Journal articles on the topic 'Legitimacy of governments Japan'
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1
Yun, Ji-Whan. "Conservative Politics and Compassionate Paternalism in Korea and Japan." Asian Survey 59, no. 5 (September 2019): 911–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2019.59.5.911.
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It is widely predicted that East Asia’s conservative governments will lose political power for managing socioeconomic crises under neoliberal globalization and find no way out of their legitimacy problem. However, Korea’s and Japan’s conservative governments have recently constructed a new model of crisis management—compassionate paternalism—in a highly discretionary manner.
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YUN, JI-WHAN. "Post-Democracy and Historicism: The Hidden Origin of the Korea-Japan Trade War." Issues & Studies 57, no. 01 (March 2021): 2150003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s101325112150003x.
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Since Japan’s imposition of export controls against Korea in July 2019 and its following countermoves, including the termination of the General Security of Military Information Agreement, the governments of both countries have presented their own narratives of the origin of this trade war, both of which mirror theories of international politics. Nonetheless, these narratives mask several domestic origins. Most importantly, this paper demonstrates that behind the trade war, there has been a preoccupation of the two governments with mutually irreconcilable version forms of historicism. One is Korea’s pro-naturalist historicism, seeing Korean history as being preordained by the universal laws of human progress and defining Japan as a historical reactionary. The other is Japan’s anti-naturalist historicism, upholding internationalism as a new driving force of history that will transform Japan from a war criminal state into a proper subject in international society while criticizing Korea as being a drag on this transformation. This paper argues that, resulting from decades-long neoliberal politics that have disturbed the state-society balance, the national structure of post-democracy has encouraged each government to push historicism to its limit as an alternative source of political legitimacy in lieu of democratic accountability. Concretely, it shows that post-democracy has determined (1) the historicist framing of emerging conflicts, (2) the government’s legislative struggles to realize historicist policies, and (3) the incontestability of historicist hostility by other ideas in each country.
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Esteban, Mario. "The Management of Nationalism during the Jiang Era (1994–2002) and Its Implications On Government and Regime Legitimacy." European Journal of East Asian Studies 5, no. 2 (2006): 181–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006106778869324.
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AbstractThis paper aims to provide a detailed explanation of how the promotion of different nationalist discourses in China entails distinct repercussions on both government and regime legitimacy, looking for the rationale of governmental appeal to both affirmative and assertive nationalism within the context of general legitimacy crisis suffered by communism in the last years.Through the analysis of case studies including the return of Hong Kong and Macao under Chinese sovereignty and the success of Beijing's bid for hosting the 2008 Olympic Games, this paper regards the rise of affirmative nationalism as beneficial for the legitimacy of both the Jiang government and the CCP regime as a whole. However, the increasing relevance of assertive nationalism, discussed with reference to the Diaoyu dispute with Japan, and the diplomatic crisis with the US after the bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade and the unauthorised landing of a US surveillance plane on Hainan, has put a challenge on Jiang's government, since it has been effectively used by the leftist wing of the party for gaining more leverage within the CCP with regard to the reformists. At the same time, assertive nationalism has reinforced regime legitimacy, providing effective ammunition to criticise the liberals.
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Liao, Ranxin, and Jungwon Min. "How the Public Shaming of Peers Enhances Corporate Social Performance: Evidence from Blacklisted Firms in Japan." Sustainability 13, no. 24 (December 14, 2021): 13835. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su132413835.
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This study aims to show how vicarious public shaming, that is the public disgrace of several peers in the same industry, affects focal firms’ corporate social performance (CSP). Drawing on the legitimacy and category theories, we suggest that since an increased vicarious public disgrace harms the legitimacy of the entire industry, peer companies attempt to negate these potential legitimacy losses by improving their CSP. This tendency is more pronounced in firms that have a poor record of CSP. Using a context of the Japanese blacklisted companies by the government for labor law delinquency between 2016 and 2019, our results confirm that vicarious public disgrace is a significant antecedent to improving CSP. Our findings also imply that the appropriate use of public disgrace can enhance overall the CSP levels.
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HORVAT, Andrew. "Bushidō and the Legacy of “Samurai Values” in Contemporary Japan." Asian Studies 6, no. 2 (June 29, 2018): 189–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/as.2018.6.2.189-208.
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Though difficult to define as a clear set of moral precepts, aspects of so-called “samurai values”, the combination of orally-transmitted Confucian and Buddhist lore to which Nitobe Inazō refers in his Bushido, can clearly be discerned in Japanese society today. As evidence for the influence of “samurai values”, I have provided examples from two fields with which I am personally familiar: journalism and education. Although in recent years several academic works have exposed historical anomalies in widely-held beliefs about actual samurai behaviour, I argue that the effectiveness of ideologies does not depend on historical accuracy. For example, justification for the right of newspapers to criticise governments in Japan does not stem from inalienable rights originating with European Enlightenment philosophers. Instead, it is linked to the view that the former samurai who in the 1870s became Japan’s first news reporters could be trusted intermediaries between the government and the people, because as samurai they possessed higher standards of morality. That expectations of superior moral conduct continue to justify in the eyes of the general public the right of newspapers to speak truth to power can be seen by mass cancellations of subscriptions of newspapers whose staff betray these expectations through involvement in scandal. Likewise, the emphasis on “character building” (jinkaku keisei) in Japanese higher education is another link to perceived “samurai values.” Some of Japan’s leading private universities were founded in the late nineteenth century by former samurai. As in the case of journalism, the maintenance of superior moral conduct helps strengthen the claim to legitimacy of educational institutions in Japan. Finally, I will present a picture of Nitobe as an example of a former samurai who long after his passing continues to be revered for having adhered to the “samurai values” he both defined and embraced.
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Fisker-Nielsen, Anne Mette. "The Soka Gakkai Practice of Buppō and the Discourse on Religion in Japan." Religions 13, no. 2 (February 14, 2022): 167. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13020167.
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This paper investigates the Japanese Nichiren Buddhist organization, Soka Gakkai (SG), whose members have supported the political party known as Kōmeitō, or Clean Government Party, in Japan for over half a century. SG members have often been criticized as ‘impure’ political actors, undergoing frequent public questioning of their motivations for engaging in electoral politics in light of their ‘religious’ status. The paper shows how the SG members’ support for Kōmeitō at a qualitative level indeed transcends the typical demarcations of the ‘secular-religious’ binary system. However, they also simultaneously challenge the term ‘religion’ that has functioned as an ideology in the creation of statecraft and in their competition for legitimacy. The current paper is based on long-term fieldwork, extensive interviews, and doctrinal analyses that highlight how socially productive this discourse on religion has been. It also shows how a counter-episteme, rooted in Nichiren’s theory of the Risshō Ankoku Ron and the idea of kōsen-rufu, sought to bring a ‘Buddha’ consciousness to bear on individual and collective action as a model for alternative ‘politics’. Contrary to many claims, this did not entail contesting the modern institutional separation of ‘church’ and ‘state’, but is rather an attempt to find legitimacy for participating in ‘Japan-making’ in ways that cannot easily be understood or confined to explanations framed within the ‘religious-secular’ binary system.
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Laugesen, Miriam J., and Michael K. Gusmano. "Commentary: Global Comparisons of Physician Associations." Journal of Health Politics, Policy and Law 46, no. 4 (August 1, 2021): 747–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/03616878-8970924.
