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Academic literature on the topic 'Legitimacy of governments Japan'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 29 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Legitimacy of governments Japan"

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Yun, Ji-Whan. "Conservative Politics and Compassionate Paternalism in Korea and Japan." Asian Survey 59, no. 5 (September 2019): 911–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2019.59.5.911.

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It is widely predicted that East Asia’s conservative governments will lose political power for managing socioeconomic crises under neoliberal globalization and find no way out of their legitimacy problem. However, Korea’s and Japan’s conservative governments have recently constructed a new model of crisis management—compassionate paternalism—in a highly discretionary manner.
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YUN, JI-WHAN. "Post-Democracy and Historicism: The Hidden Origin of the Korea-Japan Trade War." Issues & Studies 57, no. 01 (March 2021): 2150003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s101325112150003x.

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Since Japan’s imposition of export controls against Korea in July 2019 and its following countermoves, including the termination of the General Security of Military Information Agreement, the governments of both countries have presented their own narratives of the origin of this trade war, both of which mirror theories of international politics. Nonetheless, these narratives mask several domestic origins. Most importantly, this paper demonstrates that behind the trade war, there has been a preoccupation of the two governments with mutually irreconcilable version forms of historicism. One is Korea’s pro-naturalist historicism, seeing Korean history as being preordained by the universal laws of human progress and defining Japan as a historical reactionary. The other is Japan’s anti-naturalist historicism, upholding internationalism as a new driving force of history that will transform Japan from a war criminal state into a proper subject in international society while criticizing Korea as being a drag on this transformation. This paper argues that, resulting from decades-long neoliberal politics that have disturbed the state-society balance, the national structure of post-democracy has encouraged each government to push historicism to its limit as an alternative source of political legitimacy in lieu of democratic accountability. Concretely, it shows that post-democracy has determined (1) the historicist framing of emerging conflicts, (2) the government’s legislative struggles to realize historicist policies, and (3) the incontestability of historicist hostility by other ideas in each country.
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Esteban, Mario. "The Management of Nationalism during the Jiang Era (1994–2002) and Its Implications On Government and Regime Legitimacy." European Journal of East Asian Studies 5, no. 2 (2006): 181–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006106778869324.

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AbstractThis paper aims to provide a detailed explanation of how the promotion of different nationalist discourses in China entails distinct repercussions on both government and regime legitimacy, looking for the rationale of governmental appeal to both affirmative and assertive nationalism within the context of general legitimacy crisis suffered by communism in the last years.Through the analysis of case studies including the return of Hong Kong and Macao under Chinese sovereignty and the success of Beijing's bid for hosting the 2008 Olympic Games, this paper regards the rise of affirmative nationalism as beneficial for the legitimacy of both the Jiang government and the CCP regime as a whole. However, the increasing relevance of assertive nationalism, discussed with reference to the Diaoyu dispute with Japan, and the diplomatic crisis with the US after the bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade and the unauthorised landing of a US surveillance plane on Hainan, has put a challenge on Jiang's government, since it has been effectively used by the leftist wing of the party for gaining more leverage within the CCP with regard to the reformists. At the same time, assertive nationalism has reinforced regime legitimacy, providing effective ammunition to criticise the liberals.
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Liao, Ranxin, and Jungwon Min. "How the Public Shaming of Peers Enhances Corporate Social Performance: Evidence from Blacklisted Firms in Japan." Sustainability 13, no. 24 (December 14, 2021): 13835. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su132413835.

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This study aims to show how vicarious public shaming, that is the public disgrace of several peers in the same industry, affects focal firms’ corporate social performance (CSP). Drawing on the legitimacy and category theories, we suggest that since an increased vicarious public disgrace harms the legitimacy of the entire industry, peer companies attempt to negate these potential legitimacy losses by improving their CSP. This tendency is more pronounced in firms that have a poor record of CSP. Using a context of the Japanese blacklisted companies by the government for labor law delinquency between 2016 and 2019, our results confirm that vicarious public disgrace is a significant antecedent to improving CSP. Our findings also imply that the appropriate use of public disgrace can enhance overall the CSP levels.
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HORVAT, Andrew. "Bushidō and the Legacy of “Samurai Values” in Contemporary Japan." Asian Studies 6, no. 2 (June 29, 2018): 189–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/as.2018.6.2.189-208.

