Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Legitimacy of governments Japan'
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Axelrod, Paul Scott. "Political legitimacy and self-loss /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10710.
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Fouse, David B. "The role of antimilitarism in postwar Japanese political legitimacy." Thesis, University of Hawaii at Manoa, 2002. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?index=0&did=765044431&SrchMode=1&sid=4&Fmt=2&VInst=PROD&VType=PQD&RQT=309&VName=PQD&TS=1208544298&clientId=23440.
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Karlsson, Christer. "Democracy, legitimacy and the European Union /." Uppsala : Uppsala University Library, 2001. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sub-hamburg/329961624.pdf.
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Chan, Yuk-kit, and 陳鋈傑. "Staging democracy: rethinking political legitimacy and the public sphere." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2012. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B50534166.
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By now it has become a common observation that liberal and republican models of democracy are inadequate in making sense of the expansive political landscape in today’s complex and pluralistic societies. Deliberative democracy has become a new favorite amongst scholars in the attempt to reinvigorate democracy through normative frameworks that emphasize rationality, consensus and informed discussions. On the other hand, scholars have questioned whether the this model is effective with regards to present forms of political engagements that are often mediatized and staged in ways that fall short of deliberative ideals.
This research moves beyond these models in the attempt to better capture the complex power relations that underpin contemporary liberal democratic societies. This involves rethinking concepts of political legitimacy and the public sphere. Through interrogating Habermas’s discourse model of democracy and putting him in dialogue with the works of Lefort and Foucault, it will be demonstrated that it is useful to view political legitimacy not as a status but a process in which individuals legitimate or de-legitimate the power relations that they find themselves in. In addition, the public sphere should be conceptualized as the public stage, in which individuals must struggle with not only the state apparatuses, but also with oppressive or dominating forms of power, in the government of both themselves and others. By redefining these two important concepts in political philosophy, this research seeks to rethink modern democracy as constituting the very condition of indeterminacy.published_or_final_version
Philosophy
Master
Master of Philosophy
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Li, Chan-man Philip, and 李燦文. "The issue of dynastic legitimacy of the Three Kingdoms asseen in Zizhi Tongjian." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1989. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31949526.
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Saward, M. "Co-option and legitimacy : The varieties and consequences of formal incorporation." Thesis, University of Essex, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.384595.
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Depner, Wolfgang. "The effectiveness and legitimacy of federal minority governments in Canada since 1945." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/47034.
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Despite popular expectations and theoretical predictions, Canada’s first-past-the- post electoral system continues to produce minority governments, defined by Forsey “as government by a cabinet with less than half of the seats in the House of Commons.” Since 1945, almost half of all federal elections have produced this form of government. Drawing instruction from the most recent run of minority governments between 2004 and 2011, the dissertation scrutinizes the effectiveness and legitimacy of the nine federal minority governments that have governed Canada since 1945. Methodologically, it treats them as probationary majorities and retroactively judges their effectiveness by whether they shed this status. Effectiveness, so understood, can in turn be explained by a number of different factors best seen through the prism of the prevailing Canadian party system. Turning to the question of legitimacy, the dissertation adopts a dualistic view of legitimacy in judging the surveyed minority governments by their (i) constitutional legitimacy and (ii) input legitimacy. Concerning the former, it argues that federal minority governments have historically played fast and loose with the constitutional conventions that sustain them. Concerning the latter, it argues further that minority governments have generally failed to improve the input legitimacy of parliamentary government, contrary to the position of Russell and others scholars who claim that minority government has the capacity to improve the ‘deliberative’ nature of the Commons. The present study challenges the claim of Russell and others in finding that minority government actually increases partisanship in discouraging genuine deliberation, as defined by theorists of deliberative democracy. It finds minority government nonetheless to be legitimate, according to Canada’s constitutional conventions.
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Zhu, Jiafeng, and 朱佳峰. "Farewell to political obligation : toward a new liberal theory of political legitimacy." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10722/196492.
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Is there a general moral duty to obey the law because it is the law? This is the question of political obligation. The issue of political obligation is allegedly a central topic of political philosophy, because political obligation is often assumed to be necessary for state legitimacy; that is to say, for a state to be legitimate, it must be capable of imposing political obligation on the governed. Nonetheless, the literature has indicated that it is enormously difficult, at least within the liberal doctrine that many find most attractive, to justify political obligation. Given that political obligation is viewed as an indispensable part of state legitimacy, skepticism about political obligation points to a seemingly inescapable yet disturbing conclusion: no existing liberal state is legitimate, no matter how just it is. This skeptical position is also known as philosophical anarchism.
This study aims to show that philosophical anarchism is not as irresistible as it appears. But I do not take the traditional approach of refuting philosophical anarchism by defending or developing theories of political obligation. On the contrary, I devote the first part of my thesis to consolidating the skepticism about political obligation.
The approach I favor is to argue that political obligation is not necessary for state legitimacy. If this point can be established, then even if political obligation is unjustified, it will not automatically lead to philosophical anarchism. This constitutes the second part of my thesis, where I develop a conception of “legitimacy without political obligation” and defend it against the objection that it is either conceptually or morally wrong to claim that a legitimate state need not impose political obligation on its subjects.published_or_final_version
Politics and Public Administration
Doctoral
Doctor of Philosophy
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Lo, Wai-yan. "An analysis of the power of the Hong Kong government in education policy making." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1995. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B1403475X.
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Morales, Diez de Ulzurrun Laura. "Institutions, mobilisation, and political participation political membership in western countries /." Madrid : Centro de Estudios Avanzados en Ciencias Sociales, Instituto Juan March de Estudios e Investigaciones, 2004. http://books.google.com/books?id=NNOGAAAAMAAJ.
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Li, Chan-man Philip. "The issue of dynastic legitimacy of the Three Kingdoms as seen in Zizhi Tongjian Lun "Zi zhi tong jian" dui San guo zheng run wen ti zhi chu li /." Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 1989. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B31949526.
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Erdmann, Mark Karl. "Azuchi Castle: Architectural Innovation and Political Legitimacy in Sixteenth-Century Japan." Thesis, Harvard University, 2016. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:33493525.
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This study seeks to clarify the limits of knowledge regarding Azuchi Castle (Azuchi-jō) and, in turn, offers a multifaceted interpretation of its crowning glory―the six-story, lavishly decorated, timber-framed tower known as a tenshu (donjon). Azuchi Castle was located on a small mountain on the eastern shores of Lake Biwa. Completed in 1579, it was conceived and constructed to be a capital for the first of the so-called “three-unifiers” of Japan, Oda Nobunaga (1534-1582). Due to its landmark importance in Japanese history, Azuchi has not suffered from a lack of attention. However, owing to its short, three-year life and the tantalizingly vague and often contradictory records that remain of it, Azuchi has often been the subject of unfettered and under-qualified speculation. The first part of this dissertation is thus dedicated to surveying and simplifying the issues that have inspired the contentious and confusing image of Azuchi that exists in scholarly discourse. To this end, the disparate written primary sources on Azuchi, the waves of archeological digs, and the numerous reconstructive models of the tenshu are explored and the known perimeters of the “object” at the center of this study is as best as possible, defined. The second part of this dissertation is focused on the Azuchi tenshu. The case will be made that the tenshu represents a unique product of class, technology, and ideology. I contend that the tenshu as an evolved form of yagura (unembellished towers used in sieges) represents an unique expression of provincial warrior identity. This expression was elevated to a level of elite status by means of a new breed of master carpenter versed in the newly capable technology of architectural drawing. Finally, I argue that the architectural and painting programs of the Azuchi tenshu’s keep framed Nobunaga as both heir to his predecessors in the Ashikaga shogunate and through evocation of the Chinese imperial building known as a Mingtang (“Bright Hall”), the unimpeachable recipient of a “Mandate of Heaven” to govern.History of Art and Architecture
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Kurnitzki-West, Vera. "Legitimation and legitimacy in Canadian federal communications policies and practices." Thesis, McGill University, 1985. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=63240.
