Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Legitimacy of governments Victoria'
To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Legitimacy of governments Victoria.
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 44 dissertations / theses for your research on the topic 'Legitimacy of governments Victoria.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse dissertations / theses on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Axelrod, Paul Scott. "Political legitimacy and self-loss /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10710.
Full text
2
Karlsson, Christer. "Democracy, legitimacy and the European Union /." Uppsala : Uppsala University Library, 2001. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sub-hamburg/329961624.pdf.
Full text
3
Chan, Yuk-kit, and 陳鋈傑. "Staging democracy: rethinking political legitimacy and the public sphere." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2012. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B50534166.
Full textAbstract:
By now it has become a common observation that liberal and republican models of democracy are inadequate in making sense of the expansive political landscape in today’s complex and pluralistic societies. Deliberative democracy has become a new favorite amongst scholars in the attempt to reinvigorate democracy through normative frameworks that emphasize rationality, consensus and informed discussions. On the other hand, scholars have questioned whether the this model is effective with regards to present forms of political engagements that are often mediatized and staged in ways that fall short of deliberative ideals.
This research moves beyond these models in the attempt to better capture the complex power relations that underpin contemporary liberal democratic societies. This involves rethinking concepts of political legitimacy and the public sphere. Through interrogating Habermas’s discourse model of democracy and putting him in dialogue with the works of Lefort and Foucault, it will be demonstrated that it is useful to view political legitimacy not as a status but a process in which individuals legitimate or de-legitimate the power relations that they find themselves in. In addition, the public sphere should be conceptualized as the public stage, in which individuals must struggle with not only the state apparatuses, but also with oppressive or dominating forms of power, in the government of both themselves and others. By redefining these two important concepts in political philosophy, this research seeks to rethink modern democracy as constituting the very condition of indeterminacy.published_or_final_version
Philosophy
Master
Master of Philosophy
4
Li, Chan-man Philip, and 李燦文. "The issue of dynastic legitimacy of the Three Kingdoms asseen in Zizhi Tongjian." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1989. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31949526.
Full text
5
Saward, M. "Co-option and legitimacy : The varieties and consequences of formal incorporation." Thesis, University of Essex, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.384595.
Full text
6
Depner, Wolfgang. "The effectiveness and legitimacy of federal minority governments in Canada since 1945." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/47034.
Full textAbstract:
Despite popular expectations and theoretical predictions, Canada’s first-past-the- post electoral system continues to produce minority governments, defined by Forsey “as government by a cabinet with less than half of the seats in the House of Commons.” Since 1945, almost half of all federal elections have produced this form of government. Drawing instruction from the most recent run of minority governments between 2004 and 2011, the dissertation scrutinizes the effectiveness and legitimacy of the nine federal minority governments that have governed Canada since 1945. Methodologically, it treats them as probationary majorities and retroactively judges their effectiveness by whether they shed this status. Effectiveness, so understood, can in turn be explained by a number of different factors best seen through the prism of the prevailing Canadian party system. Turning to the question of legitimacy, the dissertation adopts a dualistic view of legitimacy in judging the surveyed minority governments by their (i) constitutional legitimacy and (ii) input legitimacy. Concerning the former, it argues that federal minority governments have historically played fast and loose with the constitutional conventions that sustain them. Concerning the latter, it argues further that minority governments have generally failed to improve the input legitimacy of parliamentary government, contrary to the position of Russell and others scholars who claim that minority government has the capacity to improve the ‘deliberative’ nature of the Commons. The present study challenges the claim of Russell and others in finding that minority government actually increases partisanship in discouraging genuine deliberation, as defined by theorists of deliberative democracy. It finds minority government nonetheless to be legitimate, according to Canada’s constitutional conventions.
7
Zhu, Jiafeng, and 朱佳峰. "Farewell to political obligation : toward a new liberal theory of political legitimacy." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10722/196492.
Full textAbstract:
Is there a general moral duty to obey the law because it is the law? This is the question of political obligation. The issue of political obligation is allegedly a central topic of political philosophy, because political obligation is often assumed to be necessary for state legitimacy; that is to say, for a state to be legitimate, it must be capable of imposing political obligation on the governed. Nonetheless, the literature has indicated that it is enormously difficult, at least within the liberal doctrine that many find most attractive, to justify political obligation. Given that political obligation is viewed as an indispensable part of state legitimacy, skepticism about political obligation points to a seemingly inescapable yet disturbing conclusion: no existing liberal state is legitimate, no matter how just it is. This skeptical position is also known as philosophical anarchism.
This study aims to show that philosophical anarchism is not as irresistible as it appears. But I do not take the traditional approach of refuting philosophical anarchism by defending or developing theories of political obligation. On the contrary, I devote the first part of my thesis to consolidating the skepticism about political obligation.
The approach I favor is to argue that political obligation is not necessary for state legitimacy. If this point can be established, then even if political obligation is unjustified, it will not automatically lead to philosophical anarchism. This constitutes the second part of my thesis, where I develop a conception of “legitimacy without political obligation” and defend it against the objection that it is either conceptually or morally wrong to claim that a legitimate state need not impose political obligation on its subjects.published_or_final_version
Politics and Public Administration
Doctoral
Doctor of Philosophy
8
Lo, Wai-yan. "An analysis of the power of the Hong Kong government in education policy making." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1995. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B1403475X.
Full text
9
Morales, Diez de Ulzurrun Laura. "Institutions, mobilisation, and political participation political membership in western countries /." Madrid : Centro de Estudios Avanzados en Ciencias Sociales, Instituto Juan March de Estudios e Investigaciones, 2004. http://books.google.com/books?id=NNOGAAAAMAAJ.
Full text
10
Li, Chan-man Philip. "The issue of dynastic legitimacy of the Three Kingdoms as seen in Zizhi Tongjian Lun "Zi zhi tong jian" dui San guo zheng run wen ti zhi chu li /." Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 1989. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B31949526.
Full text
11
Kurnitzki-West, Vera. "Legitimation and legitimacy in Canadian federal communications policies and practices." Thesis, McGill University, 1985. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=63240.
Full text
12
Szewczyk, Bart Michael Julius. "European citizenship and national democracy : sources of EU legitimacy in the common interest and in service of human dignity." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610301.
Full text
13
Tennyson, Kristin M. "Establishing legitimacy and democratic rule of law in Latin America their impact on victimization in 12 countries /." [Gainesville, Fla.] : University of Florida, 2009. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/UFE0024927.
Full text
14
Choudhury, Zahidul Arefin. "Politics of natural disaster : how governments maintain legitimacy in the wake of major disasters, 1990-2010." Diss., University of Iowa, 2013. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/1566.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation is about major natural disasters, and how they contribute to legitimacy crises of governments. Three major factors explain the emergence of a legitimacy crisis in a post-disaster context: the frequency of disaster occurrence, the quality of the government response to disasters, and the type of regime within which the government operates. Employing a large-N statistical analysis of data on major natural disasters and anti-government domestic political activities for the years between 1990 and 2010, I show that higher counts of disasters, as a rule, increase the risks of anti-government demonstrations, revolutions, riots, guerrilla warfare, and intrastate conflict. The disaster-political opposition relationship is conditional upon the characteristics of political regimes. No regime is entirely free from the political dangers of disasters. Consolidated autocracies and well established democracies are less likely than mixed regimes to observe political crises in the context of a higher frequency of natural disasters.