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Though difficult to define as a clear set of moral precepts, aspects of so-called “samurai values”, the combination of orally-transmitted Confucian and Buddhist lore to which Nitobe Inazō refers in his Bushido, can clearly be discerned in Japanese society today. As evidence for the influence of “samurai values”, I have provided examples from two fields with which I am personally familiar: journalism and education. Although in recent years several academic works have exposed historical anomalies in widely-held beliefs about actual samurai behaviour, I argue that the effectiveness of ideologies does not depend on historical accuracy. For example, justification for the right of newspapers to criticise governments in Japan does not stem from inalienable rights originating with European Enlightenment philosophers. Instead, it is linked to the view that the former samurai who in the 1870s became Japan’s first news reporters could be trusted intermediaries between the government and the people, because as samurai they possessed higher standards of morality. That expectations of superior moral conduct continue to justify in the eyes of the general public the right of newspapers to speak truth to power can be seen by mass cancellations of subscriptions of newspapers whose staff betray these expectations through involvement in scandal. Likewise, the emphasis on “character building” (jinkaku keisei) in Japanese higher education is another link to perceived “samurai values.” Some of Japan’s leading private universities were founded in the late nineteenth century by former samurai. As in the case of journalism, the maintenance of superior moral conduct helps strengthen the claim to legitimacy of educational institutions in Japan. Finally, I will present a picture of Nitobe as an example of a former samurai who long after his passing continues to be revered for having adhered to the “samurai values” he both defined and embraced.
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Fisker-Nielsen, Anne Mette. "The Soka Gakkai Practice of Buppō and the Discourse on Religion in Japan." Religions 13, no. 2 (February 14, 2022): 167. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13020167.

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This paper investigates the Japanese Nichiren Buddhist organization, Soka Gakkai (SG), whose members have supported the political party known as Kōmeitō, or Clean Government Party, in Japan for over half a century. SG members have often been criticized as ‘impure’ political actors, undergoing frequent public questioning of their motivations for engaging in electoral politics in light of their ‘religious’ status. The paper shows how the SG members’ support for Kōmeitō at a qualitative level indeed transcends the typical demarcations of the ‘secular-religious’ binary system. However, they also simultaneously challenge the term ‘religion’ that has functioned as an ideology in the creation of statecraft and in their competition for legitimacy. The current paper is based on long-term fieldwork, extensive interviews, and doctrinal analyses that highlight how socially productive this discourse on religion has been. It also shows how a counter-episteme, rooted in Nichiren’s theory of the Risshō Ankoku Ron and the idea of kōsen-rufu, sought to bring a ‘Buddha’ consciousness to bear on individual and collective action as a model for alternative ‘politics’. Contrary to many claims, this did not entail contesting the modern institutional separation of ‘church’ and ‘state’, but is rather an attempt to find legitimacy for participating in ‘Japan-making’ in ways that cannot easily be understood or confined to explanations framed within the ‘religious-secular’ binary system.
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Laugesen, Miriam J., and Michael K. Gusmano. "Commentary: Global Comparisons of Physician Associations." Journal of Health Politics, Policy and Law 46, no. 4 (August 1, 2021): 747–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/03616878-8970924.

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Abstract The authors reflect on their own work in relation to the articles in this special section on physician organizations, and they make four observations. First, association-government power relations shift after countries introduce universal health insurance, but they are by no means diminished. In France, Germany, and Japan, physicians' economic interests are explicitly considered against broader health system goals, such as providing affordable universal insurance. In low- and middle-income countries (LMICs), physician organizations do not share power in the same way. Second, in higher-income countries, fragmentation may occur along specialty or generalist lines, and some physicians are unionized. Generally speaking, physician influence over reimbursement policy is reduced because of organizational fragmentation. Third, associations develop as legitimate voices for physicians, but their relationship to other professions differs in higher-income countries. Associations in LMICs form coalitions with other health professionals. Finally, although German state physician associations have a key implementation role, in most countries, state and federal policy roles seem relatively defined. Global comparison of the LMICs and other countries suggests power, unity, legitimacy, and federal roles are tied closely to the stage of health system development.
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Lee, Doyeon, Seungwook Kim, and Keunhwan Kim. "International R&D Collaboration for a Global Aging Society: Focusing on Aging-Related National-Funded Projects." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 17, no. 22 (November 18, 2020): 8545. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph17228545.