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Szewczyk, Bart Michael Julius. "European citizenship and national democracy : sources of EU legitimacy in the common interest and in service of human dignity." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610301.
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Tennyson, Kristin M. "Establishing legitimacy and democratic rule of law in Latin America their impact on victimization in 12 countries /." [Gainesville, Fla.] : University of Florida, 2009. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/UFE0024927.
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Choudhury, Zahidul Arefin. "Politics of natural disaster : how governments maintain legitimacy in the wake of major disasters, 1990-2010." Diss., University of Iowa, 2013. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/1566.
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This dissertation is about major natural disasters, and how they contribute to legitimacy crises of governments. Three major factors explain the emergence of a legitimacy crisis in a post-disaster context: the frequency of disaster occurrence, the quality of the government response to disasters, and the type of regime within which the government operates. Employing a large-N statistical analysis of data on major natural disasters and anti-government domestic political activities for the years between 1990 and 2010, I show that higher counts of disasters, as a rule, increase the risks of anti-government demonstrations, revolutions, riots, guerrilla warfare, and intrastate conflict. The disaster-political opposition relationship is conditional upon the characteristics of political regimes. No regime is entirely free from the political dangers of disasters. Consolidated autocracies and well established democracies are less likely than mixed regimes to observe political crises in the context of a higher frequency of natural disasters.
To evaluate the quality of government response and how it mediates the disaster-legitimacy relationship, I conduct a qualitative analysis of news reports on four major disaster events in South Asia - cyclone Sidr of 2007 and cyclone Aila of 2009 in Bangladesh and cyclone Aila and the Kashmir earthquake of 2005 in India. The case studies reveal that poor preparedness and inadequate immediate and long-term response of a government invite public criticism of the incumbent, antigovernment protest movements, and anti-incumbent voting in elections. When opposition parties translate this public frustration into broader political mobilization, the moral claim of the incumbent to remain in power diminishes substantially, sometimes causing a legitimacy crisis. As opposed to common expectations, democracy may not provide the best political environment for effective disaster response. The quality of government response is influenced rather by a regime's security concerns, the level of administrative efficacy and corruption, the military's role in the disaster response process, socio-economic conditions of the affected people, and leadership competition over the disaster management process.
This study has broader implications for understanding the kinds of political strains that disasters create in a society and how governments function in Bangladesh and India. Much of these governments' energy is devoted to managing disasters, which diminishes their capacity to govern. Political elites in Bangladesh and India use disaster events as opportunities to strengthen clientelism and exclude political opposition in the affected areas
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Olschewski, Boris. "Herrschaftswechsel, Legitimitätswechsel : die Mediatisierungen Biberachs und Friedbergs im europäischen Kontext (1802-1806) /." Trier : Kliomedia, 2009. http://d-nb.info/992915171/04.
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Garme, Cecilia. "Newcomers to power how to sit on someone else's throne : socialists conquer France in 1981, non-socialists conquer Sweden in 1976 /." Uppsala : Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis, 2001. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/48621507.html.
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Tse, Yuk-how. "An exploration of the relationship between political legitimacy and control of corruption in Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1999. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B36194967.
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Allard-Tremblay, Yann. "Epistemic theories of democracy, constitutionalism and the procedural legitimacy of fundamental rights." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3465.
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The overall aim of this thesis is to assess the legitimacy of constitutional laws and bills of rights within the framework of procedural epistemic democracy. The thesis is divided into three sections. In the first section, I discuss the relevance of an epistemic argument for democracy under the circumstances of politics: I provide an account of reasonable disagreement and explain how usual approaches to the authority of decision-making procedures fail to take it seriously. In the second part of the thesis, I provide an account of the epistemic features of democracy and of the requirements of democratic legitimacy. I develop a revised pragmatist argument for democracy which relies on three presumptive aims of decision-making: justice, sustainability and concord. In the third and last section, I first argue for the desirability of constitutionalism. I then explain why constitutionalism, as it is usually understood, is incompatible with my procedural epistemic account of democratic legitimacy. In the last chapter, I offer a two-pronged solution to the apparent incompatibility of constitutionalism and epistemic democracy. I first argue for the appropriateness of political constitutionalism, as opposed to legal constitutionalism, in understanding the relationship between rights and democracy. I then provide an account of rights protection and judicial review compatible with epistemic democratic legitimacy. Finally, I use the notion of pragmatic encroachment to explain how constitutional laws can achieve normative supremacy through the increased epistemic credentials of the procedure.
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Okafor, Obiora Chinedu. "Re-defining legitimacy : international law, multilateral institutions and the problem of socio-cultural fragmentation within established African states." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape15/PQDD_0010/NQ34602.pdf.
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Lo, Wai-yan, and 羅維恩. "An analysis of the power of the Hong Kong government in education policy making." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1995. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31958072.
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Tanaka, Aiji. "Legitimacy in a maturing democracy : the impact of political culture and system performance on system support in Japan /." The Ohio State University, 1985. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/40194514.html.
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Dagkas-Tsoukalas, Vladimiros. "Liberal trusteeship : preparatory work for an epistemic defence of non-egalitarian liberalism." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/10251.
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This thesis examines some epistemic defences of democracy put forward by David Estlund, Michael Fuerstein, Cheryl Misak, and Fabienne Peter, as well as a critique of democracy raised by Jason Brennan. It then develops an epistemic defence of a moderately non-egalitarian system, which it proposes to call liberal trusteeship. According to the proposed theory, the power to draft laws ought to be separated from the power to enact those drafts into law. The former power ought to be vested in trustees, who are essentially specialists that have inquired extensively into a given matter, and the latter power ought to be vested in a democratically elected parliament. Subsequently, this thesis argues that parliament should nevertheless have the prerogative to ultimately override trustees on ethics and pass its own legislation regulating moral matters; that the criteria for selecting trustees should be determined by jury courts; and that parliament and jury courts should be given some powers to influence the composition of trustee committees, so that the political process can guard against the risk that trustees might be biased or corrupt. The above proposal is grounded on three principal claims. Firstly, this thesis argues that moral authority and legitimacy ought to be reserved for the political system that strikes the best balance between competence and equality. Secondly, it argues that liberal trusteeship is more likely than democracy to determine correctly what ought to be done in light of the progress of open and vigorous inquiry into a given matter. Thirdly, and as a result, it argues that liberal trusteeship is likely to exercise power sufficiently more competently than democracy, such that its moderate deviation from political equality will be justified. In the light of this, the thesis concludes that liberal trusteeship would strike a better balance between competence and equality than democracy.
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Collins, Hannah Elisabeth. "An Unrelenting Past: Historical Memory in Japan and South Korea." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1472296289.
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MacDonald, Lindsey Te Ata o. Tu. "The political philosophy of property rights." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Social and Political Sciences, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/2270.
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This thesis argues that within political philosophy, property rights deserve closer attention than has been paid to them recently because the legitimacy of a state rests upon their definition and enforcement. In this way property rights differ from the right to liberty or equality. A state may or may not have liberty or equality, but it has no meaning at all if it does not enforce the rights of property. This is not to suggest that normative arguments for property rights are ‘nonsense upon stilts’. Morality may provide many reasons for an individual to exclude other members of a political community from a property. However, the function of property rights is to enforce that exclusion and this suggests that the normative legitimacy of a state is closely bound both to its ability to enforce whatever property rights it already has granted, and its justification of decisions taken when property rights are granted within its borders. My argument is that a proper political philosophy of property rights should acknowledge that a state depends upon its treatment of property rights for justification, not as a matter of justice, but as a matter of its existence.