To evaluate the quality of government response and how it mediates the disaster-legitimacy relationship, I conduct a qualitative analysis of news reports on four major disaster events in South Asia - cyclone Sidr of 2007 and cyclone Aila of 2009 in Bangladesh and cyclone Aila and the Kashmir earthquake of 2005 in India. The case studies reveal that poor preparedness and inadequate immediate and long-term response of a government invite public criticism of the incumbent, antigovernment protest movements, and anti-incumbent voting in elections. When opposition parties translate this public frustration into broader political mobilization, the moral claim of the incumbent to remain in power diminishes substantially, sometimes causing a legitimacy crisis. As opposed to common expectations, democracy may not provide the best political environment for effective disaster response. The quality of government response is influenced rather by a regime's security concerns, the level of administrative efficacy and corruption, the military's role in the disaster response process, socio-economic conditions of the affected people, and leadership competition over the disaster management process.
This study has broader implications for understanding the kinds of political strains that disasters create in a society and how governments function in Bangladesh and India. Much of these governments' energy is devoted to managing disasters, which diminishes their capacity to govern. Political elites in Bangladesh and India use disaster events as opportunities to strengthen clientelism and exclude political opposition in the affected areas
15
Olschewski, Boris. "Herrschaftswechsel, Legitimitätswechsel : die Mediatisierungen Biberachs und Friedbergs im europäischen Kontext (1802-1806) /." Trier : Kliomedia, 2009. http://d-nb.info/992915171/04.
Full text
16
Garme, Cecilia. "Newcomers to power how to sit on someone else's throne : socialists conquer France in 1981, non-socialists conquer Sweden in 1976 /." Uppsala : Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis, 2001. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/48621507.html.
Full text
17
Tse, Yuk-how. "An exploration of the relationship between political legitimacy and control of corruption in Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1999. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B36194967.
Full text
18
Allard-Tremblay, Yann. "Epistemic theories of democracy, constitutionalism and the procedural legitimacy of fundamental rights." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3465.
Full textAbstract:
The overall aim of this thesis is to assess the legitimacy of constitutional laws and bills of rights within the framework of procedural epistemic democracy. The thesis is divided into three sections. In the first section, I discuss the relevance of an epistemic argument for democracy under the circumstances of politics: I provide an account of reasonable disagreement and explain how usual approaches to the authority of decision-making procedures fail to take it seriously. In the second part of the thesis, I provide an account of the epistemic features of democracy and of the requirements of democratic legitimacy. I develop a revised pragmatist argument for democracy which relies on three presumptive aims of decision-making: justice, sustainability and concord. In the third and last section, I first argue for the desirability of constitutionalism. I then explain why constitutionalism, as it is usually understood, is incompatible with my procedural epistemic account of democratic legitimacy. In the last chapter, I offer a two-pronged solution to the apparent incompatibility of constitutionalism and epistemic democracy. I first argue for the appropriateness of political constitutionalism, as opposed to legal constitutionalism, in understanding the relationship between rights and democracy. I then provide an account of rights protection and judicial review compatible with epistemic democratic legitimacy. Finally, I use the notion of pragmatic encroachment to explain how constitutional laws can achieve normative supremacy through the increased epistemic credentials of the procedure.
19
Okafor, Obiora Chinedu. "Re-defining legitimacy : international law, multilateral institutions and the problem of socio-cultural fragmentation within established African states." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape15/PQDD_0010/NQ34602.pdf.
Full text
20
Lo, Wai-yan, and 羅維恩. "An analysis of the power of the Hong Kong government in education policy making." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1995. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31958072.
Full text
21
Dagkas-Tsoukalas, Vladimiros. "Liberal trusteeship : preparatory work for an epistemic defence of non-egalitarian liberalism." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/10251.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines some epistemic defences of democracy put forward by David Estlund, Michael Fuerstein, Cheryl Misak, and Fabienne Peter, as well as a critique of democracy raised by Jason Brennan. It then develops an epistemic defence of a moderately non-egalitarian system, which it proposes to call liberal trusteeship. According to the proposed theory, the power to draft laws ought to be separated from the power to enact those drafts into law. The former power ought to be vested in trustees, who are essentially specialists that have inquired extensively into a given matter, and the latter power ought to be vested in a democratically elected parliament. Subsequently, this thesis argues that parliament should nevertheless have the prerogative to ultimately override trustees on ethics and pass its own legislation regulating moral matters; that the criteria for selecting trustees should be determined by jury courts; and that parliament and jury courts should be given some powers to influence the composition of trustee committees, so that the political process can guard against the risk that trustees might be biased or corrupt. The above proposal is grounded on three principal claims. Firstly, this thesis argues that moral authority and legitimacy ought to be reserved for the political system that strikes the best balance between competence and equality. Secondly, it argues that liberal trusteeship is more likely than democracy to determine correctly what ought to be done in light of the progress of open and vigorous inquiry into a given matter. Thirdly, and as a result, it argues that liberal trusteeship is likely to exercise power sufficiently more competently than democracy, such that its moderate deviation from political equality will be justified. In the light of this, the thesis concludes that liberal trusteeship would strike a better balance between competence and equality than democracy.
22
MacDonald, Lindsey Te Ata o. Tu. "The political philosophy of property rights." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Social and Political Sciences, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/2270.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis argues that within political philosophy, property rights deserve closer attention than has been paid to them recently because the legitimacy of a state rests upon their definition and enforcement. In this way property rights differ from the right to liberty or equality. A state may or may not have liberty or equality, but it has no meaning at all if it does not enforce the rights of property. This is not to suggest that normative arguments for property rights are ‘nonsense upon stilts’. Morality may provide many reasons for an individual to exclude other members of a political community from a property. However, the function of property rights is to enforce that exclusion and this suggests that the normative legitimacy of a state is closely bound both to its ability to enforce whatever property rights it already has granted, and its justification of decisions taken when property rights are granted within its borders. My argument is that a proper political philosophy of property rights should acknowledge that a state depends upon its treatment of property rights for justification, not as a matter of justice, but as a matter of its existence.
23
Paskeviciute, Aida. "The role of political parties for political system support in established and new democracies." Online access via UMI:, 2005.
Find full text
24
Schröder, Hinrich. "Die völkerrechtliche Verantwortlichkeit im Zusammenhang mit failed und failing States /." Baden-Baden : Nomos, 2007. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=015477608&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.
Full text
25
Forman, Mark, and n/a. "The politics of inheritance? : the language of inheritance in Romans within its first-century Greco-Roman Imperial context." University of Otago. Department of Theology and Religious Studies, 2007. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20080128.161919.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis is an exploration of the extent to which Paul�s terminology of Inheritance [(...)] in Romans, and its associated imagery, logic and arguments, functioned to evoke socio-political expectations that were alternative to those which prevailed in contemporary Roman imperial discourse.
There are two parts to this study. The first is to take seriously the context of Empire and the claims being made by the Roman Empire in the first century. In particular, what were some of the messages conveyed by the Roman Empire with regard to the structure and purpose, the hopes and expectations, of first-century society? The Christians in Rome were daily exposed to the images and message of Caesar and his successors and there is therefore a need to consider how Paul�s language of Inheritance would have sounded within this environment.