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Abstract The authors reflect on their own work in relation to the articles in this special section on physician organizations, and they make four observations. First, association-government power relations shift after countries introduce universal health insurance, but they are by no means diminished. In France, Germany, and Japan, physicians' economic interests are explicitly considered against broader health system goals, such as providing affordable universal insurance. In low- and middle-income countries (LMICs), physician organizations do not share power in the same way. Second, in higher-income countries, fragmentation may occur along specialty or generalist lines, and some physicians are unionized. Generally speaking, physician influence over reimbursement policy is reduced because of organizational fragmentation. Third, associations develop as legitimate voices for physicians, but their relationship to other professions differs in higher-income countries. Associations in LMICs form coalitions with other health professionals. Finally, although German state physician associations have a key implementation role, in most countries, state and federal policy roles seem relatively defined. Global comparison of the LMICs and other countries suggests power, unity, legitimacy, and federal roles are tied closely to the stage of health system development.
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Lee, Doyeon, Seungwook Kim, and Keunhwan Kim. "International R&D Collaboration for a Global Aging Society: Focusing on Aging-Related National-Funded Projects." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 17, no. 22 (November 18, 2020): 8545. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph17228545.
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An international research and development (R&D) collaboration for aging-related projects is necessary to alleviate the severe economic/healthcare/humanitarian challenges of a global aging society. This study presents a practical/systematic framework that enables the provision of information on the research goals, the status of science and technology, and action plans of aging-related program development processes. We used data on aging-related national-funded projects from the United States of America, the European Union, the United Kingdom, Japan, and Korea. We collected data on 6318 national-funded projects, subsequently designating research fields to each project. By analyzing the content of the projects, their representative research fields, and the associated keywords, we assessed the general goals of six different research fields. To recognize the current scientific capabilities of these research fields, we divided the projects by clusters. We provided information on research organizations, specific goals (i.e., project title), project periods, and the funding related to the projects. These may be used by stakeholders in various governments/institutions/industries during future discussions regarding the establishment of an international R&D collaboration strategy. The approach we proposed may facilitate the linkage between knowledge and action during strategy development by maximizing scientific legitimacy, developing consensual knowledge, and minimizing diverging opinions among stakeholders.
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Abe, Kohki. "International Law as Memorial Sites: The “Comfort Women” Lawsuits Revisited." Korean Journal of International and Comparative Law 1, no. 2 (2013): 166–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134484-12340019.
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Abstract This article revisits the legal and philosophical frontiers passionately explored in the “comfort women” lawsuits in Japan. The epoch-making judicial battle challenging the legality and legitimacy of Japanese military sexual slavery has created an innovative space for combining justice and history. Of enormous practical import are a series of lower court judgments that determined the wrongfulness of Japan’s shameful involvement in the heinous abusive practices during the wartime period. Invoking the nebulous concept of the “Framework” of the San Francisco Peace Treaty of 1951, the Supreme Court rendered a decision in 2007 to procedurally shut the door to the war reparation claims. The decision, however, may not be sustained from the perspective of contemporary international law that is increasingly infused with the quality of trans-temporal justice. The author argues that the Government of Japan should discharge its responsibility by faithfully adopting measures required under international law, an act powerfully called for in the “Age of Apology” and within a new global paradigm against violence against women.
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HOLLIDAY, IAN. "Japan and the Myanmar Stalemate: Regional Power and Resolution of a Regional Problem." Japanese Journal of Political Science 6, no. 3 (December 2005): 393–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109905001969.
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For years Myanmar has been caught in a political stalemate generated both by deadlock between the military government and the democratic opposition, and by polar differences between China and the United States. In searching for ways forward, analysts might therefore want to look beyond these dominant actors. This article considers the contribution that a regional power, Japan, could make to political change. It examines first political stalemate in Myanmar, second Japan as a regional power, third Japanese engagement with Myanmar, fourth Japan and resolution of the Myanmar problem, and fifth future possibilities. The argument is that strong historical ties and good relations inside and outside Myanmar put Japan in a pivotal position. As part of its reassurance diplomacy in East Asia, Japan should take the lead in tackling this regional problem.Since a May 1990 general election that saw the National League for Democracy (NLD) secure a landslide victory and the ruling State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) respond by reinforcing its dictatorship, Myanmar has been in political stasis. Although progress has been made on some fronts, notably in relations between the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), as the military junta is now known, and the insurgent rebel armies with which it long fought civil wars, the uneasy political deadlock that settled on the country some 15 years ago has not been broken. Furthermore, within a complex internal context, the standoff between the two major protagonists from 1990 remains critical. Now, as then, the NLD, brandishing democratic legitimacy, charismatic leader Aung San Suu Kyi and latent popular support, confronts the military junta, wielding guns, power, and fear.
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Martin, Brian G. "‘In My Heart I Opposed Opium’: Opium and the Politics of the Wang Jingwei Government, 1940–45." European Journal of East Asian Studies 2, no. 2 (March 24, 2003): 365–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700615-00202009.
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The Wang Jingwei government has been reviled as the Chinese collaborationist regime par excellence, and one of the major indictments against it was its involvement with the alleged Japanese ‘narcotisation policy’. The politics of collaboration, however, were complex, and are not fully captured by a one-dimensional portrayal of the leading collaborators as ‘national traitors’. The Wang Jingwei government was, indeed, complicit in facilitating the Japanese-sponsored opium monopoly during its early years, although it played only a marginal role in running this monopoly. At the same time, as this article seeks to demonstrate, the regime did attempt to continue implementing the pre-war Nationalist government’s opium suppression programme. Its motives were mixed: it wanted to bolster its legitimacy by portraying itself as the successor regime to the pre-war Nationalist government, and, also like that government, it sought to bolster its parlous finances by recourse to an opium tax. Political developments in Japan in 1943 enabled the Wang Jingwei government to gain control of the opium monopoly, and from 1944 until its demise it made a genuine attempt to implement a policy of opium suppression. This policy achieved some success. The government, however, never resolved the ambiguity between the political aims and the financial needs that drove its policy; nor did it effectively overcome the demoralisation produced by years of open trafficking; and it was never able to curb the Japanese military’s narcotic operations.
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Kenworthy, Lane. "Are Industrial Policy and Corporatism Compatible?" Journal of Public Policy 10, no. 3 (July 1990): 233–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x00005821.
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ABSTRACTAs intense international competition along with rapidly changing product markets and technology have come to dominate the economic environment for firms, industries, and nations, government pursuit of a coordinated, proactive industrial policy has increasingly been viewed as a key to national economic success. Owing largely to its utility in generating consensus-formation, corporatist concertation has been suggested by a number of commentators as an ideal mechanism for implementing industrial policies. However, the legitimacy of corporatism as a mode of interest intermediation rests on the capacity of interest group representatives to win benefits for all their members, while industrial policy decisions are by nature selective or discriminatory. This feature of industrial policy casts doubts upon its compatibility with corporatism. The postwar policy-making experiences of Japan, Sweden, and West Germany support this skepticism.
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Rots, Aike P. "World Heritage, Secularisation, and the New “Public Sacred” in East Asia." Journal of Religion in Japan 8, no. 1-3 (December 17, 2019): 151–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22118349-00801011.
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Abstract The category “heritage” is quickly gaining importance for the study of religion, not least in East Asia. Since the 1990s, Japanese governments, entrepreneurs, and NGO s have invested heavily in heritage preservation, production, and promotion, and other East Asian countries have followed suit. UNESCO recognition is sought after by various state and private actors, who see it as a useful tool for validating and popularising select historical narratives and for acquiring national and international legitimacy. These developments have led to far-reaching transformations in worship sites and ritual practices. Drawing on recent Japanese examples, and comparing these to cases elsewhere in the region, this article constitutes a first step towards a theory of the heritagisation of religion in East Asia. It argues that the heritagisation of worship sites often entails a process of deprivatisation, turning them into public properties that are simultaneously secular and sacred. The article distinguishes between three patterns, which many worship sites and ritual practices that have been inscribed on UNESCO’s World Heritage or Intangible Cultural Heritage Lists, in Japan and beyond, follow: 1) heritage-making constitutes a type of secularisation, 2) it gives rise to new processes of sacralisation, and 3) this enables mass tourism that can lead to far-reaching transformations. Focusing on the first two patterns, the article shows how heritage-making leads to the reconfiguration of sites and practices as national, public, and secular sacred properties.