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Paskeviciute, Aida. "The role of political parties for political system support in established and new democracies." Online access via UMI:, 2005.
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Schröder, Hinrich. "Die völkerrechtliche Verantwortlichkeit im Zusammenhang mit failed und failing States /." Baden-Baden : Nomos, 2007. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=015477608&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.
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Forman, Mark, and n/a. "The politics of inheritance? : the language of inheritance in Romans within its first-century Greco-Roman Imperial context." University of Otago. Department of Theology and Religious Studies, 2007. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20080128.161919.
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This thesis is an exploration of the extent to which Paul�s terminology of Inheritance [(...)] in Romans, and its associated imagery, logic and arguments, functioned to evoke socio-political expectations that were alternative to those which prevailed in contemporary Roman imperial discourse.
There are two parts to this study. The first is to take seriously the context of Empire and the claims being made by the Roman Empire in the first century. In particular, what were some of the messages conveyed by the Roman Empire with regard to the structure and purpose, the hopes and expectations, of first-century society? The Christians in Rome were daily exposed to the images and message of Caesar and his successors and there is therefore a need to consider how Paul�s language of Inheritance would have sounded within this environment.
Second, this study gives attention to the content of Paul�s use of the word "inheritance" as it occurs in Romans. In order to address this question, three interrelated ideas are explored. First, for Paul, what does the inheritance consist of? The traditional understanding is that the concept is an entirely spiritualised or transcendent reality. This study proposes a more this-worldly, geographical nature to the word. Second, there is the closely related question of the political nature of inheritance. If it is the case that the language of inheritance has to do with the renewal of the land, then who inherits this land? These two questions raise a third issue-how will the inheritance transpire? Paul�s inheritance language contributes to notions of lordship, authority and universal sovereignty for the people of God. Conceivably, the path to this dominion could mirror the hegemonic intentions of imperial Rome which envisages the triumph of one group of people (the strong) over another (the weak). Is this the case with Paul�s inheritance language, or does it somehow undermine all claims to power and control?
There are five undisputed uses of [...] and its cognates in Romans-Rom 4:13, 14; Rom 8:17 (three times) and there is one textual variant in Rom 11:1 where the word [...] is used in place of [...]. This study finds that, to varying degrees in each of these texts, the inheritance concept is not only a direct confrontation to other claims to rule, it is also simultaneously a reversal of all other paths to lordship and rule.
This study then considers the use of the concept in the two other undisputed Pauline letters where it occurs (Galatians and 1 Corinthians) and also in the disputed letter to the Colossians. The overriding impression is that there is nothing in Galatians, 1 Corinthians or Colossians which significantly challenges the this-worldly, political nature of the language of inheritance in Romans. In these epistles and in Romans Paul employs the language and politics of inheritance in order to subvert the message of Empire.
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Sasuga, Katsuhiro. "The dynamics of cross-border micro-regionalisation among Guangdong, Taiwan and Japan : sub-national governments, multinational corporations and the emergence of multi-level governance." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2002. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/106456/.
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This thesis applies an international political economy perspective to explore the main factors and processes involved in the development of micro-regionalisation among the Guangdong province of China, Taiwan and Japan with specific reference to the electronics industry. The emphasis is on the inter-related dynamics of multi-level governance (involving in particular the increasingly important role of Chinese sub-national governments and their network relations with multinational corporations) and the spread of cross-border production networks and international commodity chains. This is the first study to integrate an analysis of economic and political-governmental factors in the development of this particular case of micro-regionalisation. The analysis focuses on three related research questions: (1) How should we define and characterise the key components of micro-regionalisation among Guangdong, Taiwan and Japan? (2) What kinds of policy environment and what actors in the host and home countries are needed to support cross-border economic relations? (3) How do networks of multi-level governance (MLG) operate to facilitate micro-regionalisation? First, the phenomenon of micro-regionalisation among Guangdong, Taiwan and Japan is analysed in terms of three major components: the opening up of new political and economic spaces in Guangdong as a result of China’s domestic reform movement and the emergence of a fluid and flexible system of multi-level governance; the strategic decisions by Japanese firms, especially in electronics, to invest in southern China; and the expansion of cross-strait production networks between southern China and Taiwan. Secondly, the development of cross-border relations is examined from the viewpoint of the inter-relationships between key strategic actors (the state, sub-national governments and multinational firms) and the impact of a number of organisational variables, including commodity chains, network linkages, production networks, guanxi networks and organisational learning and conventional social factors). The analysis highlights the impact on firms’ behaviour of both the home and host governance contexts. Thirdly, the analysis shows that, with the dispersion of authoritative decision making in China, the multiple levels of local (sub-national) government have assumed more responsibility in responding directly to foreign investors. The case study of Dongguan and the electronics industry reveals the important roles of the provincial, city and sub-municipal governments in developing cross-border micro-regional network relations with multinational firms. It also highlights some of the major problems arising from an emergent, unplanned system of multi-level governance that lacks overall control and co-ordination.
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Lubbe, Lesley. "Filling the political void : the mechanisms of coping in stateless Somalia." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/17813.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2011.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Somalia continues to intrigue scholars and policy-makers around the world, due to the fact that it is enduring what few others have, total state collapse. Not only does the situation defy easy explanation, the degree of state failure is unprecedented. After more than two decades without a functioning central authority, Somalia is now the longest-running instance of state collapse in postcolonial history. While researching and understanding state weakness and state failure is critical, it is useless unless combined with devising ways to prevent state failure in the future. Somalia provides policy makers with a unique opportunity to study the consequences of state collapse. Understanding the complex dynamics of state weakness and state collapse could ultimately help save the lives of thousands of people on the African continent. This study focuses on the mechanisms of coping by analysing the actors who have stepped up to fill the political vacuum left behind by the collapsing state. The role played by both state and non-state actors will be explored throughout this study. As it is not possible to address every actor who has played a part in Somalia since the implosion of the state in 1991, only the three most important internal and external actors will be analysed. The role played by the United Nations (UN) and the African Union (AU) will be discussed at length. The contributions made by neighbouring country Ethiopia, will also be investigated. Although the contributions and the impact of these external actors have in some instances led to undesired results, it does not change the fact that these actors attempted to fill the void in Somalia. Non-state actors positions within Somalia will also be examined in detailed. These actors include regional authorities, the role of Al-Shabaab, as well as the Islamic Courts Union. The study does not excuse the behaviour of these actors but rather discusses the rise of these organizations in light of the collapsing state and the position which they have taken up in Somalia to fill the political void. Lastly the role of the “Somali coast guards” also known as the Somali pirates, will be discussed.ipti
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Somalië bly die brandpunt van belangstelling vir geleerdes en beleidmakers dwarsoor die wêreld. Die hoofrede hiervoor is dat hierdie land ervaar het wat min ander lande het, naamlik algehele ineenstorting van die staat en bestuur. ‘n Maklike verduideliking of vereenvoudiging van die situasie is daar nie, want die ongeëwenaarde ineenstorting van stuktuur en staat, van Somalië is uniek. Twee dekades later is hierdie land nogsteeds sonder ‘n funksioneerende gesetelde staatsgesag. Hierdie tydperk is die langste voorbeeld van staatsineenstorting sonder herstel in post-koloniale geskiedenis. Navorsing en insig in elke staat se inherente swakhede en probleme help om mislukte bestuur te voorspel en te voorkom. Hierdie inligting moet korrek geimplimenteer en geinterpreteer word om krissise en mislukkings binne staatsbestel te verhoed. Somalië bied beleidmakers ‘n unieke geleentheid om die gevolge van totale staatsineenstorting te bestudeer en daaruit te leer. Net deur middel van begrip vir die komplekse dinamika van ‘n staat wat ineenstort en deur wanbestuur verswak word, sal daar uikoms vir duisende mense op hierdie vasteland kom. Sodoende sal ontelbare lewens in Afrika gered kan word. Hierdie studie analiseer die tegnieke van aanpassing, gebruik deur die rolspelers wat die politieke vakuum vul, wat deur die staatineenstorting nagelaat is. Die ondersoek fokus ook op die impak en effekte van beide interne en eksterne rolspelers. Aangesien dit onmoontlik is om die aandeel wat elke rolspeler sedert die ineenstorting van Somalië in 1991 gehad het te bestudeer, word net die drie belangrikste interne en eksterne rolspelers bespreek. Die Verenigde Nasies (VN), Afrika Unie (AU) en die buurland Ethiopië se bydraes sal ondersoek word. Alhoewel die bydraes en insette van hierdie eksterne rolspelers soms tot ongewenste resultate gelei het, bly die feit staan dat hulle probeer het om die leemtes in Somalië te vul. Ander belangrike rolspelers wat nie deel van die plaaslike regering is nie, sal ook in diepte bespreek word. Hierdie invloede binne Somalië sluit streeksowerhede in, asook die rol van Al Shabaab en die Islamitiese Howe Unie. Die studie verskoon nie die gedrag van die rolspelers nie, maar bespreek eerder die opkoms van hierdie organisasies. Dit word alles gesien in die lig van die ineenstorting van die staat en die posisie wat hulle in Somalië geneem het om mag te bekom en die politieke leemte te vul. Ten slotte word die omstrede rol van die "Somaliese kuswagte", anders bekend as Somaliese seerowers, bespreek.