Second, this study gives attention to the content of Paul�s use of the word "inheritance" as it occurs in Romans. In order to address this question, three interrelated ideas are explored. First, for Paul, what does the inheritance consist of? The traditional understanding is that the concept is an entirely spiritualised or transcendent reality. This study proposes a more this-worldly, geographical nature to the word. Second, there is the closely related question of the political nature of inheritance. If it is the case that the language of inheritance has to do with the renewal of the land, then who inherits this land? These two questions raise a third issue-how will the inheritance transpire? Paul�s inheritance language contributes to notions of lordship, authority and universal sovereignty for the people of God. Conceivably, the path to this dominion could mirror the hegemonic intentions of imperial Rome which envisages the triumph of one group of people (the strong) over another (the weak). Is this the case with Paul�s inheritance language, or does it somehow undermine all claims to power and control?
There are five undisputed uses of [...] and its cognates in Romans-Rom 4:13, 14; Rom 8:17 (three times) and there is one textual variant in Rom 11:1 where the word [...] is used in place of [...]. This study finds that, to varying degrees in each of these texts, the inheritance concept is not only a direct confrontation to other claims to rule, it is also simultaneously a reversal of all other paths to lordship and rule.
This study then considers the use of the concept in the two other undisputed Pauline letters where it occurs (Galatians and 1 Corinthians) and also in the disputed letter to the Colossians. The overriding impression is that there is nothing in Galatians, 1 Corinthians or Colossians which significantly challenges the this-worldly, political nature of the language of inheritance in Romans. In these epistles and in Romans Paul employs the language and politics of inheritance in order to subvert the message of Empire.
26
Lubbe, Lesley. "Filling the political void : the mechanisms of coping in stateless Somalia." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/17813.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2011.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Somalia continues to intrigue scholars and policy-makers around the world, due to the fact that it is enduring what few others have, total state collapse. Not only does the situation defy easy explanation, the degree of state failure is unprecedented. After more than two decades without a functioning central authority, Somalia is now the longest-running instance of state collapse in postcolonial history. While researching and understanding state weakness and state failure is critical, it is useless unless combined with devising ways to prevent state failure in the future. Somalia provides policy makers with a unique opportunity to study the consequences of state collapse. Understanding the complex dynamics of state weakness and state collapse could ultimately help save the lives of thousands of people on the African continent. This study focuses on the mechanisms of coping by analysing the actors who have stepped up to fill the political vacuum left behind by the collapsing state. The role played by both state and non-state actors will be explored throughout this study. As it is not possible to address every actor who has played a part in Somalia since the implosion of the state in 1991, only the three most important internal and external actors will be analysed. The role played by the United Nations (UN) and the African Union (AU) will be discussed at length. The contributions made by neighbouring country Ethiopia, will also be investigated. Although the contributions and the impact of these external actors have in some instances led to undesired results, it does not change the fact that these actors attempted to fill the void in Somalia. Non-state actors positions within Somalia will also be examined in detailed. These actors include regional authorities, the role of Al-Shabaab, as well as the Islamic Courts Union. The study does not excuse the behaviour of these actors but rather discusses the rise of these organizations in light of the collapsing state and the position which they have taken up in Somalia to fill the political void. Lastly the role of the “Somali coast guards” also known as the Somali pirates, will be discussed.ipti
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Somalië bly die brandpunt van belangstelling vir geleerdes en beleidmakers dwarsoor die wêreld. Die hoofrede hiervoor is dat hierdie land ervaar het wat min ander lande het, naamlik algehele ineenstorting van die staat en bestuur. ‘n Maklike verduideliking of vereenvoudiging van die situasie is daar nie, want die ongeëwenaarde ineenstorting van stuktuur en staat, van Somalië is uniek. Twee dekades later is hierdie land nogsteeds sonder ‘n funksioneerende gesetelde staatsgesag. Hierdie tydperk is die langste voorbeeld van staatsineenstorting sonder herstel in post-koloniale geskiedenis. Navorsing en insig in elke staat se inherente swakhede en probleme help om mislukte bestuur te voorspel en te voorkom. Hierdie inligting moet korrek geimplimenteer en geinterpreteer word om krissise en mislukkings binne staatsbestel te verhoed. Somalië bied beleidmakers ‘n unieke geleentheid om die gevolge van totale staatsineenstorting te bestudeer en daaruit te leer. Net deur middel van begrip vir die komplekse dinamika van ‘n staat wat ineenstort en deur wanbestuur verswak word, sal daar uikoms vir duisende mense op hierdie vasteland kom. Sodoende sal ontelbare lewens in Afrika gered kan word. Hierdie studie analiseer die tegnieke van aanpassing, gebruik deur die rolspelers wat die politieke vakuum vul, wat deur die staatineenstorting nagelaat is. Die ondersoek fokus ook op die impak en effekte van beide interne en eksterne rolspelers. Aangesien dit onmoontlik is om die aandeel wat elke rolspeler sedert die ineenstorting van Somalië in 1991 gehad het te bestudeer, word net die drie belangrikste interne en eksterne rolspelers bespreek. Die Verenigde Nasies (VN), Afrika Unie (AU) en die buurland Ethiopië se bydraes sal ondersoek word. Alhoewel die bydraes en insette van hierdie eksterne rolspelers soms tot ongewenste resultate gelei het, bly die feit staan dat hulle probeer het om die leemtes in Somalië te vul. Ander belangrike rolspelers wat nie deel van die plaaslike regering is nie, sal ook in diepte bespreek word. Hierdie invloede binne Somalië sluit streeksowerhede in, asook die rol van Al Shabaab en die Islamitiese Howe Unie. Die studie verskoon nie die gedrag van die rolspelers nie, maar bespreek eerder die opkoms van hierdie organisasies. Dit word alles gesien in die lig van die ineenstorting van die staat en die posisie wat hulle in Somalië geneem het om mag te bekom en die politieke leemte te vul. Ten slotte word die omstrede rol van die "Somaliese kuswagte", anders bekend as Somaliese seerowers, bespreek.
27
Silva, Aristóteles de Almeida 1978. "O capitalismo tardio e sua crise = estudo das interpretações de Ernest Mandel e a de Jürgen Habermas." [s.n.], 2012. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279454.
