nation upheaval is the Arab Spring. Most of these theories, however, have lacked a mechanism for linking the challenges to existing governments to the specific Arab societies that experienced them. The approach that will be advanced here is that the Arab Spring represented a failure of legitimacy on the part of a particular political formation —rule by military officers and their families, which bore the brunt of the popular uprisings of the Arab Spring. Why did the legitimacy of this system of rule suffer simultaneous collapse while other Arab regimes, in particular the monarchies, did not? I term this political formation neo-Mamluk rule to connect it to precursor regimes that go back to the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Only by tracing the origins of neo-Mamluk rule can one discover the keys to the crisis of legitimacy that has been manifest in recent months.
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Hayat, Samuel, and José María Rosales. "The Modernity of Political Representation." Contributions to the History of Concepts 15, no. 1 (June 1, 2020): 69–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/choc.2020.150104.
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Representation is a major and multifaceted concept of modern politics. Through open and regular elections, it shields the democratic character of representative governments, compelling politicians to pursue the interests of their constituencies and become responsive to their demands. But since the concept of representation is so embedded in the day-to-day workings of democratic regimes, it has largely lost significant traces of its history that shed light on its political dawn. The instrumentalization of the concept by representative governments in order to assess their democratic legitimacy obfuscates its seminal ambiguities and the history of conflicts about its meaning and institutional functions.
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ESTY, DANIEL C. "The World Trade Organization's legitimacy crisis." World Trade Review 1, no. 1 (March 2002): 7–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474745601001021.
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Despite the successful launch of a new round of multilateral trade negotiations at Doha, the World Trade Organization faces a legitimacy crisis. Protests continue to rock major international economic meetings, and the WTO's role in globalization is being questioned by many observers. This paper examines the contours of this crisis and explores the possibility that the WTO's indirect ties to popular sovereignty – through national governments – provide an insufficient foundation for the trade regime's authority and central role in the emerging structure of global governance. Arguing that the WTO needs to re-establish its legitimacy based on wider links to the public around the world in whose name freer trade is pursued, the paper suggests that the WTO must also re-build its reputation for efficacy in a context where success is no longer measured exclusively in narrow economic terms. To be seen as serving the interests of the world community broadly, the trade regime needs to pursue its economic goals in a fashion that shows sensitivity to other important goals and values, such as poverty alleviation, environmental protection, and the promotion of public health. Long-term success further depends on the trade regime becoming embedded within a broader structure of global governance that provides ‘checks and balances’ and reinforces the legitimacy of international trade policy making.