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Silva, Aristóteles de Almeida 1978. "O capitalismo tardio e sua crise = estudo das interpretações de Ernest Mandel e a de Jürgen Habermas." [s.n.], 2012. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279454.
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Orientador: Silvio César CamargoDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: O objetivo desse trabalho é estudar a obra de Ernest Mandel O capitalismo tardio e Jürgen Habermas Problemas de legitimação no capitalismo tardio, onde analisam o capitalismo do pósguerra e sua crise. As transformações do capitalismo desde o fim da Segunda Guerra Mundial desencadearam uma importante discussão sobre a explicação marxista do desenvolvimento capitalista, de sua crise e sobre as condições para superação desta formação social. A discussão evidencia que a confrontação com a obra de Marx é oportuna não só porque permite entender quanto o capitalismo se transformou desde Marx, mas também para discutir se ela ainda consegue oferecer uma explicação relevante para se compreender as modificações estruturais contemporâneas. Nesse sentido, os autores se relacionam de maneira distinta com o legado marxiano. A obra de Mandel se mostra como um esforço para explicar o período segundo o instrumental teórico marxiano, mantendo o papel central da teoria do valor-trabalho e a crise como manifestação das contradições imanentes do capital. Já a obra de Habermas aponta para uma mudança de forma e lógica da crise, consequentemente apontando para a ineficácia da teoria do valor-trabalho aplicada aos dias atuais, o legado de Marx só continuaria a ser útil caso fosse reconstruído. Por fim, discutiremos as consequências dessas distintas explicações para os projetos de emancipação
Abstract: The purpose of this research is to study the work of Ernest Mandel's Late Capitalism and Jürgen Habermas Legitimation crisis, whose works examine the capitalism in postwar and its crisis. The transformations of capitalism since the end of Second World War caused an important discussion on the Marxist explanation of capitalist development and of its crisis, and the conditions to overcome this social formation. The discussion shows that the confrontation with Marx's work is timely not only because it allows us to understand how capitalism has turned since Marx, but also to discuss whether it still is able to offer a relevant explanation to understand the contemporary structural changes. In this sense, the authors relate differently with the Marxian legacy. Mandel's work appears as an effort to explain the period according to the concepts of Marxian theory, maintaining the central role of the labor theory of value and the crisis as a manifestation of the immanent contradictions of capital. Already the work of Habermas points to a change of form and logic of the crisis, thus pointing to the ineffectiveness of the labor theory of value applied to the present day, the legacy of Marx would still only be useful if it were rebuilt. Finally, we discuss the consequences of these different explanations for the projects of emancipation
Mestrado
Sociologia
Mestre em Sociologia
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Rosário, Luana Paixão Dantas do. "Uma teoria substantivo-dialógica de legitimidade democrática do poder judiciário para a concretização dos direitos fundamentais." Faculdade de Direito, 2014. http://repositorio.ufba.br/ri/handle/ri/15275.
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Esta tese resulta das pesquisas desenvolvidas ao longo do curso de doutoramento em Direito Público na Universidade Federal da Bahia, na linha de pesquisa Cidadania e Efetividade dos Direitos. O objetivo inicial desta tese era desenvolver uma teoria substantivo-procedimentalista de legitimidade democrática do Poder Judiciário. Resultou no desenvolvimento de uma teoria substantivo-dialógica. A conciliação entre as perspectivas substancialista e procedimentalista se deu pela hermenêutica fenomenológica. Inicialmente, esclarece a concepção multidimensional de Direitos Fundamentais na qual se firmará e insere o problema no domínio da moralidade prática. Aborda o tema da legitimidade democrática pela elucidação dos conceitos de democracia, república e soberania. Trata da relação entre Direito, democracia e legitimidade. Visita as doutrinas sobre a legitimidade da jurisdição constitucional pela tutela dos procedimentos democráticos. Faz referência ao ativismo judicial. Expõe a teoria substancialista de Ronald Dworkin dos direitos morais e da igualdade política como substrato de legitimidade. Analisa o juiz Hércules. Expõe a teoria de Jürgen Habermas, que, ao colocar o Direito e a moral na razão comunicativa, acaba por desenvolver uma perspectiva procedimentalista de legitimidade. Aborda o procedimentalismo de pretensão corretiva de Robert Alexy, a partir da análise de sua teoria dos Direitos Fundamentais, de sua Teoria da Argumentação Jurídica e do seu constitucionalismo discursivo. Questiona se sua teoria atinge o objetivo de fundir a perspectiva procedimentalista a pontos substantivos de partida e regulação. Expõe a hermenêutica fenomenológica de Heidegger e filosófica de Gadamer. Distingue o plano hermenêutico do plano apofântico da linguagem. Revisa a hermenêutica heterorreflexiva, seus conceitos de abertura compreensiva contratextual, de primazia do problema e abertura dialógica. Analisa a proposta do juiz Hermes. Desenvolve uma teoria substantivo-dialógica de legitimidade na qual cria a figura da juíza Maia. Determina a pressurização ontológica da dignidade como institucionalização prévia do espaço do jogo na ética da alteridade para o desvelamento da resposta correta.
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Brodin, Malin, and Amra Cosic. "Kulturens inflytande på CSR : en undersökning av amerikansk och japansk hållbarhetsrapportering." Thesis, Högskolan i Borås, Akademin för textil, teknik och ekonomi, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hb:diva-14370.