Full textAbstract:
Orientador: Silvio César CamargoDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-20T02:03:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Silva_AristotelesdeAlmeida_M.pdf: 558834 bytes, checksum: cbcb3cd4c7df24059eed01ff66ad6e5f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012
Resumo: O objetivo desse trabalho é estudar a obra de Ernest Mandel O capitalismo tardio e Jürgen Habermas Problemas de legitimação no capitalismo tardio, onde analisam o capitalismo do pósguerra e sua crise. As transformações do capitalismo desde o fim da Segunda Guerra Mundial desencadearam uma importante discussão sobre a explicação marxista do desenvolvimento capitalista, de sua crise e sobre as condições para superação desta formação social. A discussão evidencia que a confrontação com a obra de Marx é oportuna não só porque permite entender quanto o capitalismo se transformou desde Marx, mas também para discutir se ela ainda consegue oferecer uma explicação relevante para se compreender as modificações estruturais contemporâneas. Nesse sentido, os autores se relacionam de maneira distinta com o legado marxiano. A obra de Mandel se mostra como um esforço para explicar o período segundo o instrumental teórico marxiano, mantendo o papel central da teoria do valor-trabalho e a crise como manifestação das contradições imanentes do capital. Já a obra de Habermas aponta para uma mudança de forma e lógica da crise, consequentemente apontando para a ineficácia da teoria do valor-trabalho aplicada aos dias atuais, o legado de Marx só continuaria a ser útil caso fosse reconstruído. Por fim, discutiremos as consequências dessas distintas explicações para os projetos de emancipação
Abstract: The purpose of this research is to study the work of Ernest Mandel's Late Capitalism and Jürgen Habermas Legitimation crisis, whose works examine the capitalism in postwar and its crisis. The transformations of capitalism since the end of Second World War caused an important discussion on the Marxist explanation of capitalist development and of its crisis, and the conditions to overcome this social formation. The discussion shows that the confrontation with Marx's work is timely not only because it allows us to understand how capitalism has turned since Marx, but also to discuss whether it still is able to offer a relevant explanation to understand the contemporary structural changes. In this sense, the authors relate differently with the Marxian legacy. Mandel's work appears as an effort to explain the period according to the concepts of Marxian theory, maintaining the central role of the labor theory of value and the crisis as a manifestation of the immanent contradictions of capital. Already the work of Habermas points to a change of form and logic of the crisis, thus pointing to the ineffectiveness of the labor theory of value applied to the present day, the legacy of Marx would still only be useful if it were rebuilt. Finally, we discuss the consequences of these different explanations for the projects of emancipation
Mestrado
Sociologia
Mestre em Sociologia
28
Rosário, Luana Paixão Dantas do. "Uma teoria substantivo-dialógica de legitimidade democrática do poder judiciário para a concretização dos direitos fundamentais." Faculdade de Direito, 2014. http://repositorio.ufba.br/ri/handle/ri/15275.
Full textAbstract:
Submitted by Ana Valéria de Jesus Moura (anavaleria_131@hotmail.com) on 2014-07-24T17:36:43Z
No. of bitstreams: 1
Tese de Luana Paixão Dantas do Rosário - Uma teoria substantivo-dialógica de legitimidade democrática do Poder Judiciário -Revisada e Revista.pdf: 1096186 bytes, checksum: 51cd2c067d7fe20463778fb42f505962 (MD5)Approved for entry into archive by Ana Valéria de Jesus Moura (anavaleria_131@hotmail.com) on 2014-07-24T17:37:01Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese de Luana Paixão Dantas do Rosário - Uma teoria substantivo-dialógica de legitimidade democrática do Poder Judiciário -Revisada e Revista.pdf: 1096186 bytes, checksum: 51cd2c067d7fe20463778fb42f505962 (MD5)
Made available in DSpace on 2014-07-24T17:37:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese de Luana Paixão Dantas do Rosário - Uma teoria substantivo-dialógica de legitimidade democrática do Poder Judiciário -Revisada e Revista.pdf: 1096186 bytes, checksum: 51cd2c067d7fe20463778fb42f505962 (MD5)
Esta tese resulta das pesquisas desenvolvidas ao longo do curso de doutoramento em Direito Público na Universidade Federal da Bahia, na linha de pesquisa Cidadania e Efetividade dos Direitos. O objetivo inicial desta tese era desenvolver uma teoria substantivo-procedimentalista de legitimidade democrática do Poder Judiciário. Resultou no desenvolvimento de uma teoria substantivo-dialógica. A conciliação entre as perspectivas substancialista e procedimentalista se deu pela hermenêutica fenomenológica. Inicialmente, esclarece a concepção multidimensional de Direitos Fundamentais na qual se firmará e insere o problema no domínio da moralidade prática. Aborda o tema da legitimidade democrática pela elucidação dos conceitos de democracia, república e soberania. Trata da relação entre Direito, democracia e legitimidade. Visita as doutrinas sobre a legitimidade da jurisdição constitucional pela tutela dos procedimentos democráticos. Faz referência ao ativismo judicial. Expõe a teoria substancialista de Ronald Dworkin dos direitos morais e da igualdade política como substrato de legitimidade. Analisa o juiz Hércules. Expõe a teoria de Jürgen Habermas, que, ao colocar o Direito e a moral na razão comunicativa, acaba por desenvolver uma perspectiva procedimentalista de legitimidade. Aborda o procedimentalismo de pretensão corretiva de Robert Alexy, a partir da análise de sua teoria dos Direitos Fundamentais, de sua Teoria da Argumentação Jurídica e do seu constitucionalismo discursivo. Questiona se sua teoria atinge o objetivo de fundir a perspectiva procedimentalista a pontos substantivos de partida e regulação. Expõe a hermenêutica fenomenológica de Heidegger e filosófica de Gadamer. Distingue o plano hermenêutico do plano apofântico da linguagem. Revisa a hermenêutica heterorreflexiva, seus conceitos de abertura compreensiva contratextual, de primazia do problema e abertura dialógica. Analisa a proposta do juiz Hermes. Desenvolve uma teoria substantivo-dialógica de legitimidade na qual cria a figura da juíza Maia. Determina a pressurização ontológica da dignidade como institucionalização prévia do espaço do jogo na ética da alteridade para o desvelamento da resposta correta.
29
Cherem, Youssef Alvarenga. "Islã, legitimidade e cultura politica : o movimento estudantil no Irã durante o periodo Khatami (1997-2005)." [s.n.], 2006. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281552.
Full textAbstract:
Orientador: Omar Ribeiro ThomazDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-06T11:57:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Cherem_YoussefAlvarenga_M.pdf: 1667068 bytes, checksum: 23d691189fa6ca5fdeeef14108da6208 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006
Resumo: Durante os dois mandatos Mohammad Khatami como presidente da República Islâmica do Irã (1997-2001; 2001-2005), observou-se um debate intenso e violento na sociedade iraniana a respeito da concepção do espaço político e dos fundamentos da ação política. Uma parte essencial desse debate foi a participação dos estudantes numa incipiente (embora efêmera e limitada) abertura do espaço público. Mas essa política de reforma teve o resultado inesperado de trazer à tona as vozes de contestação da organização normativa autoritária do campo político, expondo as contradições constitutivas do sistema e seu funcionamento ambíguo, e ameaçando por um momento a dominação da elite política religiosa-revolucionária. Essa ameaça ocorreu porque os estudantes agiam segundo uma lógica republicana de igualdade jurídico-política e exigiam a instauração desse padrão, prometido por Khatami durante a campanha eleitoral. Em outras palavras, podemos perceber uma vontade de reformulação simbólico-institucional da divisão público-privado que regia as relações entre o estado e a sociedade do Irã desde o estabelecimento da República Islâmica. A participação de elementos anteriormente excluídos do espaço público e o fortalecimento da sociedade civil fizeram com que fossem contestados a estrutura de poder e o funcionamento enclausurado (privado) do sistema político iraniano, bem como regras não escritas da vida política iraniana. Assim, embora os estudantes tenham sido reprimidos, esse período de abertura relativa nos abre uma perspectiva frutífera para interpretar a pluralidade de concepções de governo, religião e sociedade presentes num país muçulmano, opondo-se a algumas visões do meio acadêmico que se destacam por uma leitura superficial e/ou unidimensional de fenômenos onde se entremeiam cultura e política
Abstract: Islam, legitimacy and political culture: the Iranian student movement in the Khatami government During his two terms as the president of the Islamic Republic of Iran (1997-2001; 2001- 2005), we have come to witness an intense and violent debate in Iranian society about the conception of the public space and the fundaments of political action. An essential element in this debate was the participation of the students in a fledgling (but ephemeral and limited) opening of the public space. But this policy of reform had the unexpected result of bringing into the open the dissenting voices against the normative, authoritarian framing of the public space, exposing the inherent contradictions of the system and its hazy functioning, and jeopardizing, even if for just one moment, the ascendancy of the religious revolutionary elites. The students¿ coming out in public was a threat because the students acted according to a republican logic of juridical and political equality and demanded the implementation, as promised by Khatami in his campaign of this pattern, and the abolition of the ¿unwritten rules¿ of Iranian political life. In other words, we can notice a will of symbolic and institutional reformulation of the separation between public and private spheres that ruled the relations between state and society in Iran since the establishment of the Islamic Republic. The participation of people who had been previously excluded from public space and the strengthening of civil society increased opposition to the power structure and the closed, private working of the political system. Thus, although the students have been repressed, this period of relative opening opens a promising path to interpret the plurality of conception of government, religion and society in a Muslim country ¿ an interpretation that engages critically some scholarly views of the interweaving of culture and politics that are remarkable for their shallow and/or one-dimensional reading of intrinsically multi-layered phenomena
Mestrado
Mestre em Antropologia Social
30
Romero-Valderrama, Ana. "La coalición pedracista : elecciones y rebeliones para una re-definición de la participación política en México (1826-1828)." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1905.