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Fukuda, Madoka. "The Normalization of Sino-French Diplomatic Relations in 1964 and the Formation of the “One-China” Principle: Negotiations over Breaking French Diplomatic Relations with the Republic of China Government and the Recognition of the People’s Republic of China as the Sole Legitimate Government." World Political Science 8, no. 1 (October 18, 2012): 252–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/wpsr-2012-0013.
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AbstractThis article examines the substance and modification of the “One-China” principle, which the government of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) pursued in the mid 1960s. Under this principle, a country wishing to establish diplomatic relations with the PRC was required first to break off such relations with the Republic of China (ROC). In 1964 the PRC established diplomatic relations with France. This was its first ambassadorial exchange with a Western government. The PRC, in the negotiations over the establishment of diplomatic relations, attempted to achieve some consensus with France on the matter of “One-China”. The PRC, nevertheless, had to abandon these attempts, even though it demanded fewer conditions of France than of the United States (USA), Japan and other Western countries in the 1970s. The PRC had demanded adherence to the “One-China” principle since 1949. France, however, refused to accept this condition. Nevertheless, the PRC established diplomatic relations with France before the latter broke off relations with the ROC. Subsequently, the PRC abandoned the same condition in negotiations with the African governments of the Republic of Congo, Central Africa, Dahomey and Mauritania. After the negotiations with France, the PRC began to insist that the joint communiqué on the establishment of diplomatic relations should clearly state that “the Government of the People’s Republic of China is the sole legal government of China”. However, France refused to insert these words into the communiqué. Afterwards, the PRC nevertheless insisted on putting such a statement into the joint communiqués or exchanges of notes on the establishment of diplomatic relations with the African countries mentioned above. This was done in order to set precedents for making countries accede to the “One-China” principle. The “One-China” principle was, thus, gradually formed in the process of the negotiation and bargaining between the PRC and other governments.
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YANG, Joonseok. "Song Chin-woo’s Perception of the International Landscape and Thoughts on State Building." Korean Society of Culture and Convergence 44, no. 10 (October 31, 2022): 451–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.33645/cnc.2022.10.44.10.451.
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Song Chin-woo(宋鎭禹) learned the advanced ideas of the West while studying in Japan and laid the foundation for national self-reliance based on nationalism. During the March 1st Movement in 1919, Song Chin-woo adhered to Wilson’s principle of national self-determination, but independence from the United States and the West failed. Nevertheless, Song Chin-woo focused on self-reliance and independence in the 1920s and was wary of the American and Western order, simultaneously seizing that order’s legitimacy. Song Chin-woo maintained a confrontational stance toward the Soviet Union and communism but also expressed a willingness to cooperate with them in the interest of independence. He refused to follow China's religion and politics but emphasized friendly relations. He thought of Europe as a champion of universal human rights and ideas, but he was wary of its expansionary policies in Asia. Song Chin-woo insisted on establishing a Western democracy immediately after liberation based on longstanding international recognition, while emphasizing the injustice of establishing a communist government.
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Matsuda, Kōichirō. "Does Conscience Have to be Free? A Multiple Crossroads of Religious, Political, and Diplomatic Arguments: 1868-1874." Mirai. Estudios Japoneses 3 (July 6, 2019): 35–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/mira.64981.
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This article will focus on the conundrum of building the political legitimacy while institutionalizing religious freedom which the newly established goisshin 御一新 government confronted. Liberation of "evil sects", which not only meant Christianity but also other religious sects such as fujufuse-ha of Nichiren school, was an issue which the Meiji state wanted to dodge. Western states demanded the lifting of the ban on Christianity but Japanese political leaders were vigilant against the idea. Reluctantly the Meiji state lifted the ban on Christianity in 1873 but they had started the institutionalization of Shinto as the state religion in advance. The government officials viewed that Christian faith and churches in Western countries were devised to prevent public mind from dissolution. They strived to establish an alternative version of religious authority in Japan instead of introducing the principle of conscientious freedom. However, on the other hand, a new generation of intellectuals raised the protection of the individual right of religious freedom as an urgent issue.
I will analyze the diplomatic negotiations between the Western countries and the Meiji government officials, reports on the Western religious and educational systems in the Iwakura Mission records, voices of Buddhist and Shinto groups, and publications by leading intellectuals such as Nakamura Masao and Katō Hiroyuki so as to build a picture of how the concept of conscientious liberty was treated in such entangled contexts.
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Kwon, heeju, and Eunkyung Kim. "The Implementation of the Conscription System in Colonial Joseon and the kamishibai: Based on the narrative and painting of the family register report." Institute of History and Culture Hankuk University of Foreign Studies 83 (August 31, 2022): 117–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.18347/hufshis.2022.83.117.
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This paper discusses the use of kamishibai for propaganda and the introduction of the family register to facilitate the draft of Koreans after the outbreak of the Second Sino-Japanese War. The examinations is based in particular on the narratives and paintings of the newly discovered 1943 works from the Joseon Development Association, Revolutionary of My Brother and Return of Father.
First, these works emphasize the relationship with real life. Although the family register was introduced for the purpose of the draft, the Japanese government encouraged Koreans to register, citing that the register was closely related to economic interests such as education, property inheritance, and distribution of daily necessity. Actually, considering that there were Koreans who reported increases in the number of family members, regarding the register as a basic survey for the distribution of wartime daily necessities at the time, profits from property would have been an advantage that cannot be ignored.
Second, the role of the father is emphasized in both examples of Kamishibai. It can be said that, in Japan's family system, the head of the family is given the authority to control the family members. In these works, the father, the head of family, plays the most important role in determining the future of his son and daughter. It can be said that this ensured the legitimacy of the draft and facilitated physically mobilizing the people by guaranteeing rather than limiting the authority of the head of the family.
Third, the kamishibai works emphasizes that the draft is the way to become a legitimate citizen and be protected by the state. For Koreans, the draft was an exploitation they want to avoid, but the Japanese imperialisrs stated that by becoming a soldier, a person could become a true Japanese and a man, and that people would be protected by the state when performing military duties. Both works feature a soldier, or a son who wants to become a soldier, who demonstrates the duty of Koreans to serve in the military by demonstrating the attitude that the family of the soldier and the family of the son should have towards state policy, such as registering themselves in the family register.
The appearance of a Korean protagonist who is based on a true story, or based in reality, was a very necessary storyline for Japan at the time and was also a role model requested by Koreans. These kamishibai works can be said to have standardized the life of individuals, who are not categorized as a “subjects” of imperial Japan but specifically embody and present the appearance of the subjects in life.
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Zhao, Suisheng. "A State-Led Nationalism: The Patriotic Education Campaign in Post-Tiananmen China." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 31, no. 3 (September 1, 1998): 287–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(98)00009-9.