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Globalisering och den senaste tidens utveckling av CSR har föranlett ett behov av harmonisering av hållbarhetsrapportering likt rapporter av finansiell karaktär, för att på så sätt främja CSR-arbetet och underlätta vid investeringsbeslut. Idén bakom CSR är till stor del influerad av den anglosaxiska och europeiska syn på rättvisa, demokrati och sociala strukturer. Vad gäller rapportering kring hållbarhet finns ett flertal internationellt accepterade standarder och riktlinjer varav en är GRI. Trots allmänna riktlinjer så kvarstår dilemmat om harmoni då hållbarhetsrapporteringen i grunden skiljer sig åt länder emellan till följd av olikheter i kulturella värderingar. I studien undersöks två länder med olika företagskulturer, närmare bestämt USA och Japan. Utvecklingen av CSR har letts av västerländska länder och företag och är till stor del influerad av den anglosaxiska synen på sociala strukturer. Japan däremot började tillämpa CSR så sent som år 2003 och med dessa olikheter i åtanke är det rimligt att anta att ett universellt tillvägagångssätt av CSR inte existerar. Mot denna bakgrund resulterar studiens syfte i att undersöka om skillnader finns i hur hållbarhetsrapporteringen ser ut länderna emellan och om de i sin tur kan förklaras av de kulturella skillnaderna. I studien tillämpas först en kvantitativ innehållsanalys och därefter en diskursanalys. Utifrån studiens resultat kan det konstateras att båda företagen följer G4:s riktlinjer men de skillnader som framgick var att det japanska företaget rapporterar mer kring social hållbarhet än vad det amerikanska gör. Omvänt rapporterar det amerikanska företaget mer kring ekonomisk hållbarhet än vad som kunde tydas från den japanska hållbarhetsrapporten. Ett försök gjordes sedan att koppla dessa skillnader till kulturella dimensioner genom att analysera retoriken i CSR-rapporterna. Slutsatserna som kan dras av denna analys är att de starka kulturella dragen troligtvis suddas ut till följd av att stora företag blir mer och mer globala.Globalization and the recent evolution of CSR has led to the need for harmonization of sustainability reporting, similar to the harmonization of financial reporting. This would both encourage the engagement for CSR and also facilitate decision making for investors. The idea of CSR is strongly influenced by the Anglo-Saxon and European views of justice, democracy and social structures. Regarding sustainability reporting, there are several internationally accepted standards and guidelines, one of which is GRI. Despite the existence of these guidelines, the dilemma of harmonization remains as sustainability reporting differs between countries due to differences in cultural values. In this study two countries with different corporate cultures will be examined, United States and Japan. The development of CSR has been led by western countries and organizations and is mainly influenced by the Anglo-Saxon view of social structures. Japan, on the other hand, started practising CSR as late as 2003 and with these differences in mind it is relevant to assume that a global course of action does not exist. With this background, the purpose of this study is to examine whether there are differences in sustainability reporting among the countries and if these differences can be explained by their cultural characteristics. The methods used for the study are a quantitative content analysis followed by a discourse analysis. The results from the study show that both companies examined are compliant with the G4 guidelines. The differences that could be found was that the Japanese organization reports more on the subject of social sustainability compared to the American one. Conversely the American organization reports more on the subject of economic sustainability than what could be read from the Japanese CSR-report. An attempt to connect these differences to cultural inequalities was made through an analysis of the rhetoric of the CSR-reports. The conclusion of this discourse analysis was that the strong cultural characteristics might have disappeared due to the fact that large companies become more and more global.
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Cherem, Youssef Alvarenga. "Islã, legitimidade e cultura politica : o movimento estudantil no Irã durante o periodo Khatami (1997-2005)." [s.n.], 2006. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281552.
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Orientador: Omar Ribeiro ThomazDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: Durante os dois mandatos Mohammad Khatami como presidente da República Islâmica do Irã (1997-2001; 2001-2005), observou-se um debate intenso e violento na sociedade iraniana a respeito da concepção do espaço político e dos fundamentos da ação política. Uma parte essencial desse debate foi a participação dos estudantes numa incipiente (embora efêmera e limitada) abertura do espaço público. Mas essa política de reforma teve o resultado inesperado de trazer à tona as vozes de contestação da organização normativa autoritária do campo político, expondo as contradições constitutivas do sistema e seu funcionamento ambíguo, e ameaçando por um momento a dominação da elite política religiosa-revolucionária. Essa ameaça ocorreu porque os estudantes agiam segundo uma lógica republicana de igualdade jurídico-política e exigiam a instauração desse padrão, prometido por Khatami durante a campanha eleitoral. Em outras palavras, podemos perceber uma vontade de reformulação simbólico-institucional da divisão público-privado que regia as relações entre o estado e a sociedade do Irã desde o estabelecimento da República Islâmica. A participação de elementos anteriormente excluídos do espaço público e o fortalecimento da sociedade civil fizeram com que fossem contestados a estrutura de poder e o funcionamento enclausurado (privado) do sistema político iraniano, bem como regras não escritas da vida política iraniana. Assim, embora os estudantes tenham sido reprimidos, esse período de abertura relativa nos abre uma perspectiva frutífera para interpretar a pluralidade de concepções de governo, religião e sociedade presentes num país muçulmano, opondo-se a algumas visões do meio acadêmico que se destacam por uma leitura superficial e/ou unidimensional de fenômenos onde se entremeiam cultura e política
Abstract: Islam, legitimacy and political culture: the Iranian student movement in the Khatami government During his two terms as the president of the Islamic Republic of Iran (1997-2001; 2001- 2005), we have come to witness an intense and violent debate in Iranian society about the conception of the public space and the fundaments of political action. An essential element in this debate was the participation of the students in a fledgling (but ephemeral and limited) opening of the public space. But this policy of reform had the unexpected result of bringing into the open the dissenting voices against the normative, authoritarian framing of the public space, exposing the inherent contradictions of the system and its hazy functioning, and jeopardizing, even if for just one moment, the ascendancy of the religious revolutionary elites. The students¿ coming out in public was a threat because the students acted according to a republican logic of juridical and political equality and demanded the implementation, as promised by Khatami in his campaign of this pattern, and the abolition of the ¿unwritten rules¿ of Iranian political life. In other words, we can notice a will of symbolic and institutional reformulation of the separation between public and private spheres that ruled the relations between state and society in Iran since the establishment of the Islamic Republic. The participation of people who had been previously excluded from public space and the strengthening of civil society increased opposition to the power structure and the closed, private working of the political system. Thus, although the students have been repressed, this period of relative opening opens a promising path to interpret the plurality of conception of government, religion and society in a Muslim country ¿ an interpretation that engages critically some scholarly views of the interweaving of culture and politics that are remarkable for their shallow and/or one-dimensional reading of intrinsically multi-layered phenomena
Mestrado
Mestre em Antropologia Social
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Romero-Valderrama, Ana. "La coalición pedracista : elecciones y rebeliones para una re-definición de la participación política en México (1826-1828)." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1905.