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An international research and development (R&D) collaboration for aging-related projects is necessary to alleviate the severe economic/healthcare/humanitarian challenges of a global aging society. This study presents a practical/systematic framework that enables the provision of information on the research goals, the status of science and technology, and action plans of aging-related program development processes. We used data on aging-related national-funded projects from the United States of America, the European Union, the United Kingdom, Japan, and Korea. We collected data on 6318 national-funded projects, subsequently designating research fields to each project. By analyzing the content of the projects, their representative research fields, and the associated keywords, we assessed the general goals of six different research fields. To recognize the current scientific capabilities of these research fields, we divided the projects by clusters. We provided information on research organizations, specific goals (i.e., project title), project periods, and the funding related to the projects. These may be used by stakeholders in various governments/institutions/industries during future discussions regarding the establishment of an international R&D collaboration strategy. The approach we proposed may facilitate the linkage between knowledge and action during strategy development by maximizing scientific legitimacy, developing consensual knowledge, and minimizing diverging opinions among stakeholders.
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Abe, Kohki. "International Law as Memorial Sites: The “Comfort Women” Lawsuits Revisited." Korean Journal of International and Comparative Law 1, no. 2 (2013): 166–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134484-12340019.

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Abstract This article revisits the legal and philosophical frontiers passionately explored in the “comfort women” lawsuits in Japan. The epoch-making judicial battle challenging the legality and legitimacy of Japanese military sexual slavery has created an innovative space for combining justice and history. Of enormous practical import are a series of lower court judgments that determined the wrongfulness of Japan’s shameful involvement in the heinous abusive practices during the wartime period. Invoking the nebulous concept of the “Framework” of the San Francisco Peace Treaty of 1951, the Supreme Court rendered a decision in 2007 to procedurally shut the door to the war reparation claims. The decision, however, may not be sustained from the perspective of contemporary international law that is increasingly infused with the quality of trans-temporal justice. The author argues that the Government of Japan should discharge its responsibility by faithfully adopting measures required under international law, an act powerfully called for in the “Age of Apology” and within a new global paradigm against violence against women.
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HOLLIDAY, IAN. "Japan and the Myanmar Stalemate: Regional Power and Resolution of a Regional Problem." Japanese Journal of Political Science 6, no. 3 (December 2005): 393–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109905001969.

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For years Myanmar has been caught in a political stalemate generated both by deadlock between the military government and the democratic opposition, and by polar differences between China and the United States. In searching for ways forward, analysts might therefore want to look beyond these dominant actors. This article considers the contribution that a regional power, Japan, could make to political change. It examines first political stalemate in Myanmar, second Japan as a regional power, third Japanese engagement with Myanmar, fourth Japan and resolution of the Myanmar problem, and fifth future possibilities. The argument is that strong historical ties and good relations inside and outside Myanmar put Japan in a pivotal position. As part of its reassurance diplomacy in East Asia, Japan should take the lead in tackling this regional problem.Since a May 1990 general election that saw the National League for Democracy (NLD) secure a landslide victory and the ruling State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) respond by reinforcing its dictatorship, Myanmar has been in political stasis. Although progress has been made on some fronts, notably in relations between the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), as the military junta is now known, and the insurgent rebel armies with which it long fought civil wars, the uneasy political deadlock that settled on the country some 15 years ago has not been broken. Furthermore, within a complex internal context, the standoff between the two major protagonists from 1990 remains critical. Now, as then, the NLD, brandishing democratic legitimacy, charismatic leader Aung San Suu Kyi and latent popular support, confronts the military junta, wielding guns, power, and fear.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Legitimacy of governments Japan"

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Axelrod, Paul Scott. "Political legitimacy and self-loss /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10710.

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Fouse, David B. "The role of antimilitarism in postwar Japanese political legitimacy." Thesis, University of Hawaii at Manoa, 2002. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?index=0&did=765044431&SrchMode=1&sid=4&Fmt=2&VInst=PROD&VType=PQD&RQT=309&VName=PQD&TS=1208544298&clientId=23440.

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Karlsson, Christer. "Democracy, legitimacy and the European Union /." Uppsala : Uppsala University Library, 2001. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sub-hamburg/329961624.pdf.

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Chan, Yuk-kit, and 陳鋈傑. "Staging democracy: rethinking political legitimacy and the public sphere." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2012. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B50534166.