Full textAbstract:
The pedracista electoral coalition that was formed in Mexico during the 1828 presidential elections was deliberately ignored by the traditional historiography of the early national period. Instead it concentrated on the leaders of the liberal struggle, deeming this alliance unworthy of study. There were essentially two key reasons why this happened. On the one hand, General Manuel Gómez Pedraza (1789-1851) was not an archetypal liberal patriot in the mould of those heroes that were exalted and written about by Mexico’s Porfirian and PRIísta historians. His politics were associated with a certain ideological indeterminateness as a result of his moderate stance, proving problematic to historians who were intent on developing a liberal and subsequently post-revolutionary historia patria. On the other hand, the official historiography accepted, unquestioningly, the critical version of his actions that his opponents circulated at the time. As a result of this, the yorkino version of the events is the one that prevailed, casting Pedraza in the role of staunch anti-yorkino in a simplistic bipartisan vision of Mexican politics that depicted the political tensions of the time as a clear-cut confrontation between the pedracista aristocrats and the democratic yorkino followers of mulatto hero of the War of Independence, General Vicente Guerrero (1783-1831). This two-dimensional dichotomy has only recently started to be nuanced by the revisionist historiography of the last thirty years. This has been due, in great measure, to the fact that the traditional interpretation of the pedracista coalition posed a number of significant problems when attempting to understand the political behaviour of the people involved. Above all, it was an interpretation that proved incapable of explaining how such a variety of political tendencies, represented by those individuals who joined the alliance that backed Pedraza’s presidential candidacy, could have come together; i.e., anti-masonic groups, the imparciales, certain yorkinos and former escoceses. This thesis aims to explain what brought these individuals, whose political ideas were ostensibly incompatible, together, in what resulted in a particularly resourceful and successful electoral force. The pedracista coalition represented the first political formation in Mexico that came together specifically to win a presidential election. It was one which set out to bring an end to the political interference of Masonic societies in Mexico, and in particular, that of the Rite of York lodges. It also challenged the yorkinos’ electoral campaign by criticising their leader, Guerrero, and, by highlighting the negative aspects of their Masonic faction. It pointed out, moreover, the dangers inherent in a central administration led by guerrerista yorkinos and, in so doing, made clear the problems that were to be found in the political ideas these individuals stood for, depicting them as partisan, ignorant, and representative of the popular classes. The pedracista coalition argued that the presidency needed to go to someone who did not belong to any particular party, who was virtuous, who was renowned for being hard-working and energetic in government, and who belonged to the exclusive circles frequented by the “hombres de bien”. Given that Pedraza won the elections, it is evident that his coalition benefited from a constitutional structure that favoured his candidacy, gaining, at the same time, the public validation of the governmental authorities in place at the time. However, Pedraza’s candidacy was defeated by the armed mobilizations that ensued in the pronunciamientos pro-yorkino followers launched from October to November 1828, and was consequently eliminated from the political scene until late 1832 given that the leaders of the imparciales as well as Pedraza himself chose not to fight back or support a counter-revolution. During the electoral campaign, the pedracista coalition displayed, with astounding clarity, what it thought were the essential qualities a president needed to possess and, likewise presented a distinctive appreciation of how it thought the Mexican political class should behave. In this sense, the coalition’s views, captured in its votes, networks and press articles, offer a fascinating snapshot of what were the fundamental themes of the Mexican republic during its formative years as a nation-state, and how this ignored political grouping interpreted them. Of particular interest is the manner in which the pedracista coalition explored the ways in which political legitimacy, participation and representation were to be understood, defended, and systematised. By studying the pedracista coalition this thesis offers, for the first time, a detailed analysis of the nature and dynamics of Mexican politics in the mid-late 1820s, as experienced, discussed, and represented by the short-lasting yet effective alliance that was forged around the candidacy of Manuel Gómez Pedraza.
31
Abjorensen, Norman, and norman abjorensen@anu edu au. "Leadership in the Liberal Party: Bolte, Askin and the Post-War Ascendancy." The Australian National University. Faculty of Arts, 2005. http://thesis.anu.edu.au./public/adt-ANU20070320.122842.
Full textAbstract:
The formation of the Liberal Party of Australia in the mid-1940s heralded a new effort to stem the tide of government regulation that had grown with Labor Party rule in the latter years of World War II and immediately after. It was not until 1949 that the party gained office at Federal level, beginning what was to be a record unbroken term of 23 years, but its efforts faltered at State level in Victoria, where the party was divided, and in New South Wales, where Labor was seemingly entrenched. The fortunes were reversed with the rise to leadership of men who bore a different stamp to their predecessors, and were in many ways atypical Liberals: Henry Bolte in Victoria and Robin Askin in New South Wales. Bolte, a farmer, and Askin, a bank officer, had served as non-commissioned officers in World War II and rose to lead parties whose members who had served in the war were predominantly of the officer class. In each case, their man management skills put an end to division and destabilisation in their parties, and they went on to serve record terms as Liberal leaders in their respective States, Bolte 1955-72 and Askin 1965-75. Neither was ever challenged in their leadership and each chose the time and nature of his departure from politics, a rarity among Australian political leaders. Their careers are traced here in the context of the Liberal revival and the heightened expectations of the post-war years when the Liberal Party reached an ascendancy, governing for a brief time in 1969-70 in all Australian States as well as the Commonwealth. Their leadership is also examined in the broader context of leadership in the Liberal Party, and also in the ways in which the new party sought to engage with and appeal to a wider range of voters than had traditionally been attracted to the non-Labor parties.
32
Gralha, Julio Cesar Mendonça. "A legitimidade do poder no Egito ptolomaico : cultura material e praticas magico-religiosas." [s.n.], 2009. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280830.