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The decline of Communism after the end of the post-Cold War has seen the rise of nationalism in many parts of the former Communist world. In countries such as the former Soviet Union and Yugoslavia, nationalism was pursued largely from the bottom up as ethnic and separatist movements. Some observers also take this bottom-up approach to find the major cause of Chinese nationalism and believe that “the nationalist wave in China is a spontaneous public reaction to a series of international events, not a government propaganda.” (Zhang, M. (1997) The new thinking of Sino–US relations. Journal of Contemporary China, 6(14), 117–123). They see Chinese nationalism as “a belated response to the talk of containing China among journalists and politicians” in the United States and “a public protest against the mistreatment from the US in the last several years.” (Li, H. (1997) China talks back: anti-Americanism or nationalism? Journal of Contemporary China, 6(14), 153–160). This position concurs with the authors of nationalistic books in China, such as The China That Can Say No: Political and Sentimental Choice in the Post-Cold War Era (Song, Q., Zhang Z., Qiao B. (1996) Zhongguo Keyi Shuo Bu (The China That Can Say No). Zhonghua Gongshang Lianhe Chubanshe. Beijing), which called upon Chinese political elites to say no to the US, and argue that the rise of nationalism was not a result of the official propaganda but a reflection of the state of mind of a new generation of Chinese intelligentsia in response to the foreign pressures in the post-Cold War era. Indeed, Chinese nationalism was mainly reactive sentiments to foreign suppressions in modern history, and this new wave of nationalist sentiment also harbored a sense of wounded national pride and an anti-foreign (particularly the US and Japan) resentment. Many Chinese intellectuals gave voice to a rising nationalistic discourse in the 1990s (Zhao, S. (1997) Chinese intellectuals' quest for national greatness and nationalistic writing in the 1990s. The China Quarterly, 152, 725–745). However, Chinese nationalism in the 1990s was also constructed and enacted from the top by the Communist state. There were no major military threats to China's security after the end of the Cold War. Instead, the internal legitimacy crisis became a grave concern of the Chinese Communist regime because of the rapid decay of Communist ideology. In response, the Communist regime substituted performance legitimacy provided by surging economic development and nationalist legitimacy provided by invocation of the distinctive characteristics of Chinese culture in place of Marxist–Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought. As one of the most important maneuvers to enact Chinese nationalism, the Communist government launched an extensive propaganda campaign of patriotic education after the Tiananmen Incident in 1989. The patriotic education campaign was well-engineered and appealed to nationalism in the name of patriotism to ensure loyalty in a population that was otherwise subject to many domestic discontents. The Communist regime, striving to maintain authoritarian control while Communist ideology was becoming obsolete in the post-Cold War era, warned of the existence of hostile international forces in the world perpetuating imperialist insult to Chinese pride. The patriotic education campaign was a state-led nationalist movement, which redefined the legitimacy of the post-Tiananmen leadership in a way that would permit the Communist Party's rule to continue on the basis of a non-Communist ideology. Patriotism was thus used to bolster CCP power in a country that was portrayed as besieged and embattled. The dependence on patriotism to build support for the government and the patriotic education campaign by the Communist propagandists were directly responsible for the nationalistic sentiment of the Chinese people in the mid-1990s. This paper focuses on the Communist state as the architect of nationalism in China and seeks to understand the rise of Chinese nationalism by examining the patriotic education campaign. It begins with an analysis of how nationalism took the place of the official ideology as the coalescing force in the post-Tiananmen years. It then goes on to examine the process, contents, methods and effectiveness of the patriotic education campaign. The conclusion offers a perspective on the instrumental aspect of state-led nationalism.
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P. Zulkarnain, Zuliansyah, and Eko Prasojo. "Understanding Japan’s Civil Service System: Norms, Meritocracy, and Institutional Change." Policy & Governance Review 5, no. 1 (November 28, 2020): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.30589/pgr.v5i1.355.
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This article aims to elucidate the tradition of Japan’s public administration emphasizing the civil service system. A number of studies explain the impact of the tradition (norms, values, and institutions), in shaping the process and result of public administration reform. By applying the historical institutionalism perspective, this study reveals how the legacy of the past, the tradition promoted by the Meiji Restoration, creates the new tradition of public administration. This study selects Japan as a typical case representing Asian developmentalists. The remarkable Meiji restoration marked the process of adoption and adjustment of the Germanic traditions in the bureaucracy modernization. Norm institutionalization has established the new norms and civil service system. The basic norms consist of legality, consensus, and seniority. It develops the "kyaria" denoting recruitment, selection, and promotion influenced by seniority, long term performance, and prestigious university recommendation and produces competent and dominant mandarins in the policy process. However, the parliament continuously initiates the reform to reduce the mandarin's domination and heighten political control over the bureaucracy. The reform has not yet changed the power balance of two institutions since the ”kyaria's” embeddedness in Japan's polity produces two consequences. First, it contributes to public administration modernization. The mandarin’s outstanding performance increases political legitimacy and social acceptance to the "kyaria"system. Second, the parliament cannot drastically reduce the mandarin’s role since the lifetime employment model enriches them with knowledge and experience of the government affairs. Conducting cautious reform and, at the same time, working closely with the mandarin are the primary reform strategy of the parliament.
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Mattiacci, Eleonora, and Benjamin T. Jones. "Restoring Legitimacy: Public Diplomacy Campaigns during Civil Wars." International Studies Quarterly 64, no. 4 (September 17, 2020): 867–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqaa065.
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Abstract Governments involved in civil wars often gain a strategic advantage from intentionally killing civilians. However, targeting civilians might also tarnish perceptions of the government’s legitimacy abroad, increasing the risk of foreign actors punishing the government. How can governments attempt to navigate this dilemma? Focusing on the United States as one of the most frequent interveners in civil wars after the Cold War, we examine one particular strategy governments might employ: public diplomacy campaigns (PDCs) targeting both the public and elites in the United States. PDCs can help governments restore perceptions of their legitimacy abroad in the face of civilian targeting by mobilizing coalitions of support and undermining critics. When governments can achieve plausible deniability for civilian deaths via militias, PDCs enable governments to reduce the damage to foreign perceptions of their legitimacy. When rebels engage in civilian targeting, PDCs allow governments to publicize these actions. We compile data PDCs in the United States by governments engaged in civil wars. Our results have important implications for current understandings of civil war combatant foreign policies, foreign interventions, and international human rights laws and norms.
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Metinsoy, Saliha. "“Selective Friendship at the Fund”: United States Allies, Labor Conditions, and the International Monetary Fund’s Legitimacy." Politics and Governance 10, no. 3 (August 23, 2022): 143–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v10i3.5303.
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This article discusses the International Monetary Fund’s recent effort to garner legitimacy by incorporating the reduction of economic inequality in its lending programs. It argues that the impact of the US as a major shareholder on conditionality and geopolitical considerations beyond objective and measurable economic necessities detract from these efforts to expand legitimacy. Using a panel data analysis of International Monetary Fund programs between 1980 and 2013, the article shows that US-allied left-wing governments receive a larger number of labor conditions in their programs compared to non-allied and right-wing governments. The article argues that this is part of left-wing governments’ strategy of maintaining their alliance with the US and demonstrating ideological proximity. In exchange, the US uses its influence to secure fewer conditions in total for its allied governments. This not only shifts the burden of adjustment on labor groups but also harms the Fund’s procedural legitimacy, as conditions are not objectively determined. It also has adverse implications for outcome legitimacy by distorting economic policies and outcomes and increasing income inequality.
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Newsham, Grant Frederick. "Japan’s Yakuza – still alive, and yes, they do matter." Journal of Financial Crime 26, no. 4 (October 7, 2019): 938–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jfc-12-2018-0138.