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By now it has become a common observation that liberal and republican models of democracy are inadequate in making sense of the expansive political landscape in today’s complex and pluralistic societies. Deliberative democracy has become a new favorite amongst scholars in the attempt to reinvigorate democracy through normative frameworks that emphasize rationality, consensus and informed discussions. On the other hand, scholars have questioned whether the this model is effective with regards to present forms of political engagements that are often mediatized and staged in ways that fall short of deliberative ideals. This research moves beyond these models in the attempt to better capture the complex power relations that underpin contemporary liberal democratic societies. This involves rethinking concepts of political legitimacy and the public sphere. Through interrogating Habermas’s discourse model of democracy and putting him in dialogue with the works of Lefort and Foucault, it will be demonstrated that it is useful to view political legitimacy not as a status but a process in which individuals legitimate or de-legitimate the power relations that they find themselves in. In addition, the public sphere should be conceptualized as the public stage, in which individuals must struggle with not only the state apparatuses, but also with oppressive or dominating forms of power, in the government of both themselves and others. By redefining these two important concepts in political philosophy, this research seeks to rethink modern democracy as constituting the very condition of indeterminacy.
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Philosophy
Master
Master of Philosophy
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Li, Chan-man Philip, and 李燦文. "The issue of dynastic legitimacy of the Three Kingdoms asseen in Zizhi Tongjian." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1989. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31949526.

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Saward, M. "Co-option and legitimacy : The varieties and consequences of formal incorporation." Thesis, University of Essex, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.384595.

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Depner, Wolfgang. "The effectiveness and legitimacy of federal minority governments in Canada since 1945." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/47034.

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Despite popular expectations and theoretical predictions, Canada’s first-past-the- post electoral system continues to produce minority governments, defined by Forsey “as government by a cabinet with less than half of the seats in the House of Commons.” Since 1945, almost half of all federal elections have produced this form of government. Drawing instruction from the most recent run of minority governments between 2004 and 2011, the dissertation scrutinizes the effectiveness and legitimacy of the nine federal minority governments that have governed Canada since 1945. Methodologically, it treats them as probationary majorities and retroactively judges their effectiveness by whether they shed this status. Effectiveness, so understood, can in turn be explained by a number of different factors best seen through the prism of the prevailing Canadian party system. Turning to the question of legitimacy, the dissertation adopts a dualistic view of legitimacy in judging the surveyed minority governments by their (i) constitutional legitimacy and (ii) input legitimacy. Concerning the former, it argues that federal minority governments have historically played fast and loose with the constitutional conventions that sustain them. Concerning the latter, it argues further that minority governments have generally failed to improve the input legitimacy of parliamentary government, contrary to the position of Russell and others scholars who claim that minority government has the capacity to improve the ‘deliberative’ nature of the Commons. The present study challenges the claim of Russell and others in finding that minority government actually increases partisanship in discouraging genuine deliberation, as defined by theorists of deliberative democracy. It finds minority government nonetheless to be legitimate, according to Canada’s constitutional conventions.
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Zhu, Jiafeng, and 朱佳峰. "Farewell to political obligation : toward a new liberal theory of political legitimacy." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10722/196492.

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Is there a general moral duty to obey the law because it is the law? This is the question of political obligation. The issue of political obligation is allegedly a central topic of political philosophy, because political obligation is often assumed to be necessary for state legitimacy; that is to say, for a state to be legitimate, it must be capable of imposing political obligation on the governed. Nonetheless, the literature has indicated that it is enormously difficult, at least within the liberal doctrine that many find most attractive, to justify political obligation. Given that political obligation is viewed as an indispensable part of state legitimacy, skepticism about political obligation points to a seemingly inescapable yet disturbing conclusion: no existing liberal state is legitimate, no matter how just it is. This skeptical position is also known as philosophical anarchism. This study aims to show that philosophical anarchism is not as irresistible as it appears. But I do not take the traditional approach of refuting philosophical anarchism by defending or developing theories of political obligation. On the contrary, I devote the first part of my thesis to consolidating the skepticism about political obligation. The approach I favor is to argue that political obligation is not necessary for state legitimacy. If this point can be established, then even if political obligation is unjustified, it will not automatically lead to philosophical anarchism. This constitutes the second part of my thesis, where I develop a conception of “legitimacy without political obligation” and defend it against the objection that it is either conceptually or morally wrong to claim that a legitimate state need not impose political obligation on its subjects.
published_or_final_version
Politics and Public Administration
Doctoral
Doctor of Philosophy
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Lo, Wai-yan. "An analysis of the power of the Hong Kong government in education policy making." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1995. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B1403475X.