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The pedracista electoral coalition that was formed in Mexico during the 1828 presidential elections was deliberately ignored by the traditional historiography of the early national period. Instead it concentrated on the leaders of the liberal struggle, deeming this alliance unworthy of study. There were essentially two key reasons why this happened. On the one hand, General Manuel Gómez Pedraza (1789-1851) was not an archetypal liberal patriot in the mould of those heroes that were exalted and written about by Mexico’s Porfirian and PRIísta historians. His politics were associated with a certain ideological indeterminateness as a result of his moderate stance, proving problematic to historians who were intent on developing a liberal and subsequently post-revolutionary historia patria. On the other hand, the official historiography accepted, unquestioningly, the critical version of his actions that his opponents circulated at the time. As a result of this, the yorkino version of the events is the one that prevailed, casting Pedraza in the role of staunch anti-yorkino in a simplistic bipartisan vision of Mexican politics that depicted the political tensions of the time as a clear-cut confrontation between the pedracista aristocrats and the democratic yorkino followers of mulatto hero of the War of Independence, General Vicente Guerrero (1783-1831). This two-dimensional dichotomy has only recently started to be nuanced by the revisionist historiography of the last thirty years. This has been due, in great measure, to the fact that the traditional interpretation of the pedracista coalition posed a number of significant problems when attempting to understand the political behaviour of the people involved. Above all, it was an interpretation that proved incapable of explaining how such a variety of political tendencies, represented by those individuals who joined the alliance that backed Pedraza’s presidential candidacy, could have come together; i.e., anti-masonic groups, the imparciales, certain yorkinos and former escoceses. This thesis aims to explain what brought these individuals, whose political ideas were ostensibly incompatible, together, in what resulted in a particularly resourceful and successful electoral force. The pedracista coalition represented the first political formation in Mexico that came together specifically to win a presidential election. It was one which set out to bring an end to the political interference of Masonic societies in Mexico, and in particular, that of the Rite of York lodges. It also challenged the yorkinos’ electoral campaign by criticising their leader, Guerrero, and, by highlighting the negative aspects of their Masonic faction. It pointed out, moreover, the dangers inherent in a central administration led by guerrerista yorkinos and, in so doing, made clear the problems that were to be found in the political ideas these individuals stood for, depicting them as partisan, ignorant, and representative of the popular classes. The pedracista coalition argued that the presidency needed to go to someone who did not belong to any particular party, who was virtuous, who was renowned for being hard-working and energetic in government, and who belonged to the exclusive circles frequented by the “hombres de bien”. Given that Pedraza won the elections, it is evident that his coalition benefited from a constitutional structure that favoured his candidacy, gaining, at the same time, the public validation of the governmental authorities in place at the time. However, Pedraza’s candidacy was defeated by the armed mobilizations that ensued in the pronunciamientos pro-yorkino followers launched from October to November 1828, and was consequently eliminated from the political scene until late 1832 given that the leaders of the imparciales as well as Pedraza himself chose not to fight back or support a counter-revolution. During the electoral campaign, the pedracista coalition displayed, with astounding clarity, what it thought were the essential qualities a president needed to possess and, likewise presented a distinctive appreciation of how it thought the Mexican political class should behave. In this sense, the coalition’s views, captured in its votes, networks and press articles, offer a fascinating snapshot of what were the fundamental themes of the Mexican republic during its formative years as a nation-state, and how this ignored political grouping interpreted them. Of particular interest is the manner in which the pedracista coalition explored the ways in which political legitimacy, participation and representation were to be understood, defended, and systematised. By studying the pedracista coalition this thesis offers, for the first time, a detailed analysis of the nature and dynamics of Mexican politics in the mid-late 1820s, as experienced, discussed, and represented by the short-lasting yet effective alliance that was forged around the candidacy of Manuel Gómez Pedraza.
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Gralha, Julio Cesar Mendonça. "A legitimidade do poder no Egito ptolomaico : cultura material e praticas magico-religiosas." [s.n.], 2009. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280830.
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Orientador: Pedro Paulo Abreu FunariTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: O presente trabalho visa compreender os processos que levaram a dinastia ptolomaica a estabelecer sua legitimidade no Egito por quase três séculos a partir de um projeto político-religioso que enfatizava a adoção de práticas mágico-religiosas egípcias e da adoção da monarquia divina egípcia tendo como expressão da materialidade o uso da arquitetura e da iconografia na titulatura em decretos e de forma diversa, e, sobretudo por um programa de construções de templos no Alto Egito, principalmente após a Rebelião Tebana de modo a estabelecer relações de poder, de cooperação e cooptação dos segmentos sociais afim de consolida a legitimidade dinástica. Outrossim, o presente trabalho visa desenvolver metodologias e grades de análises de modo a demonstrar o sentido da pesquisa. As fontes de caráter iconográfico e arquitetônico utilizadas em boa parte fazem parte do acervo fotográfico do autor.
Abstract: The intention of his thesis is to understand the Ptolemaic dynasty processes which allowed to establish his legitimacy almost three centuries based on politic-religious project that the main focus is the adoption of Egyptian magic-religious practices and the adoption of Egyptian divine monarch that the materiality expression is the architecture and iconography used in titles, decrees and other forms and especially developed by building program of temples in Upper Egypt, mainly after the end of Theban Rebellion, with an intention to establish power relation, cooperation and cooptation of social segments consolidating dynastic legitimacy. On the other hand this paper intend to developer methodologies and analyses grade to confirm this research. The architectural and iconographic resources were being used belong to author particular acquis.
Doutorado
Historia Cultural
Doutor em História
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Bosoga, Tebogo. "The Changing Levels of Diffuse and Specific Support in South Africa amongst ANC supporters: A longitudinal Study." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4029.
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Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: During the so-called third wave of democratisation, South Africa experienced a transition from authoritarian rule to democratic rule in 1994. This transition was coupled with a transformation process, which saw the establishment and introduction of democratic principles and norms, as well as democratic institutions. All these make South Africa a democracy in theory but do not necessarily mean that it is a democracy in practice. Moreover, democracy, unlike authoritarian rule, depends on the support of the populace. Lack of support for democratic rule renders the regime illegitimate, since it does not have enough support to continue as the authority of the country. Against the theoretical point of departure (i.e. support for democracy is closely tied to legitimacy of the authority), it is imperative to evaluate these types of support for democracy as well as their changing levels in the country. This will shed some light on whether the populace in the country embrace democracy as a form of governance – that is, whether the populace perceive democracy as a political regime that is entrenched not only in theory, but also in practice. This will be highlighted by their level of support, which determines whether the regime is perceived as legitimate or illegitimate. It will further shed some light on the degree or level of support for the political system governing the country. Support for democracy may be evaluated by using two models or types of support, i.e. diffuse and specific support. Diffuse support consists of three levels of support, namely, political community, regime principles and regime performance, whilst specific support consists of two levels of support, namely regime institutions and political actors. For this study, these models and levels of support are evaluated amongst the supporters of the ruling party, namely the ANC. For comparative purposes, however, support patterns for democracy, as measured in the World Values Surveys from 1995 to 2006, amongst the ANC supporters will be evaluated in relation to non-ANC supporters. These patterns are crucial, since they will highlight whether support for democracy is support for democratic rules and norms, i.e. democracy per se, or whether support for democracy is closely tied to party support and position. The study reveals that there are relatively high levels of support for political community, regime principles and regime performance amongst both the ANC supporters and non-ANC supporters, when compared to levels of support for regime institutions and political actors, meaning that there are high levels of diffuse support when compared to specific support. Moreover, the ANC supporters have higher levels of both diffuse and specific support for democracy when compared to non-ANC supporters.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In die 1990‟s gedurende die derde golf van demokratisering in die wêreld, het Suid Afrika ook „n transformasie van „n outoritêre stelsel na „n demokrasie ondergaan. Hierdie transformasie het op die vestiging van demokratiese beginsels en norme sowel as demokratiese instellings uitgeloop. Hoewel dit Suid-Afrika ‟n demokrasie in teorie gemaak het, het dit die stelsel nie noodwendig ‟n demokrasie in die praktyk gemaak nie. Dit is belangrik om in ag te neem dat „n demokrasie, anders as „n outokrasie, die ondersteuning van die bevolking moet geniet. ‟n Gebrek aan genoegsame steun kan daartoe lei dat ‟n regering gesag op ‟n onlegitieme wyse uitoefen. Teen hierdie teoretiese agtergrond is dit dus belangrik om die tipes sowel as die veranderende vlakke van ondersteuning vir demokrasie te evalueer. Sodoende word ‟n insig verkry of die bevolking demokrasie as ‟n vorm van regering nie net in teorie aanvaar nie, maar ook in die praktyk. Die vlak van ondersteuning sal bepaal of die regime as legitiem of onlegitiem beskou word. Dit kan ook verder lig werp op die vlak van ondersteuning vir die politieke selsel wat in plek is. Ondersteuning vir demokrasie kan bepaal word deur gebruik te maak van twee modelle of tipes van ondersteuning, naamlik, verspreide (“diffuse”) en spesifieke (“specific”) ondersteuning. Verspreide ondersteuning bestaan uit drie vlakke van ondersteuning, naamlik, steun vir die politieke gemeenskap, regime beginsels en regime optrede. Spesifieke ondersteuning in teenstelling, bestaan uit twee vlakke van ondersteuning, naamlik steun vir regime instellings en vir die politieke akteurs. Vir hierdie studie is die modelle en vlakke van ondersteuning ge-evalueer met spesifieke verwysing na die ondersteuners van die ANC - die regerende party. Vir ‟n vergelykingsbasis is hierdie ondersteuningspatrone met die nie-ANC ondersteuners soos dit voorkom in die World Values opnames van 1995 tot 2006 gebruik. Hierdie patrone is van kardinale belang omdat dit vir ons ‟n aanduiding gee of ondersteuning vir demokrasie ook die ondersteuning vir demokratiese reëls en norme behels. Die bevindinge dui op relatiewe hoër vlakke van ondersteuning vir die politieke gemeenskap, regime beginsels en regime werkverrigting onder ANC ondersteuners sowel as nie-ondersteuners as dit vergelyk word met vlakke van ondersteuning vir regime instellings en politieke akteurs. Dit beteken dat daar hoër vlakke van verspreide ondersteuning bestaan in vergelyking met spesifieke ondersteuning. Verder is bevind dat ANC ondersteuners hoër vlakke van verspreide sowel as spesifiek ondersteuning vir demokrasie vertoon in vergelyking met nie-ondersteuners van die ANC.