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Purpose This paper aims to inform the reader of the nature of Japanese organize crime (“the Yakuza”) and the extent to which it has penetrated and is a powerful force in nearly all facets of Japanese society – with particular focus on the “legitimate” business and financial worlds. The paper also describes in detail the actual harmful effects of Yakuza influence and also provides a cautionary note for foreign business ventures in Japan. Design/methodology/approach The paper offers an in-depth narrative description based on the author’s over 20 years’ experience researching the topic along with practical experience gained while working in the business risk mitigation field in Japan and assisting private entities in avoiding underworld entanglements. Findings The paper demonstrates how the Yakuza remains a potent force with widespread influence in Japan, despite the government’s enactment of specific regulations designed to pressure underworld organizations. Research limitations/implications The paper offers insights into an aspect of Japanese society that receives limited examination, and the information contained in the article is potentially useful to other scholars and the foreign business community as well. The Yakuza are a broad topic, and the author’s perspectives are necessarily focused on cases of Yakuza involvement in the legitimate economy and political world rather than the entire panoply of underworld activity. Practical implications The insights and descriptions of underworld involvement in “legitimate” parts of Japanese society might encourage Japanese authorities to assess why the Yakuza remain entrenched and take appropriate counter measures. Social implications The paper is potentially of use to foreign business and governmental organizations in better understanding and countering risks and threats posed by the Japanese underworld, both in Japan and beyond its borders. Originality/value This topic is infrequently covered in any depth in English language sources and seldom if ever by someone with over two decades of practical experience identifying and helping private entities navigate around Yakuza dangers.
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Smith, Jennifer. "Intergovernmental Relations, Legitimacy, and the Atlantic Accords." Constitutional Forum / Forum constitutionnel 17, no. 1, 2 & 3 (July 11, 2011): 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.21991/c91h3k.
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Are the Atlantic Accords regarded as legiti- mate agreements in Canada? If not, why not? And does it matter? The purpose of this article is to answer these questions. Legitimacy resides in the eyes of the be- holder. Who is the beholder? Initially, one thinks mainly of citizens in this respect. How- ever, another beholder is government — other governments. In federations, governments of- ten deal directly with one another, a sphere of activity called executive federalism. When the central government negotiates agreements with one or more (but not all) regional governments, the rest are relegated to the status of observ- ers. As observers, they might well have ideas on the legitimacy of the activity, including the process used and the resulting agreement that is reached.
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Scharpf, Fritz W. "Legitimacy in the multilevel European polity." European Political Science Review 1, no. 2 (July 2009): 173–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773909000204.
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To be at the same time effective and liberal, governments must normally be able to count on voluntary compliance – which, in turn, depends on the support of socially shared legitimacy beliefs. In Western constitutional democracies, such beliefs are derived from the distinct, but coexistent traditions of ‘republican’ and ‘liberal’ political philosophy. Judged by these criteria, the European Union – when considered by itself – appears as a thoroughly liberal polity which, however, lacks all republican credentials. But this view (which seems to structure the debates about the ‘European democratic deficit’) ignores the multilevel nature of the European polity, where the compliance of citizens is requested, and needs to be legitimated, by member states, whereas the Union appears as a ‘government of governments’, which is entirely dependent on the voluntary compliance of its member states. What matters primarily, therefore, is the compliance–legitimacy relationship between the Union and its member states – which, however, is normatively constrained by the basic compliance–legitimacy relationship between member governments and their constituents. Given the high consensus requirements of European legislation, member governments could, and should, be able to assume political responsibility for European policies in which they had a voice, and to justify them in ‘communicative discourses’ in the national public space. That is not necessarily so for ‘non-political’ policy choices imposed by the European Court of Justice (ECJ). By enforcing its ‘liberal’ programme of liberalization and deregulation, the ECJ may presently be undermining the ‘republican’ bases of member-state legitimacy. Where that is the case, open non-compliance is a present danger, and political controls of judicial legislation may be called for.
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Canel, Maria-José, Evandro Samuel Oliveira, and Vilma Luoma-aho. "Exploring citizens’ judgments about the legitimacy of public policies on refugees." Journal of Communication Management 21, no. 4 (November 6, 2017): 355–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jcom-02-2017-0025.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is threefold: to introduce a theoretical frame regarding the meaning of legitimacy as an intangible asset of the public sector; to test a way of operationalizing legitimacy typologies that allows exploring and comparing how citizens from two countries evaluate the legitimacy of public policies; and to suggest implications for governments’ legitimacy-building strategies in shared international crisis, such as the refugees coming from the Syrian region. Design/methodology/approach Building on Suchman’s typology, it was defined and categorized different types of legitimacy into concrete measurable, communication related statements concerning consequential, procedural, structural and personal. For the illustrative example, four focus groups were conducted in two different European societies as a mean to have two poles of comparison. Findings The paper reports current understanding of legitimacy by citizens, discusses how different legitimacy types might demand different communication and public diplomacy approaches. The basis for hypothesis for further research on how governments should build legitimacy during emerging societal issues such as immigration policies is set. Practical implications It proposes a typology and its operationalization, discusses how communication might shape legitimacy and profiles the challenge governments have in building it. Within a public diplomacy context, it brings clues for new strategies to the challenge of explaining policies on international crisis combining the tension of domestic with foreign publics. Originality/value There is little research so far in search for clues for communication strategies for the legitimacy of policies on the 2015 European refugee’s crisis. This contributes to the emerging area of intangible assets in the public sector and tests a focus-group research strategy with both hermeneutical and pragmatic aims. Combine public diplomacy theory with public sector intangible assets theory to respond to the tension of internal and external public demands.
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Shang, Po P. "Myanmar's Foreign Policy: Shifting Legitimacy, Shifting Strategic Culture." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 41, no. 1 (October 22, 2021): 88–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/18681034211044481.
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Since 2011, while the principles of foreign policy “independent, active, and non-aligned” under the respective governments under the Union Solidarity and Development Party and the National League for Democracy have remained the same, the foreign policy approaches – including the concept of non-alignment – of the two leaders of these governments have been quite different. This article describes the survival and foreign policy of the small country of Myanmar beyond the great power lens, arguing that the impact of strategic culture on the two governments since 2011 has differed because of the different levels of legitimacy enjoyed by the two leaders. The cornerstones of Myanmar's strategic culture are (1) that it shall never tolerate foreign interference, (2) that it shall always pursue self-reliance in its diplomacy, and (3) that the very nature of Myanmar is to be independent.
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Taylor, Zack. "Pathways to legitimacy." Planning Theory 18, no. 2 (October 17, 2018): 214–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1473095218806929.
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Planners are centrally concerned with the legitimacy of planning institutions and practices. In a democratic society, governments depend on the voluntary compliance of external actors for the implementation of their policies. Planning theorists have largely focused on the inclusiveness and quality of deliberation in goal-setting. This article expands this focus using Scharpf’s and Schmidt’s distinction between three domains of legitimation—input, throughput, and output—each of which affords a distinct pathway to legitimacy. These legitimation processes are examined through a comparison of the postwar development of American regional planning institutions in Minneapolis–St Paul, Minnesota, and Portland, Oregon. The input-throughput-output distinction can be used to interpret the operation and impacts of historical planning activities, or prospectively to evaluate the potential impacts of institutional reforms.
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Yang, Kexin. "PEST Analysis Based on Japan's Nuclear Wastewater Discharge Event." BCP Business & Management 23 (August 4, 2022): 522–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.54691/bcpbm.v23i.1394.