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Morales, Diez de Ulzurrun Laura. "Institutions, mobilisation, and political participation political membership in western countries /." Madrid : Centro de Estudios Avanzados en Ciencias Sociales, Instituto Juan March de Estudios e Investigaciones, 2004. http://books.google.com/books?id=NNOGAAAAMAAJ.

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Books on the topic "Legitimacy of governments Japan"

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Building policy legitimacy in Japan: Political behaviour beyond rational choice. Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1999.

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Sakamoto, Takayuki. Building policy legitimacy in Japan: Political behaviour beyond rational choice. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1999.

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Democratic legitimacy. New York: Routledge, 2009.

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Law and legitimacy. Copenhagen, Denmark: DJØF Publishing, 2015.

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Barker, Rodney S. Political legitimacy and the state. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990.

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Rosanvallon, Pierre. Democratic legitimacy: Impartiality, reflexivity, proximity. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2011.

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Democratic legitimacy: Impartiality, reflexivity, proximity. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2011.

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Peter, Fabienne. Democratic legitimacy: Aggregation versus deliberation. New York: Routledge, 2009.

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Sakamoto, Takayuki. Building Policy Legitimacy in Japan. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780333982815.

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Equality and legitimacy. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008.

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Book chapters on the topic "Legitimacy of governments Japan"

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Nakano, Hideo. "Local Governments." In Government Deficit and Fiscal Reform in Japan, 153–67. Boston, MA: Springer US, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4757-3528-4_9.

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Miyaoka, Isao. "Wildlife Protection and Japan." In Legitimacy in International Society, 27–48. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403948199_3.

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Horiguchi, Shinji. "Japan, Business Ethics, and Business Legitimacy." In Handbook of Business Legitimacy, 1–13. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-68845-9_87-1.

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Horiguchi, Shinji. "Japan, Business Ethics, and Business Legitimacy." In Handbook of Business Legitimacy, 1443–55. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-14622-1_87.

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Sakamoto, Takayuki. "Introduction: Policy Legitimacy, Unpopular Legislation and the Limits of Self-Interest." In Building Policy Legitimacy in Japan, 1–9. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780333982815_1.

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Sakamoto, Takayuki. "Policy Legitimacy as a Determinant of Policy Outputs." In Building Policy Legitimacy in Japan, 13–35. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780333982815_2.

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Sakamoto, Takayuki. "The Politics of Consumption Tax." In Building Policy Legitimacy in Japan, 41–74. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780333982815_3.

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Sakamoto, Takayuki. "The Politics of a Consumption Tax Increase." In Building Policy Legitimacy in Japan, 75–97. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780333982815_4.

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Sakamoto, Takayuki. "The Politics of Electoral Reform." In Building Policy Legitimacy in Japan, 99–133. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780333982815_5.

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Sakamoto, Takayuki. "Conclusion." In Building Policy Legitimacy in Japan, 135–49. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780333982815_6.

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Conference papers on the topic "Legitimacy of governments Japan"

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Ono, Yoshiaki, and Setsuya Kurahashi. "Cost Efficiency of Web Systems in Municipal Governments of Japan." In 2015 IEEE 39th Annual Computer Software and Applications Conference (COMPSAC). IEEE, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/compsac.2015.161.

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Chang, Chun-Yu Wu. "From Nonprofit Organization to Social Enterprise - Case Study of Taiwan Lifeline International." In Japan International Business and Management Research Conference. RSF Press & RESEARCH SYNERGY FOUNDATION, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31098/jibm.v1i1.227.

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The purpose of this study aims to explore the possibilities of Taiwan Lifeline International turning into a social enterprise to remediate the burden of scarce resources. The European and American countries provide their people with good welfare through the support of government resources and policy. However, after several financial recessions, the financial shortfall makes the governments rethink their welfare policy. "Nonprofit organizations" therefore start to play an important role in providing various services to people in need. Governments of different countries constantly provide resources and assistance to nonprofit organizations over the years. By the case study of Taiwan Lifeline International, conclusions with profound insight and some possible solutions can be helpful to nonprofit organizations encountering similar challenges. This study investigates the history of nonprofit organizations in social enterprise. The second part of this study continues with the case study of Taiwan Lifeline International, which provides insights on the challenges and possible solutions of the transformation process from nonprofit organizations to social enterprise.
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Koizumi, Ryo, and Yoichi Iida. "PROJECT EVALUATION IN LOCAL GOVERNMENTS TO REALIZE WOMEN ACTIVE PROMOTION SOCIETY IN JAPAN." In The International Symposium on the Analytic Hierarchy Process. Creative Decisions Foundation, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.13033/isahp.y2018.045.