Full textAbstract:
Orientador: Pedro Paulo Abreu FunariTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-14T14:45:44Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Gralha_JulioCesarMendonca_D.pdf: 3776014 bytes, checksum: 0a5aa716bf21efe840c6f6928825b132 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009
Resumo: O presente trabalho visa compreender os processos que levaram a dinastia ptolomaica a estabelecer sua legitimidade no Egito por quase três séculos a partir de um projeto político-religioso que enfatizava a adoção de práticas mágico-religiosas egípcias e da adoção da monarquia divina egípcia tendo como expressão da materialidade o uso da arquitetura e da iconografia na titulatura em decretos e de forma diversa, e, sobretudo por um programa de construções de templos no Alto Egito, principalmente após a Rebelião Tebana de modo a estabelecer relações de poder, de cooperação e cooptação dos segmentos sociais afim de consolida a legitimidade dinástica. Outrossim, o presente trabalho visa desenvolver metodologias e grades de análises de modo a demonstrar o sentido da pesquisa. As fontes de caráter iconográfico e arquitetônico utilizadas em boa parte fazem parte do acervo fotográfico do autor.
Abstract: The intention of his thesis is to understand the Ptolemaic dynasty processes which allowed to establish his legitimacy almost three centuries based on politic-religious project that the main focus is the adoption of Egyptian magic-religious practices and the adoption of Egyptian divine monarch that the materiality expression is the architecture and iconography used in titles, decrees and other forms and especially developed by building program of temples in Upper Egypt, mainly after the end of Theban Rebellion, with an intention to establish power relation, cooperation and cooptation of social segments consolidating dynastic legitimacy. On the other hand this paper intend to developer methodologies and analyses grade to confirm this research. The architectural and iconographic resources were being used belong to author particular acquis.
Doutorado
Historia Cultural
Doutor em História
33
Bosoga, Tebogo. "The Changing Levels of Diffuse and Specific Support in South Africa amongst ANC supporters: A longitudinal Study." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4029.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: During the so-called third wave of democratisation, South Africa experienced a transition from authoritarian rule to democratic rule in 1994. This transition was coupled with a transformation process, which saw the establishment and introduction of democratic principles and norms, as well as democratic institutions. All these make South Africa a democracy in theory but do not necessarily mean that it is a democracy in practice. Moreover, democracy, unlike authoritarian rule, depends on the support of the populace. Lack of support for democratic rule renders the regime illegitimate, since it does not have enough support to continue as the authority of the country. Against the theoretical point of departure (i.e. support for democracy is closely tied to legitimacy of the authority), it is imperative to evaluate these types of support for democracy as well as their changing levels in the country. This will shed some light on whether the populace in the country embrace democracy as a form of governance – that is, whether the populace perceive democracy as a political regime that is entrenched not only in theory, but also in practice. This will be highlighted by their level of support, which determines whether the regime is perceived as legitimate or illegitimate. It will further shed some light on the degree or level of support for the political system governing the country. Support for democracy may be evaluated by using two models or types of support, i.e. diffuse and specific support. Diffuse support consists of three levels of support, namely, political community, regime principles and regime performance, whilst specific support consists of two levels of support, namely regime institutions and political actors. For this study, these models and levels of support are evaluated amongst the supporters of the ruling party, namely the ANC. For comparative purposes, however, support patterns for democracy, as measured in the World Values Surveys from 1995 to 2006, amongst the ANC supporters will be evaluated in relation to non-ANC supporters. These patterns are crucial, since they will highlight whether support for democracy is support for democratic rules and norms, i.e. democracy per se, or whether support for democracy is closely tied to party support and position. The study reveals that there are relatively high levels of support for political community, regime principles and regime performance amongst both the ANC supporters and non-ANC supporters, when compared to levels of support for regime institutions and political actors, meaning that there are high levels of diffuse support when compared to specific support. Moreover, the ANC supporters have higher levels of both diffuse and specific support for democracy when compared to non-ANC supporters.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In die 1990‟s gedurende die derde golf van demokratisering in die wêreld, het Suid Afrika ook „n transformasie van „n outoritêre stelsel na „n demokrasie ondergaan. Hierdie transformasie het op die vestiging van demokratiese beginsels en norme sowel as demokratiese instellings uitgeloop. Hoewel dit Suid-Afrika ‟n demokrasie in teorie gemaak het, het dit die stelsel nie noodwendig ‟n demokrasie in die praktyk gemaak nie. Dit is belangrik om in ag te neem dat „n demokrasie, anders as „n outokrasie, die ondersteuning van die bevolking moet geniet. ‟n Gebrek aan genoegsame steun kan daartoe lei dat ‟n regering gesag op ‟n onlegitieme wyse uitoefen. Teen hierdie teoretiese agtergrond is dit dus belangrik om die tipes sowel as die veranderende vlakke van ondersteuning vir demokrasie te evalueer. Sodoende word ‟n insig verkry of die bevolking demokrasie as ‟n vorm van regering nie net in teorie aanvaar nie, maar ook in die praktyk. Die vlak van ondersteuning sal bepaal of die regime as legitiem of onlegitiem beskou word. Dit kan ook verder lig werp op die vlak van ondersteuning vir die politieke selsel wat in plek is. Ondersteuning vir demokrasie kan bepaal word deur gebruik te maak van twee modelle of tipes van ondersteuning, naamlik, verspreide (“diffuse”) en spesifieke (“specific”) ondersteuning. Verspreide ondersteuning bestaan uit drie vlakke van ondersteuning, naamlik, steun vir die politieke gemeenskap, regime beginsels en regime optrede. Spesifieke ondersteuning in teenstelling, bestaan uit twee vlakke van ondersteuning, naamlik steun vir regime instellings en vir die politieke akteurs. Vir hierdie studie is die modelle en vlakke van ondersteuning ge-evalueer met spesifieke verwysing na die ondersteuners van die ANC - die regerende party. Vir ‟n vergelykingsbasis is hierdie ondersteuningspatrone met die nie-ANC ondersteuners soos dit voorkom in die World Values opnames van 1995 tot 2006 gebruik. Hierdie patrone is van kardinale belang omdat dit vir ons ‟n aanduiding gee of ondersteuning vir demokrasie ook die ondersteuning vir demokratiese reëls en norme behels. Die bevindinge dui op relatiewe hoër vlakke van ondersteuning vir die politieke gemeenskap, regime beginsels en regime werkverrigting onder ANC ondersteuners sowel as nie-ondersteuners as dit vergelyk word met vlakke van ondersteuning vir regime instellings en politieke akteurs. Dit beteken dat daar hoër vlakke van verspreide ondersteuning bestaan in vergelyking met spesifieke ondersteuning. Verder is bevind dat ANC ondersteuners hoër vlakke van verspreide sowel as spesifiek ondersteuning vir demokrasie vertoon in vergelyking met nie-ondersteuners van die ANC.
34
Sirczuk, Matías. "Fundación y legitimidad en la modernidad política: Carl Schmitt, Hannah Arendt y Claude Lefort." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/125334.
Full textAbstract:
¿Cómo fundar regímenes políticos duraderos cuando resulta imposible encontrar un polo incondicionado desde el cual derivar la legitimidad de la ley? ¿Cómo establecerlos en las condiciones políticas de la modernidad, en una situación en que las fuentes tradicionales de legitimidad han desaparecido o se han vuelto ineficaces? ¿Sobre qué –o sobre quién– asentar la fundación?