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On April 13, 2021, the Japanese government officially issued a statement saying that it will discharge the nuclear waste water stored in the Tokyo Electric Power Company's Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Power Plant into the sea around the spring of 2023 for a period of 30 years. Despite almost overwhelming opposition domestic and abroad, the Japanese government has not withdrawn or delayed the plan. Based on the six stakeholders and the PEST analysis method, this paper deeply discusses the reasons for the Japanese government's unilateral decision to discharge nuclear waste water into the sea. Research shows that Japan's discharge of nuclear waste water is not just an environmental protection issue, it is a consequence of Japan's political, economic, technological, cultural and even historical factors. The purpose of this paper is to provide a reference for effective measures in the future, in the hope of better protecting the legitimate rights and interests of stakeholders by introducing international environmental law to prevent and postpone the discharge of nuclear wastewater from Japan.
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Flückiger, Matthias, Markus Ludwig, and Ali Sina Önder. "Ebola and State Legitimacy." Economic Journal 129, no. 621 (January 8, 2019): 2064–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ecoj.12638.
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Abstract We exploit the West African Ebola epidemic as an event that necessitated the provision of a common-interest public good, Ebola control measures, to empirically investigate the effect of public good provision on state legitimacy. Our results show that state legitimacy, measured by trust in government authorities, increased with exposure to the epidemic. We argue, supported by results from SMS-message-based surveys, that a potentially important channel underlying this finding is a greater valuation of control measures in regions with intense transmission. Evidence further indicates that the effects of Ebola exposure are more pronounced in areas where governments responded relatively robustly to the epidemic.
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Murphy, Sean D. "Democratic Legitimacy and the Recognition of States and Governments." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 48, no. 3 (July 1999): 545–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589300063430.
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In a seminal 1992 article Thomas Franck postulated the emergence in international law of a right to democratic governance.1 Franck argued that, increasingly, the acceptance of a government by other States turns on whether the government governs with the consent of its people.In supporting this notion, Franck pointed to events such as the 1991 effort by Haitian military and police authorities to overthrow the elected President of Haiti, Jean-Bertrand Aristide. Although those authorities exercised complete control over Haiti, the international community condemned the coup leaders, refused to engage in normal diplomatic relations with them or to seat their representatives at international organisations, and instead continued to recognise the exiled President Aristide as representing the legitimate government of Haiti. Severe economic and ultimately military sanctions were imposed on Haiti, and finally, in 1994, the coup leaders were forced to relinquish power. President Aristide then returned to Haiti to complete his term as president.
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McQuarrie, Fiona A. E., Alex Kondra, and Kai Lamertz. "The impact of government's coercive power on the perceived legitimacy of Canadian post-secondary institutions." Canadian Journal of Higher Education 43, no. 2 (August 31, 2013): 149–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.47678/cjhe.v43i2.2571.
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Governments regulate and control organizations, yet their role in determining organizational legitimacy is largely unexamined. In the changing Canadian post-secondary landscape, legitimacy is an increasingly important issue for post-secondary institutions as they compete amongst themselves for access to ever-shrinking resources. Using an institutional theory framework, we analyze two examples of government policy and legislation relating to the organizational legitimacy of Canadian post-secondary institutions. Based on this analysis, we suggest a more nuanced understanding of the effects of government’s coercive power on organizational legitimacy.
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McDonough, Peter, Samuel H. Barnes, and Antonio López Pina. "The Growth of Democratic Legitimacy in Spain." American Political Science Review 80, no. 3 (September 1986): 735–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1960536.
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The political transition in Spain provides a rare opportunity to monitor popular attitudes toward alternative regimes. Through the analysis of national surveys conducted in 1978, 1979–80, and 1984, we first establish that the Spanish public distinguishes not only between successive governments—the Franquist and the center-right and socialist governments of the post-Franco period—but also between Francoism and democracy as political systems. Second, we show that during the post-Franco era the criteria of legitimacy have begun to shift from formal political to social democratic values. These analytical results are achieved by comparing standard with less orthodox measures of political legitimacy and performance, and by revising conventional theories of system support. Third, we estimate the determinants of support for and opposition to the two regimes. The Franquist system remains more polarizing than does the democratic system; the constituencies of the democratic regime are considerably broader and more heterogeneous. However, while the new democratic state is comparatively inclusive and autonomous, low rates of political participation and changes in traditional socialist ideology have made the institutional bases of legitimacy ambiguous.
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Olausson, Albin. "Legitimacy of uncertain policy work: Exploring values in local economic development projects." Local Economy: The Journal of the Local Economy Policy Unit 35, no. 5 (August 2020): 440–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0269094220953199.
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This article takes the standpoint that, due to high levels of uncertainty, local economic development work suffers from both input- and output-based legitimacy. Nevertheless, local governments are active development agents and try to come up with economic development initiatives. In order to better understand the legitimate basis for uncertain economic development work, this article offers an unconventional analysis of economic development projects. Drawing on scholars of organization theory, legitimacy is defined as congruence in values between the studied projects and the stakeholders in the surrounding environment. The article examines what kinds of values pervade local governments’ economic development projects. The empirical material is based on thick interview and observation data derived from a study of eight local development projects in Sweden. The results show that values of professionalization and deliberation pervade the analysed projects. Taking the two sets of values together, the results indicate that local government administration seeks to legitimize its economic development work as being based on professional directed processes of public deliberation. Both these sets of values challenge the local representative democratic system of government as the prime source of the legitimacy of local governments’ interventions.
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Levin, Benjamin. "Review of Governments and Higher Education: The Legitimacy of Intervention." Canadian Journal of Higher Education 17, no. 3 (December 31, 1987): 74–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.47678/cjhe.v17i3.183024.
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Aguirre Ochoa, Jerjes, and Casimiro Leco Tomas. "Political legitimacy in Mexico and police in high-conflict areas." Revista Cimexus 15, no. 2 (December 1, 2020): 151–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.33110/cimexus150207.
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This paper analyzes the importance of political legitimacy in police actions in Mexico, especially in regions where criminal cartels build strategies that seek to justify their criminal activities through social and political actions that give them the legitimacy that the police lack on local and sub-national governments. The article observes aspects of legitimacy of the National Police of Colombia that can be applied to the Mexican case, specifically to the recently created Mexican National Guard. The analysis focuses on the municipalities of the so-called Tierra Caliente, Michoacana that exemplify the problems of political legitimacy and the difficulties that this implies for police activity.
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Schuit, Anne. "Recognition of Governments in International Law and the Recent Conflict in Libya." International Community Law Review 14, no. 4 (2012): 381–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18719732-12341236.
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Abstract The meaning of recognition of governments varies in time and between individual States. At a minimum it entails that the recognising State wishes to be bound by the international legal consequences of recognition. How to recognise a government is not defined, as the decision whether or not to recognise a government is a unilateral act and at the discretion of each individual State. The most important criteria for recognising a government are the effective control and the legitimacy doctrine, although some States have decided to abolish the recognition of governments all together. Applying the criteria for recognition of governments to the conflict in Libya in 2011, it is concluded that the recognition of the Transitional National Council by some States while the Gadaffi regime was still in control over large parts of the territory is probably not supported by the effective control or legitimacy doctrine. This could invoke State responsibility.
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Liu, Xiao-xiao, Lai Si Tsui-Auch, Jun Jie Yang, Xueli Wang, Aihua Chen, and Kai Wang. "The Color of Faults Depends on the Lens: MNCs’ Legitimacy Repair in Response to Framing by Local Governments in China." Management and Organization Review 15, no. 02 (June 2019): 429–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mor.2019.29.