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Sirczuk, Matías. "Fundación y legitimidad en la modernidad política: Carl Schmitt, Hannah Arendt y Claude Lefort." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/125334.
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¿Cómo fundar regímenes políticos duraderos cuando resulta imposible encontrar un polo incondicionado desde el cual derivar la legitimidad de la ley? ¿Cómo establecerlos en las condiciones políticas de la modernidad, en una situación en que las fuentes tradicionales de legitimidad han desaparecido o se han vuelto ineficaces? ¿Sobre qué –o sobre quién– asentar la fundación?
Estas preguntas configuran los contornos generales del problema que pretendo interrogar en esta tesis. Fueron formuladas a partir de la intuición de que la modernidad política nos confronta, de modo inédito, con el enigma de la institución del régimen político y con la pregunta por su fundamento. En ausencia de absolutos, sin criterios últimos que permitan diferenciar la fundación de la usurpación, la legitimidad de la arbitrariedad, el problema del comienzo –el doble problema de cómo fundar un nuevo orden y de cómo sustraer la fundación de la arbitrariedad que parece caracterizarla– emerge en toda su radicalidad.
Esta cuestión atravesó de parte a parte toda la historia política de la modernidad: apareció en la experiencia práctica de los hombres y mujeres de acción que se embarcaron en la constitución de un cuerpo político completamente nuevo, en las revoluciones del siglo XVIII, y en la reflexión teórica de quienes intentaron pensar las dificultades que esta nueva situación generaba. Pero adquiere especial relevancia en el transcurso del siglo xx: atravesado por las guerras y las revoluciones, por la crisis del Estado como forma política y por la emergencia de los totalitarismos; en suma, por la entrada en escena de fenómenos políticos que pulverizaron todas nuestras categorías de pensamiento y nuestros criterios de juicio, el siglo XX confrontó de modo inédito al pensamiento de lo político con el problema de los fundamentos de la ley y de la legitimidad.
En esta escena se insertan las reflexiones de Carl Schmitt, Hannah Arendt y Claude Lefort. Los tres parten de la constatación de que los acontecimientos que les eran contemporáneos han hecho estallar por los aires los modos en los que la tradición pensó la política y las formas en las que los seres humanos organizaron su vida en común a lo largo de la historia. Aquello que aúna la empresa de estos autores está vinculado, por tanto, al interés por responder al enigma de la institución partiendo del reconocimiento de que los fenómenos políticos que les eran contemporáneos no podían ser interpretados con las herramientas ofrecidas por la tradición. Ni ciencia ni filosofía, el nuevo pensamiento que desarrollan se caracteriza por una sensibilidad para pensar lo político conservando la posibilidad de juzgar lo existente más allá de toda determinación exterior, de todo criterio anclado en la naturaleza o en la trascendencia. Sin fundamentos (Schmitt), sin barandillas (Arendt), indeterminado (Lefort), el pensamiento sólo puede arraigarse en la experiencia.
Orientado por las preguntas formuladas al inicio, esta tesis interroga el modo particular en el que Carl Schmitt, Hannah Arendt y Claude Lefort confrontan el problema de la fundación y la cuestión de la legitimidad en la modernidad política.How are political regimes established under modern political conditions once the absolute pole of political legitimacy has fallen and its sources have disappeared or become ineffective? Upon what does foundation rest? Such are the questions which create the framework of this dissertation arising from the intuition that political modernity confronts us with the enigma of the institution of the political regime and the question of its foundation. In the absence of absolutes, the problem of beginning emerges in all its radicalism. This problem has run through the entire political history of modernity but only became inescapable in the twentieth century. Marred by wars and revolutions, by the crisis of the state as a political form and by the emergence of totalitarianism (in short, by the emergency of political events that have ignited all our categories of thought and our criteria of judgment), the experience of the twentieth century has forced political thought to radically rethink the paradox of foundation. The thought of Carl Schmitt, Hannah Arendt and Claude Lefort emerges from these events. They tried to respond to the problems that were posed by their present. Their questions arise from the political experience of the twentieth century. We can link the intellectual enterprise of Schmitt, Arendt and Lefort starting from their common interest in answering the enigma of the institution beyond the tradition of political philosophy. The new thinking that the three want to develop is characterized by a sensitivity to judge the political events beyond all external determination, beyond any criteria anchored in nature or in transcendent sources. Groundlessness (Schmitt), without bannister (Arendt), indeterminate (Lefort), the thought itself arises out of the experience. Oriented by the questions raised at the beginning of this abstract, in this dissertation I interpret the way in which Carl Schmitt, Hannah Arendt and Claude Lefort reflect on the problem of foundation and on the question of legitimacy in political modernity.
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McDonald, Kerry. "The experience of the pronunciamiento in San Luis Potosí, 1821-1849." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1965.
Full textAbstract:
The Hispanic phenomenon of the pronunciamiento, particularly prominent in nineteenth-century Mexico, is just one example of an insurrectionary political act that has contributed to the traditional portrait of chaos and disorder that has tainted much of our interpretation of the country‟s socio-political history. Once considered to be a violent, non-ideological, praetorian military act, recent studies reveal that the pronunciamiento was primarily a written petition that sought to further political proposals or address particular grievances through negotiation (albeit often backed by the threat of force). Although the military were largely the most visible leaders of the pronunciamiento, a plethora of political and civilian actors and interest groups partook in the practice with the intention of having their grievances/demands attended to by the national government. As well as being viewed as one of the causes of chronic instability, the pronunciamiento was also the primary mechanism employed to bring about tangible political changes throughout the country. At the local level of San Luis Potosí, the pronunciamiento seed also germinated and was used by all political groups and factions in their negotiations with local and national authorities alike. Local interests were often at the heart of these negotiations and so dictated the nature of the pronunciamiento in San Luis Potosí. This dissertation will explore and analyse the pronunciamiento practice, its origins, dynamics and nature, from the regional perspective of San Luis Potosí. Bearing in mind that the pronunciamiento was borne out of, and operated in a specific socio-political-economic context of constitutional disarray and transition, its analysis will also further our understanding of the broader socio-political culture not only of San Luis Potosí, but of Mexico in general. This in turn will contribute to the acknowledged need for reinterpretation and revaluation of the tumultuous period of early nineteenth-century Mexico. It will expose the period as an age of democratic revolutions; of intense political debate between emergent political groups and factions, who increasingly used the pronunciamiento to further an ideological stance, represent a spectrum of interests and force some kind of political change both at a national and regional level when all other constitutional options had been exhausted.