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Fujiwara, Hikojiro, and Satoru Hagino. "Data Utilization in the Education Field by Local and Central Governments in Japan." In 2022 IEEE International Conference on Big Data (Big Data). IEEE, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/bigdata55660.2022.10020905.

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Pishva, Davar, Naoshi Kitamura, Seiji Tsugawa, and Keiji Takeda. "An Initiative to Improve the State of Information Security at Local Governments in Japan." In 41st Annual IEEE International Carnahan Conference on Security Technology. IEEE, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/ccst.2007.4373461.

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KAMEDA, IPPEI, and NAGAHISA HIRAYAMA. "DEVELOPMENT OF EFFICACY ASSESSMENT PROCEDURE FOR DISASTER DEBRIS MANAGEMENT IN MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENTS IN JAPAN." In WASTE MANAGEMENT 2020. Southampton UK: WIT Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2495/wm200181.

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Takahashi, Koji. "Cooperation of the Ports at the Time of the Large-Scale Disaster Such As High Tide and Tsunamis." In ASME 2018 37th International Conference on Ocean, Offshore and Arctic Engineering. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/omae2018-77704.

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The Great East Japan Earthquake in Japan paralyzed functions of Japanese ports operated by the local governments in 2011. If an anticipated Nankai Trough Earthquake occurs, port functions may be paralyzed just as in 2011 under the current port operation system conducted by the local governments. Today, horizontal/vertical division of work has been expanded in the global economy, and thus, paralysis of Japanese port functions may result in severe damage on the global economy. Using the sacrifice model, the variation in container logistics caused by earthquakes was analyzed for the Nankai Trough Earthquake. Through the case of Japan, it was demonstrated that the powerful leadership of the national government could establish port operations resistant to large-scale natural disasters. This paper has developed the author’s research [1]–[13].
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Furukawa, Keita, and Keita Furukawa. "MODEL SITES EXERCISES FOR ICM IMPLEMENTATION IN JAPAN." In Managing risks to coastal regions and communities in a changing world. Academus Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.31519/conferencearticle_5b1b9410f28ed2.51624025.

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The basic act on ocean policy has been enacted since 2007 in Japan, and the basic plan on ocean policy has been endorsed by cabinet originally in 2008, and revised in 2013. The Integrated Coastal Management (ICM) is stated as one of basic measures in the basic act and one of measures the government should take comprehensively in the basic plan. Within the revised basic plan, a clear message of government to “offer assistance to regions” that strive to formulate their own plans (for comprehensively manage land areas and marine zones together) has been discrived. Nevertheless, specific measures by government are not yet implemented in sufficient level. The Ocean Policy Research Institute have set up 5 model sites with collaborative local governments. Since 6 years exercises, ICM implementation processes has been grouped in 5 phases namely, 1) situation understanding, 2) consensus building, 3) ICM planning, 4) adaptive implementation and 5) post assessment process. Variation of phases and necessary assistances will be discrived based on case studies. One of typical example is a collaborative capacity building course with OPRI and Ministry of Land, Infrastructure, Transport and Tourisms (MLIT). It can be an activating event for ICM implementation, and enforcement of local-national network.
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Furukawa, Keita, and Keita Furukawa. "MODEL SITES EXERCISES FOR ICM IMPLEMENTATION IN JAPAN." In Managing risks to coastal regions and communities in a changing world. Academus Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.21610/conferencearticle_58b431529a956.

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Abstract:
The basic act on ocean policy has been enacted since 2007 in Japan, and the basic plan on ocean policy has been endorsed by cabinet originally in 2008, and revised in 2013. The Integrated Coastal Management (ICM) is stated as one of basic measures in the basic act and one of measures the government should take comprehensively in the basic plan. Within the revised basic plan, a clear message of government to “offer assistance to regions” that strive to formulate their own plans (for comprehensively manage land areas and marine zones together) has been discrived. Nevertheless, specific measures by government are not yet implemented in sufficient level. The Ocean Policy Research Institute have set up 5 model sites with collaborative local governments. Since 6 years exercises, ICM implementation processes has been grouped in 5 phases namely, 1) situation understanding, 2) consensus building, 3) ICM planning, 4) adaptive implementation and 5) post assessment process. Variation of phases and necessary assistances will be discrived based on case studies. One of typical example is a collaborative capacity building course with OPRI and Ministry of Land, Infrastructure, Transport and Tourisms (MLIT). It can be an activating event for ICM implementation, and enforcement of local-national network.
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10

Sugawara, Shin-etsu, Tomoaki Inamura, and Haruki Madarame. "The Local Governments’ Management of the Sensitive Information." In 18th International Conference on Nuclear Engineering. ASMEDC, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icone18-29186.