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ABSTRACTConcerns over food safety in China not only direct public attention to negative incidents, but also trigger the government's scrutiny of implicated firms, particularly MNCs. The question of how to repair legitimacy after media coverage of negative incidents has become a critical issue for MNCs. Although the factors for MNCs’ public crises have been identified, how local contexts and mechanisms shape repair approaches remain unclear. To address this research gap, we conducted a study of Walmart China's approaches associated with two negative incidents across two regions. We found that the negative incidents can be framed differently depending on the local environment's unfavorability for MNCs. Specifically, the negative framing gave rise to varying degrees of legitimacy loss and offered different leeway for MNCs to repair their legitimacy. We also identified the varied outcomes of different repair approaches. By revealing the linkages among local context, framing, legitimacy repair, and its outcomes, our study contributes to research on MNCs’ legitimacy management under institutional complexity and underscores the China context for legitimacy maintenance. We also offer insights that advance the institutional approach to legitimacy repair in this context. Last, we reflect on the techniques for conducting qualitative research in China.
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Saugheh, Hamed Hasyemi, and Rohaida Nordin. "Legitimacy as a Precondition for the Recognition of New Governments: A Case of Libya." Sriwijaya Law Review 2, no. 1 (January 31, 2018): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.28946/slrev.vol2.iss1.111.pp69-81.
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Recognition of new Stets and governments is a political act with legal reverberations. Although the recognition of new States and governments is a traditional concept of international law but the challenging recognition of the transitional government of Libya proved that this traditional concept still can be highly exigent. Traditionally, the States in providing recognition to a new government follow their own benefits and privileges and rarely consider the structure, capacity and public support for the new government. If the rule of law and respecting democracy is going to be means of promoting peace and security is various areas of the world, is not it time to redefine the traditional concepts of international law (included of recognition of new States and government) from a new perspective? Considering the fact that, the existence of a legitimate authority in a group enhances the effective functioning of that group and reduces the internal conflicts, it seems that it is time to expand the political concept of legitimacy of the authorities into the international law. Is there any State practice to support the argument? In this article, the existence of norm creating forces and role of legitimacy in the recognition of the Libyan Transitional Government is going to be analysed. The After studying the role of legitimacy of the Libyan NTC in passing the sovereignty from the past regime to the new government by the international community, the effect of lack of legitimacy on the previous regime will be examined and the question of withdrawing of recognition of governments will be addressed.
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HENDERSON, DAVID. "WTO 2002: imaginary crisis, real problems." World Trade Review 1, no. 3 (November 2002): 277–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474745602001246.
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This article contests the view advanced by Daniel Esty in World Trade Review, that the WTO is now facing ‘a crisis of legitimacy’, for which the remedy is to create for it ‘links with popular sovereignty’, to broaden its objectives and concerns, and to establish it as part of a stronger system of ‘global governance’. I argue that the legitimacy of an international agency derives first and foremost from its member governments; that democratic legitimacy and ‘popular sovereignty’ do not necessarily go together; that non-governmental organizations have no valid claim in their own right to participate in the activities of international agencies; that bringing these organizations into the WTO would weaken and divide it; that governments, in handling and deciding trade matters, already take account of wider issues and goals and are not uncritically committed to freer trade; that it is still appropriate to limit the concerns of the WTO to questions relating to trade and trade liberalization; that globalization has neither undermined the power and competence of national states nor given rise to a need for new forms of global governance; and that the WTO, despite its now more secure status and enlarged scope as compared with the GATT, is for good reasons neither a powerful instrument of global governance nor in course of becoming so. While the Organization has no ‘legitimacy crisis’, it faces substantial problems both old and new. Its potential for useful activity largely depends, as in the past, on the readiness of its member governments to defend and pursue the goal of freer trade.
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Jo, Hyeran, and Catarina P. Thomson. "Legitimacy and Compliance with International Law: Access to Detainees in Civil Conflicts, 1991–2006." British Journal of Political Science 44, no. 2 (January 23, 2013): 323–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123412000749.
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Existing compliance research has focused on states’ adherence to international rules. This article reports on state and also non-state actors’ adherence to international norms. The analysis of warring parties’ behaviour in granting the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) access to detention centres between 1991 and 2006 shows that both governments and rebel groups adhere to the norm of accepting the ICRC in order to advance their pursuit of legitimacy. National governments are more likely to grant access when they are democracies and rely on foreign aid. Insurgent groups are more likely to grant access when they exhibit legitimacy-seeking characteristics, such as having a legal political wing, relying on domestic support, controlling territory and receiving transnational support.
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Bonsón, Enrique, David Perea, and Michaela Bednárová. "Environmental Disclosure as a Tool for Public Sector Legitimacy." International Journal of Public Administration in the Digital Age 7, no. 3 (July 2020): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijpada.2020070101.
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The purpose of this study is to measure the extent of Twitter environmental reporting by Andalusian municipalities (Spain) and identify the determinant factors of such a disclosure. Thus, factors such as population, geolocation, political signs, and sustainable commitments were analyzed under the legitimacy theory approach. The sample consisted of the official Twitter accounts of the 153 biggest local governments in Andalusia. The classification of the environmental tweets was based on a dictionary based on the GRI reporting standards for environmental disclosure, and a Twitter environmental disclosure index (TEDI) was developed. The results show that most of the local governments in Andalusia (77.78%) have an official Twitter account with different levels of audience, penetration, and activity. On the other hand, it was found that environmental disclosure is very low. However, municipalities with more surplus budget and municipalities with a greater number of sustainable commitments networks tend to report more on environmental issues through Twitter.
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Hassfurther, Isabelle. "Transforming the “International Unsociety”: Towards Eutopia by Means of International Recognition of Peoples’ Representatives." Volume 60 · 2017 60, no. 1 (January 1, 2018): 451–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/gyil.60.1.451.
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This paper proposes a criterion of legitimacy for recognition of governments as a contribution to the “revolution in the mind”, a procedural vehicle towards a transformed international society envisioned by Philip Allott in his latest work ‘Eutopia’. It is suggested that in order to promote a shift from mere State co-existence to Allott’s Eutopia – a unified and flourishing human society – the representatives participating in the international process of renegotiating common values and ideas must be chosen according to a criterion coinciding with this end, not based on effective territorial control. Against this background, different contemporary proposals for determining legitimacy of governments are discussed, none of which seem apt to designate those employing the central mediating function between inner-State societies and the international sphere. Neither constitutional legality nor imposing a system of democratic legitimation necessarily ensure adequate representation of the free choice of the peoples. By contrast, the right to political self-determination, understood as an entitlement to exercise public sovereignty and be represented by the chosen government, provides a point of departure for a criterion of legitimacy sufficiently respecting normative expectations of the distinct national societies. Beyond this relative component, however, the dual role of legitimacy on the international plane calls for certain additional criteria reflecting a prospective international society’s core values. Therefore, a regime’s commission of mass atrocities, violating ius cogens norms which prioritise human beings and their flourishing, invariably deprives it of legitimacy to participate in the international self-constituting. A criterion of legitimacy so understood – combining relative and absolute standards of legitimacy, thereby ensuring the representation of varying societies’ ideas while safeguarding certain international core standards – could facilitate a ‘transitory Eutopia’ of legitimate peoples’ representatives, ultimately serving as a catalyst towards Allott’s “shared humanity of all human beings”.
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Mena, Sébastien, and Guido Palazzo. "Input and Output Legitimacy of Multi-Stakeholder Initiatives." Business Ethics Quarterly 22, no. 3 (July 2012): 527–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/beq201222333.