Estas preguntas configuran los contornos generales del problema que pretendo interrogar en esta tesis. Fueron formuladas a partir de la intuición de que la modernidad política nos confronta, de modo inédito, con el enigma de la institución del régimen político y con la pregunta por su fundamento. En ausencia de absolutos, sin criterios últimos que permitan diferenciar la fundación de la usurpación, la legitimidad de la arbitrariedad, el problema del comienzo –el doble problema de cómo fundar un nuevo orden y de cómo sustraer la fundación de la arbitrariedad que parece caracterizarla– emerge en toda su radicalidad.
Esta cuestión atravesó de parte a parte toda la historia política de la modernidad: apareció en la experiencia práctica de los hombres y mujeres de acción que se embarcaron en la constitución de un cuerpo político completamente nuevo, en las revoluciones del siglo XVIII, y en la reflexión teórica de quienes intentaron pensar las dificultades que esta nueva situación generaba. Pero adquiere especial relevancia en el transcurso del siglo xx: atravesado por las guerras y las revoluciones, por la crisis del Estado como forma política y por la emergencia de los totalitarismos; en suma, por la entrada en escena de fenómenos políticos que pulverizaron todas nuestras categorías de pensamiento y nuestros criterios de juicio, el siglo XX confrontó de modo inédito al pensamiento de lo político con el problema de los fundamentos de la ley y de la legitimidad.
En esta escena se insertan las reflexiones de Carl Schmitt, Hannah Arendt y Claude Lefort. Los tres parten de la constatación de que los acontecimientos que les eran contemporáneos han hecho estallar por los aires los modos en los que la tradición pensó la política y las formas en las que los seres humanos organizaron su vida en común a lo largo de la historia. Aquello que aúna la empresa de estos autores está vinculado, por tanto, al interés por responder al enigma de la institución partiendo del reconocimiento de que los fenómenos políticos que les eran contemporáneos no podían ser interpretados con las herramientas ofrecidas por la tradición. Ni ciencia ni filosofía, el nuevo pensamiento que desarrollan se caracteriza por una sensibilidad para pensar lo político conservando la posibilidad de juzgar lo existente más allá de toda determinación exterior, de todo criterio anclado en la naturaleza o en la trascendencia. Sin fundamentos (Schmitt), sin barandillas (Arendt), indeterminado (Lefort), el pensamiento sólo puede arraigarse en la experiencia.
Orientado por las preguntas formuladas al inicio, esta tesis interroga el modo particular en el que Carl Schmitt, Hannah Arendt y Claude Lefort confrontan el problema de la fundación y la cuestión de la legitimidad en la modernidad política.How are political regimes established under modern political conditions once the absolute pole of political legitimacy has fallen and its sources have disappeared or become ineffective? Upon what does foundation rest? Such are the questions which create the framework of this dissertation arising from the intuition that political modernity confronts us with the enigma of the institution of the political regime and the question of its foundation. In the absence of absolutes, the problem of beginning emerges in all its radicalism. This problem has run through the entire political history of modernity but only became inescapable in the twentieth century. Marred by wars and revolutions, by the crisis of the state as a political form and by the emergence of totalitarianism (in short, by the emergency of political events that have ignited all our categories of thought and our criteria of judgment), the experience of the twentieth century has forced political thought to radically rethink the paradox of foundation. The thought of Carl Schmitt, Hannah Arendt and Claude Lefort emerges from these events. They tried to respond to the problems that were posed by their present. Their questions arise from the political experience of the twentieth century. We can link the intellectual enterprise of Schmitt, Arendt and Lefort starting from their common interest in answering the enigma of the institution beyond the tradition of political philosophy. The new thinking that the three want to develop is characterized by a sensitivity to judge the political events beyond all external determination, beyond any criteria anchored in nature or in transcendent sources. Groundlessness (Schmitt), without bannister (Arendt), indeterminate (Lefort), the thought itself arises out of the experience. Oriented by the questions raised at the beginning of this abstract, in this dissertation I interpret the way in which Carl Schmitt, Hannah Arendt and Claude Lefort reflect on the problem of foundation and on the question of legitimacy in political modernity.
35
McDonald, Kerry. "The experience of the pronunciamiento in San Luis Potosí, 1821-1849." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1965.
Full textAbstract:
The Hispanic phenomenon of the pronunciamiento, particularly prominent in nineteenth-century Mexico, is just one example of an insurrectionary political act that has contributed to the traditional portrait of chaos and disorder that has tainted much of our interpretation of the country‟s socio-political history. Once considered to be a violent, non-ideological, praetorian military act, recent studies reveal that the pronunciamiento was primarily a written petition that sought to further political proposals or address particular grievances through negotiation (albeit often backed by the threat of force). Although the military were largely the most visible leaders of the pronunciamiento, a plethora of political and civilian actors and interest groups partook in the practice with the intention of having their grievances/demands attended to by the national government. As well as being viewed as one of the causes of chronic instability, the pronunciamiento was also the primary mechanism employed to bring about tangible political changes throughout the country. At the local level of San Luis Potosí, the pronunciamiento seed also germinated and was used by all political groups and factions in their negotiations with local and national authorities alike. Local interests were often at the heart of these negotiations and so dictated the nature of the pronunciamiento in San Luis Potosí. This dissertation will explore and analyse the pronunciamiento practice, its origins, dynamics and nature, from the regional perspective of San Luis Potosí. Bearing in mind that the pronunciamiento was borne out of, and operated in a specific socio-political-economic context of constitutional disarray and transition, its analysis will also further our understanding of the broader socio-political culture not only of San Luis Potosí, but of Mexico in general. This in turn will contribute to the acknowledged need for reinterpretation and revaluation of the tumultuous period of early nineteenth-century Mexico. It will expose the period as an age of democratic revolutions; of intense political debate between emergent political groups and factions, who increasingly used the pronunciamiento to further an ideological stance, represent a spectrum of interests and force some kind of political change both at a national and regional level when all other constitutional options had been exhausted.
36
King, Chris. "Democracy, deliberation, and political legitimacy." Diss., 2007. http://etd.library.vanderbilt.edu/ETD-db/available/etd-07262007-205921/.
Full text
37
"現代政治的正當性基礎: 從認可、信念到共識." Thesis, 2005. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b6073958.
Full textAbstract:
周濂.論文(哲學博士)--香港中文大學, 2005.
參考文獻(p. 217-224).
Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.
Abstracts also in English.
Lun wen (Zhe xue bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2005.
Can kao wen xian (p. 217-224).
Zhou Lian.
38
Smith, Alex J. "The possibility of stability in nationally diverse states." 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/yorku/fullcit?pNQ82825.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--York University, 2002. Graduate Programme in Philosophy.Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 240-266). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/yorku/fullcit?pNQ82825.
39
Horiguchi, Hikaru. "Networks for local governance: A case study of the Kindergarten Cluster Management framework in Victoria." Thesis, 2017. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/36841/.
Full textAbstract:
Because of the serious financial plight of local governments (Dollery et. al, 2012) and in response to
the emergence of a neo-liberal regime (Geddes, 2005), the Victorian State Government has sought
strategies for improving both economic efficiency and participatory democratic governance.
Establishing a network form of local governance was one of the strategies, with various actors from
non-government sectors joining in the public policy process (Considine and Lewis, 2003). Previous
studies did not clearly address the following issues: why the Victorian Local Governments introduced
a network structure for their governance, how the involved organizations were coordinated, what
affected their collaborative relationships, and the impacts of networking. The purpose of this study
was to answer those questions.