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After the September 11th terrorist attacks, the Convention on the Physical Protection of Nuclear Material was revised, and many countries have enhanced their regulatory regimes about the management of sensitive information, especially in the physical protection system. Japan also amended the Nuclear Reactor Regulation Law in 2005 in step with this global movement. The major areas of this revision which are associated with sensitive information are as follows: formulation of the Design Basis Threat (DBT), introduction of inspection system of physical protection and obligation of confidentiality of the secret of physical protection. Through this amendment, the responsibilities of the national government and the utilities have been clarified. However, there is no prescription which ordains the role and responsibility of the local governments. In fact, the local governments receive various information from the utilities through the “Safety Agreements” which are concluded between the local governments and the utilities, and the Public Safety Commissions of prefectures are involved in the transportation of nuclear materials. Moreover, the Act on Special Measures concerning Nuclear Emergency Preparedness provides the engagement and the responsibility of the local governments in case of nuclear disaster. In addition, the Civil Protection Law also provides the formulation of local governments’ plans for a response to national emergencies including nuclear disaster which is caused by terrorist attacks. As described above, the local governments are in a position where they can or have to touch the sensitive information in a variety of ways. Originally, the local government employees have obligation of confidentiality by the Local Public Service Act. Thus, about the sensitive information, they have duty to keep secret. However, we are hard to say that there are complete systems to check this obligation, so we can point out that its effectiveness is doubtful. Especially, the sensitive information which is related to nuclear materials is vital for security of the nation as a whole. Under such awareness, we’re studying the change of the local governments’ way of the management of sensitive information accompanied by the strengthening of Japanese nuclear regulation, and the actual condition of it. Now, we interview some local governments’ departments in charge where nuclear facilities are located. In this paper, we discuss the actual condition and the problems around the local governments’ management of the sensitive information.
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Reports on the topic "Legitimacy of governments Japan"

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Di Salvatore, Jessica. Trust the hand that protects you—Does UN peacekeeping harm post-conflict governments' legitimacy? UNU-WIDER, December 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35188/unu-wider/2022/285-0.

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Thomas, Angela. An Inquiry into the Efficiency of Carbon Pricing Policy: A study of Sweden, United Kingdom, and Japan. Web of Open Science, October 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.37686/nsrl.v1i2.75.

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This study uses an exploratory research methodology to analyse the efficiency of carbon pricing policies in driving sustainable development by effectively reducing carbon emissions, encouraging research and development of alternative energy sources and innovations. The study also attempts to assess the impact of carbon pricing as a driver for inclusive growth. This is through the analysis of relevant indicators to evaluate the distributive policies used by the governments to mitigate the disproportionate effect of lower income households is analysed
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van den Boogaard, Vanessa, and Fabrizio Santoro. Explaining Informal Taxation and Revenue Generation: Evidence from south-central Somalia. Institute of Development Studies, March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ictd.2021.003.