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King, Chris. "Democracy, deliberation, and political legitimacy." Diss., 2007. http://etd.library.vanderbilt.edu/ETD-db/available/etd-07262007-205921/.
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Flowers, Petrice Ronita. "International norms and domestic policies in Japan identity, legitimacy and civilization /." 2002. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/55694203.html.
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Liu, Ying-Li, and 柳英莉. "PERFORMANCE INDICATORS OF LOCAL GOVERNMENTS –GOVERNMENTS OF THE BRITISH, THE U.S. AND JAPAN AS REFERENCES TO OUR GOVERNMENT." Thesis, 2004. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/82466586730710258318.
Full textAbstract:
碩士國立中山大學
公共事務管理研究所
92
Government reorganization movement around the world and public management theories put foci on “Government Performance” in order to attain an ideal government. In such government, people can have the best government performance output while using the least public resources. Due to the characteristics that the administration scope of local governments is shrinking and that local governments are able to adapt to local conditions, performance appraisal might be easier. But with the ambiguous accountabilities among government organizations, the performance itself is still hard to be judged. Furthermore, differences between quantitative indicators and qualitative standpoints make it much challenging in the development and establishment of the important tool of local government performance appraisal-performance indicators. This research attempts using the establishment experiences and results of the performance indicators by the U.K., the U.S. and the Japan governments, contrasting the current domestic methods, and conducting in-depth interviews of experts, scholars, and representatives of government agents. This research not only considers the difficulties and plights while developing performance indicators of domestic local governments, but also provides possible directions and suggestions as references for the development of performance indicators of local governments in our country, for the propellant of government reorganization as well as for the increase of national competition.
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Babb, James David. "Japan's first socialist governments, 1947-1948 social class, party politics and the state /." 1996. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/38058895.html.
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Iida, Takeshi. "The roots of partisan effect: party support and cabinet support under the coalition governments in Japan in the 1990s." Thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/3605.
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This dissertation examines the determinants of the effect of partisanship on support for a parliamentary government. In doing so, I address a set of related questions, using Japan as an example. I begin with a descriptive question: Is the effect of partisanship on the job approval of the administration changing over time? To answer this question, using 1960-2001 time series data, I demonstrate the changing impact of the job approval rate of the cabinets over this period. Then I turn to explanation for the change and ask: Why does the effect change over time? I hypothesize that supporters of newly established parties in the government are less likely to be influenced by their partisanship when evaluating the cabinet' performance. Partisanship, defined here as a predisposition to support a particular political party, grows with the cumulative effect of political experience and learning. There is, however, less opportunity for newly established and political parties to have such loyal supporters. My second hypothesis holds that supporters of ruling parties to which the prime minister does not belong are less likely to make partisan judgments in appraising the cabinet's performance. Party identification extends to the government in which the party participates, the partisan effect on the appraisal of the government's performance emerges. The party affiliation of the prime minister influences to what extent people associate the government with the party.text
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"現代政治的正當性基礎: 從認可、信念到共識." Thesis, 2005. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b6073958.
Full textAbstract:
周濂.論文(哲學博士)--香港中文大學, 2005.
參考文獻(p. 217-224).
Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.
Abstracts also in English.
Lun wen (Zhe xue bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2005.
Can kao wen xian (p. 217-224).
Zhou Lian.
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Yeh, Ching-Wen, and 葉靜文. "A study of the cross-border linkages between local governments in Taiwan and Japan: development, evolution and characteristics." Thesis, 2018. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/wmamsk.
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Yen, Ching-Man, and 顏靜滿. "The Research on the Financial Relationship between Central and local Governments in Japan--and the Comparison with our country." Thesis, 1997. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/18809283021439307760.
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碩士淡江大學
日本研究所
85
The distribution of financial adminstrative power in country is based on the political strcture of that particular country. Japan is the sole country that practices "the Combination od Concentrative and Parial power", in which the Constitution grants local Governments autonomy to some extent that allows them to possess independent power for finance and taxation. As for our country, we employ"the system of power-sharing", in which local government do''nt have substantial power in finance and the financial polic-ies of the central government are in the dominating status. The financial relationship between central and local governments in Japan, with economic growth and social change, has become rather complicated. In one way, Japan set up "the Promotive Laws for Local Power-Sharing"in 1996.Moreover, in 1997, it started lical sales taxes. This prompted central governments, to search for an idealistic situation for the reestimation and reforee, are still dependent on the central government financiallu. llence, the fianancial management of local government constantly meetsthe interference from the central government. As a result, the major problem of local autonomy in Japan lies in the adjustment of the ideas and demands for modern power sharing and new social power concentration, and afterwards the reinstallation of an ideal order of administrationand finance between central and local governments. This issue should not beneglectful for the research of the financial relationshi; betweem central and local government in Japan . In ouur country, the regulations concerning the financial autonomy of provinceand counties grant local governments more rights for self-ruling.However, there are many related measures waiting to set up and reinforced by central government.These include the regulation of local taxation rules, the definition of approprate percentage of self- owned financial resources,the system of subsidy, thelegislation of coolectiove shared taxes, the regulations od surveillance for the range of finand expenses. All these efforts will consolidate the related systems od financial autonomy of local governments. Only with independent finance, sound management and self-ruling of local governments can the functions to develop localeconomy work well.
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Yang, Chi-Chu, and 楊季舉. "A Study on Crisis Management of Taiwan and Japan''s Governments in terms of Newspapers:A Case Study of Melamine Scandal." Thesis, 2009. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/61469213062917109117.
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碩士國立高雄第一科技大學
應用日語所
97
This research is conducted through the content analysis method to discuss the incident of Chinese melamine crisis based on the three major newspapers in Taiwan and Japan. This research also compares the ways of communication and strategies on crisis that governments of Taiwan and Japan adopt and provides results of crisis management on food safety in Taiwan and Japan as reference for the relevant units.By the method of analysis and comparison, the conclusion is as follows. The government needs to build up the systems of testing and crisis report to improve the efficiency of government agencies and their relevant units for testing procedure and reporting systems of public safety incidents. With these testing and crisis report systems, the government agencies would be possessed with abilities of crisis management to handle the matters concerned and thus decrease possible damages. Especially under the circumstances of lack in information, if the government agencies could gather correct information, be in good control of time as well as publish the procedure with straightforward attitude to build up people’s trust in the government and diminish people’s doubts and misunderstandings, the possibility of causing serious damage would be lowered. The government should set up as soon as possible Taiwan Food and Drug Administration (TFDA) and Risk Evaluation Center to anticipate possible threats in the future and the proper treatments. With TFDA and Risk Evaluation Center,administrative units could prevent possible threats of the future more effectively. Furthermore, food traders should do self assessment and spontaneous reports to the government. They should be responsible for any incidents that have happened since people have ‘the rights to know’and deserve to feel at ease when eating food. Otherwise, once the incidents become worsening, the effects will also have bad impact on the food traders themselves.
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Smith, Alex J. "The possibility of stability in nationally diverse states." 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/yorku/fullcit?pNQ82825.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--York University, 2002. Graduate Programme in Philosophy.Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 240-266). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/yorku/fullcit?pNQ82825.