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ABSTRACT:In a globalizing world, governments are not always able or willing to regulate the social and environmental externalities of global business activities. Multi-stakeholder initiatives (MSI), defined as global institutions involving mainly corporations and civil society organizations, are one type of regulatory mechanism that tries to fill this gap by issuing soft law regulation. This conceptual paper examines the conditions of a legitimate transfer of regulatory power from traditional democratic nation-state processes to private regulatory schemes, such as MSIs. Democratic legitimacy is typically concerned with input legitimacy (rule credibility, or the extent to which the regulations are perceived as justified) and output legitimacy (rule effectiveness, or the extent to which the rules effectively solve the issues). In this study, we identify MSI input legitimacy criteria (inclusion, procedural fairness, consensual orientation, and transparency) and those of MSI output legitimacy (rule coverage, efficacy, and enforcement), and discuss their implications for MSI democratic legitimacy.
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Midorikawa, Saburoh. "Recent Seismic Microzoning Maps in Japan." Journal of Disaster Research 1, no. 2 (October 1, 2006): 201–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.20965/jdr.2006.p0201.
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In Japan, seismic microzoning has been conducted as the basis for better disaster planning by governments. This paper introduces various seismic microzoning maps published by the central and local governments in Japan after the 1995 Kobe earthquake. Nation-wide seismic hazard maps are published by the Headquarters for Earthquake Research Promotion, to understand the general view of seismic hazard nationwide. Regional seismic microzoning maps are prepared by the Central Disaster Prevention Council for large subduction earthquakes and the Tokyo Metropolitan earthquake. Based on results of the microzonings, strategies are proposed for disaster mitigation of the earthquakes. Local governments prepare more detailed, smaller scale maps, e.g., the Yokohama shake map using a 50 m mesh system. After the publication of the map, the numbers of applicants for seismic performance appraisal service of wooden houses and for seismic retrofitting subsidies from the city increased significantly. This stimulated central and local governments, which started detailed mapping studies. Seismic microzoning maps are being used not only for governments but also for citizens. The maps should evolve both for more attractive presentation to deepen citizens' understanding and for more reliable and comprehensive estimates of seismic hazard and risk.
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Kawai, Norifumi, Mirela Xheneti, and Tomoyo Kazumi. "The effect of perceived legitimacy on new venture growth in Japan: a moderated mediation approach." Journal of Small Business and Enterprise Development 27, no. 3 (April 21, 2020): 427–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jsbed-07-2019-0242.
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PurposeThis article seeks to theorize and empirically examine the conditional mechanisms through which entrepreneurial legitimacy determines the success or failure of new ventures by building upon Zimmerman and Zeitz's (2002) causal process model of legitimacy.Design/methodology/approachWe gathered cross-sectional data from 266 Japanese new venture owners running their businesses across a variety of sectors and empirically examined whether, how and when legitimacy positively affects new ventures' performance by employing the SPSS PROCESS macro for moderated mediation analysis.FindingsThe results indicate that rich access to a pool of valuable resources fully mediates the positive effects of legitimacy on new venture growth. Furthermore, this study offers robust empirical evidence that prior entrepreneurial experience and competitive intensity as the internal and external contingency factors significantly moderate the indirect effect of legitimacy on new venture growth through resource accessibility.Research limitations/implicationsAlthough our analysis provides clear support for the view that important resources for new venture performance are gained through legitimacy, it does not offer precise clarifications for the type and sources of legitimacy and for the strategies that could be deployed to achieve legitimacy. Future studies should clearly distinguish tangible assets (e.g. financial resources) from intangible assets (e.g. tacit knowledge, networks and reputation) in terms of resource accessibility. Therefore, it should be worth scrutinizing the multiple dimensions of resources as potential mediators of the legitimacy-new venture growth relationship in greater depth.Practical implicationsFrom a policy perspective, this study suggests that a special emphasis needs to be placed on designing and carrying out policies aimed at increasing the visibility and credibility of entrepreneurship as a positive career path since public acceptance of entrepreneurship is essential to new venture growth. Furthermore, it is logical to conclude that achieving greater legitimacy is a pivotal strategic tool not only to overcome resource barriers but also to maximize a probability of survival, specifically for those entrepreneurs without prior experience and those operating in a fiercely competitive market environment.Originality/valueUnlike previous studies that have mostly presented the direct effect of entrepreneurial legitimacy on venture outcomes (Capelleras et al., 2019; Kibler and Kautonen, 2016; Pindado and Sánchez, 2017), our research empirically identified the potential complexities inherent in this relationship by performing a conditional indirect effect analysis.
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Earl, Anna, and Snejina Michailova. "Home governments and MNEs in Russia: Relationships and MNE external legitimacy." Journal of International Management 27, no. 2 (June 2021): 100847. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.intman.2021.100847.
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Reich, Simon. "Roads to follow: regulating direct foreign investment." International Organization 43, no. 4 (1989): 543–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300034445.
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The United States faces a formidable and growing economic challenge from Japan. Over the last decade, the American state has characteristically responded to the loss of domestic market dominance in the manufacturing sector to foreign firms by invoking the principles of free and fair trade in order to delegitimate this foreign competition and legitimate the imposition of trade barriers designed to encourage the investment of multinational corporations (MNCs) in the United States. These tactics have largely succeeded in attracting investment and thus aided domestic employment and the balance of trade. The short-term benefits, however, have been achieved at long-term, unforeseen, undesirable economic and political costs in terms of both the balance of payments and state autonomy. Alternative state responses to the threat posed by Japanese MNCs, while consistent with principles of free trade, challenge the traditional liberal conception of the scope and domain of state behavior and provide more effective policies in achieving both short- and long-term objectives. This article draws on data relating to the treatment of subsidiaries of American automobile manufacturers by European governments with competing indigenous producers in specifying two variables critical to identifying policy alternatives: first, the degree of access granted by the state to foreign firms (limited or unlimited access) and, second, the type of support provided by the state to domestic firms (discriminatory or nondiscriminatory intervention). The analysis suggests that there are four possible policy combinations, which generally reflect the four different postwar state policies pursued by West Germany, France, Britain, and the United States. Of these four, the combination employed by West Germany has proved most effective in pursuing policies consistent with liberal trade principles while reconciling short-term employment and fiscal goals with the broader long-term objectives of sustaining state autonomy and balance-of-payments surpluses in the face of foreign competition. British policies, which have consistently proved the most ineffective, have sacrificed long-term objectives for short-term ones. As a result of structural changes during the 1970s, the American state's chosen policy combination was altered and now replicates the traditional British formula. The United States therefore risks comparable economic and political consequences.
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KINUGASA, Tatsuo. "Production Structure of Local Governments in Japan." Studies in Regional Science 44, no. 2 (2014): 223–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2457/srs.44.223.
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Yoshida, Motonori. "Fiscal Sustainability of Local Governments in Japan†." Asian Economic Journal 34, no. 2 (June 2020): 127–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/asej.12210.
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Lee, Sang Kook. "The State, Ethnic Community, and Refugee Resettlement in Japan." Journal of Asian and African Studies 53, no. 8 (May 23, 2018): 1219–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909618777277.
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Using the case of Karen refugees in Japan, this paper examines how a state-driven refugee resettlement policy resulted in refugees suffering under difficult conditions and how, in turn, this drove the existing ethnic community to become an active player in assisting resettled refugees to adapt, in contest with the state. Japan was the first Asian country to initiate a refugee resettlement program in 2010. However, the government failed to consult with other stakeholders, notably the ethnic community, causing difficulties for the refugees in adapting to their new life. In helping resolving this crisis, the Karen community emerged as a legitimate actor in the governance of these refugees. The current study highlights the contest between the state and ethnic communities over resettlement programs and contributes to the understanding of the structural formation that influences refugees in the early stage of resettlement.