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Most people in low-income countries contribute substantially to the financing of local public goods through informal revenue generation (IRG). However, very little is known about how IRG works in practice. We produce novel evidence on the magnitude and regressivity of IRG and its relationship with the state in a fragile context, Somalia. We rely on original data from surveys with over 2,300 households and 117 community leaders in Gedo region, as well as on extensive qualitative research. We first show that IRG is prevalent. Over 70 per cent of households report paying at least one informal tax or fee in the previous year, representing on average 9.5 per cent of annual income. We also find that, among households that contribute, poorer ones contribute larger amounts than richer ones, with higher incidence in relation to their income. Further, in line with theory and expectations, informal payments have inequitable community-level effects, with individuals in wealthier communities making more informal payments than in poorer ones and, correspondingly, having access to a greater number of public goods. We then consider four explanations for the prevalence of IRG. First, IRG clearly fills gaps left by weak state capacity. Relatedly, we show that IRG can bolster perceptions and legitimacy of the state, indicating that sub-national governments may actually benefit from informal taxation. Second, informal taxing authorities are more effective tax collectors than the state, with informal taxing authorities having greater legitimacy and taxpayers perceiving informal payments to be fairer than those levied by the state. Third, dispelling the possibility that informal payments should be classified as user fees, taxpayers overwhelmingly expect nothing in return for their contributions. Fourth, in contrast to hypotheses that informal payments may be voluntary, taxpayers associate informal payments with punishment and informal institutions of enforcement. Our research reinforces the importance of IRG to public goods provision in weak formal institutional contexts, to everyday citizens, and to policymakers attempting to extend the influence of the federal state in south-central Somalia. Foremost, informal tax institutions need to be incorporated within analyses of taxation, service delivery, social protection, and equity. At the same time, our findings of the complementary nature of IRG and district-level governance and of the relative efficiency of revenue generation by local leaders have important implications for understanding statebuilding processes from below. Indeed, our findings suggest that governments may have little incentive to extend their taxing authority in some fragile contexts.
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Béraud-Sudreau, Lucie, Xiao Liang, Siemon T. Wezeman, and Ming Sun. Arms-production Capabilities in the Indo-Pacific Region: Measuring Self-reliance. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, September 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/xgre7769.

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Armed forces in the Indo-Pacific region remain dependent on weapon systems imported from foreign suppliers. This is despite the efforts of many governments in the Indo-Pacific to implement policies that support the development of local arms industrial capabilities with the aim of increasing self-reliance. This report develops three indicators to give a score and regional ranking of self-reliance to twelve jurisdictions in the Indo-Pacific region: Australia, China, India, Indonesia, Japan, South Korea, Malaysia, Pakistan, Singapore, Taiwan, Thailand and Viet Nam. Overall, this report contributes to knowledge and debates on armament trends and military modernization in the Indo-Pacific. In a region where tensions among neighbours are rising, it further contributes to transparency with regard to levels of self-reliance in domestic arms production, allowing for an independent assessment of the region’s respective arms industries.
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Dzebo, Adis, and Kevin M. Adams. The coffee supply chain illustrates transboundary climate risks: Insights on governance pathways. Stockholm Environment Institute, April 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.51414/sei2022.002.

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The interconnections between countries in a globalizing world continue to deepen and are central to the modern international economy. Yet, governance efforts to build resilience to the adverse risks and impacts of climate change are highly fragmented and have not sufficiently focused on these international dimensions. Relationships between people, ecosystems and economies across borders change the scope and nature of the climate adaptation challenge and generate climate risks that are transboundary (Challinor et al., 2017). Climate impacts in one country can create risks and opportunities – and therefore may require adaptation – in other countries, due to cross-border connectivity within regions and globally (Hedlund et al., 2018). These Transboundary Climate Risks (TCRs) may develop in one location remote from the location of their origin. This dynamic necessitates examining the governance structures for managing climate change adaptation. For example, with regard to trade and international supply chains, climate change impacts in one location can disrupt local economies and vulnerable people’s livelihoods, while also affecting the price, quality and availability of goods and services on international markets (Benzie et al., 2018). Coffee is one of the most traded commodities in the world with an immensely globalized supply chain. The global coffee sector involves more than 100 million people in over 80 countries. Coffee production and the livelihoods of smallholder coffee farmers around the world are at risk due to climate change, threatening to disrupt one of the world’s largest agricultural supply chains. The coffee supply chain represents an important arena for public and private actors to negotiate how resource flows should be governed and climate risks should be managed. Currently, neither governments nor private sector actors are sufficiently addressing TCRs (Benzie & Harris, 2020) and no clear mandates exist for actors to take ownership of this issue. Furthermore, the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), the main body for climate change policy and governance, does not provide any coherent recommendations on how to manage TCRs. This governance gap raises questions about what methods are likely to effectively reduce climate risk and be taken seriously by coffee market stakeholders. This policy brief explores different ways to govern TCRs, and how public and private actors view their effectiveness and legitimacy. Focusing on the Brazilian-German coffee supply chain, the brief presents a deductive framework of five governance pathways through which TCRs could be managed. It is based on 41 semi-structured interviews with 65 Brazilian and German public and private experts, including roasters, traders, cooperatives, associations and certification schemes, as well as government ministries, international development agencies, international organizations and civil society representatives.
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