The Kindergarten Cluster Management policy framework is an example of a local government’s
network governance. A multiple-case study was conducted with twelve interviewees who were
primary stakeholders of kindergarten service provision in four different local councils. The data
collected from the interviews were analyzed by pattern matching following Yin’s (2004) guidelines.
This study found that local governments sought to improve economic their efficiency by networking,
and that the national and Victorian Governments’ social policies and regulations significantly affected
the operations of local governments and community organizations. This research found that three
modes of governance - hierarchy, market and network - were utilised as coordinating mechanisms by
the collaborating organizations. In contrast to the previous literature, this study found that a hierarchy
mode of governance maintained stable and reliable working relationships. The relationships formed
through contracts were fragile, which was characteristic of the market mode of governance. The
network mode of governance existed in all collaborative relationships, and facilitated the smooth
communication among network participants.
‘The Rhodes model’ of policy network (Rhodes 1992, p.13-14), identified in previous research, was
not utilizable, but the concept of industrial networks (Johanson and Mattsson, 1991) can also be
applied to the connection of organizations involved in the provision of kindergarten services. That
said, the different positions held by stakeholders provided different perspectives, particularly in the
assessment of networking outcomes.
40
Ezetah, Chinedu Reginald. "Legitimate governance and statehood in Africa: beyond the failed state and colonial determination." Thesis, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/6434.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis looks at the problem of governance and statehood in Africa from an
international law perspective. Adopting a comparative analytical research method, the
thesis investigated the idea of statehood in traditional Africa and Europe, and highlighted
conceptual differences. It traced the origin and nature of the post colonial African state to
an oppressive and totalitarian colonial state; and the coalescence of international law with
European civilization and reality. The argument is made that the international law
framework on statehood and international solutions of intervention and democratization,
are inadequate for dealing with the problems of statehood in Africa and its consequences
such as state collapse. The thesis proposes the legitimization of the African post colonial
state through a combination of a process of self determination and democratization. The
pattern of self determination proposed seeks to give normative expression to an African
state's reality by using the equilibrium of the peoples incorporation and disengagement
from the state as an index for determining the role and relevance of the state. It is
proposed that this index, in determining the ambits of the right to self determination of the
constituent political units in a state, should entitle an African nation to a minimum of the
right to self governance in a confederate system. In complimenting the foregoing
legitimization process, the thesis proposes a democratic framework that is constructed on
cultural foundations of endogenous democracy and development.
41
Martinson, Martti. "What is the enabling environment for local level youth participation? A comparative study of youth councils in the Australian state of Victoria and Estonia." Thesis, 2020. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/40988/.
Full textAbstract:
At a time of rapid change in the political involvement of young people, the creation of structures to facilitate the participation of young people in decision-making processes has been on the rise globally (Badham & Wade 2010; Farrow 2015). Youth councils are often created with the aim of representing the interests of young people in the community through advocacy, lobbying and provision of advice to decision-making bodies. At the same time the landscape of youth councils, particularly at a local government level, is varied and often lacking the evidence of best practice, an enabling environment and coordination.
This mixed-methods comparative case study research analysed the current environment and context in which youth councils are operating, and the experiences of former and current members of youth councils and the professionals that support their work, in the Australian state of Victoria and in Estonia. Semi-structured interviews and an online survey across the two countries and in two languages were employed from 2016 until 2017 to map the experiences and identify youth councils’ successes, gaps and potential for improvement. Qualtrics software was used to collect, analyse and code the survey data; data from semi- structured interviews was coded manually. The coding process identified key nodes and sub- nodes.
The results revealed that local level youth councils in Victoria and Estonia share many similarities, particularly in their aims, commonly undertaken activities and aspirations; however, there are also noticeable differences which can largely be attributed to the relevant legislative framework, policies, coordination mechanisms and resourcing for youth councils that exist in Estonia but not in Victoria. Through the results of this study, a framework for an enabling environment for youth councils was identified and conceptualised, using the Enabling Environment Index developed by CIVICUS (2013), the World Alliance for Citizen Participation, as a guide. The findings of this research also sought to provide an understanding of how the work of local level youth councils can be better supported and organised by policy, organisational and legislative measures to increase the effectiveness and benefits of these structures for young people and the community.
42
Matemba, Doreen. "The paradox of political legitimacy?: Zimbabwe’s global political agreement of 15 September 2008 and the subsequent government of national unity." Diss., 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/25137.
Full textAbstract:
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 135-150)It is increasingly becoming apparent that elections, as component parts of democratic processes, do not always guarantee a smooth transfer of power and stable democratic cultures in many contemporary polities. Whenever election outcomes are disputed, Governments of National Unity (GNU) are presented as strategic conflict prevention and resolution models. Yet, the GNU’s ability to nurture democracy in situations where it remains weak or non-existent is extremely limited. This dissertation therefore uses Zimbabwe’s case study to examine how its recent internal political turmoil had overwhelming implications for its legitimacy and democracy. Through qualitative research, the study reveals that despite partially reconciling Zimbabwe’s political protagonists, the GNU neither permanently resolved the crisis nor addressed significant related issues; thus, creating a paradox of legitimacy for the country. The dissertation concludes with recommendations for further research on matters of legitimacy in power-sharing scenarios such as Zimbabwe’s.
Political Sciences
M.A. (International politics)
43
Mazumder, Parimal. "Performance appraisal with a view to employee motivation in the Australian public service : a case study of Western Melbourne Institute of TAFE, and Darebin City Council, Melbourne." Thesis, 1997. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/33009/.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this research was to investigate the motivation of the employees in the
Austrahan pubhc service with special attention to the Western Melbourne Institute Of
TAFE (TAFE), and Darebin City Council (DCC), located in Melbourne. The
dependent variables considered in this study were: age, education, decision making
process, employee development programs, measurement and feedback of actual
results, opportunities for advancement, group cohesion, and performance based pay
systems.
44
Abjorensen, Norman. "Leadership in the Liberal Party: Bolte, Askin and the Post-War Ascendancy." Phd thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/46052.
Full textAbstract:
The formation of the Liberal Party of Australia in the mid-1940s heralded a new effort to stem the tide of government regulation that had grown with Labor Party rule in the latter years of World War II and immediately after. It was not until 1949 that the party gained office at Federal level, beginning what was to be a record unbroken term of 23 years, but its efforts faltered at State level in Victoria, where the party was divided, and in New South Wales, where Labor was seemingly entrenched. The fortunes were reversed with the rise to leadership of men who bore a different stamp to their predecessors, and were in many ways atypical Liberals: Henry Bolte in Victoria and Robin Askin in New South Wales. Bolte, a farmer, and Askin, a bank officer, had served as non-commissioned officers in World War II and rose to lead parties whose members who had served in the war were predominantly of the officer class. In each case, their man management skills put an end to division and destabilisation in their parties, and they went on to serve record terms as Liberal leaders in their respective States, Bolte 1955-72 and Askin 1965-75. Neither was ever challenged in their leadership and each chose the time and nature of his departure from politics, a rarity among Australian political leaders. Their careers are traced here in the context of the Liberal revival and the heightened expectations of the post-war years when the Liberal Party reached an ascendancy, governing for a brief time in 1969-70 in all Australian States as well as the Commonwealth. Their leadership is also examined in the broader context of leadership in the Liberal Party, and also in the ways in which the new party sought to engage with and appeal to a wider range of voters than had traditionally been attracted to the non-Labor parties.