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Academic literature on the topic 'Legitimacy of governments – Europe'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Legitimacy of governments – Europe"

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Pastorella, Giulia. "Technocratic Governments in Europe: Getting the Critique Right." Political Studies 64, no. 4 (July 5, 2015): 948–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.12217.

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In Europe, technocratic governments have become a popular topic of debate. Commentators have condemned them as a ‘suspension of democracy’ or even as ‘the end of democracy as we know it’. However, no academic analysis has assessed whether technocratic governments are indeed undemocratic. This article is intended to fill this gap by assessing technocratic governments’ democratic credentials. It compares them to party governments along the main dimensions of party democracy, including representation, deliberation, constitutionality and legitimacy. It concludes that technocratic governments in Europe are not undemocratic per se, but are still a worrying phenomenon insofar as they reveal shortcomings that remain hidden in normal party governments: a loosening of delegation and accountability ties between voters, parties and cabinets; increasing external pressures on domestic political actors; and the weakening of partisan ideology-based politics. The article will add further elements to reinforce the already vast literature on the crisis of – especially party – democracy in Europe.

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Hanley, Seán. "Legitimacy and the Paradox of Technocratic Government in Newer European Democracies: The Fischer Administration in the Czech Republic Revisited." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 32, no. 1 (October 15, 2017): 78–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325417734281.

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The creation of technocratic caretaker governments in several European countries in the wake of the Great Recession (2008–2009) and the Eurozone crisis led to renewed academic interest in such administrations. Although such governments are often assumed to be illegitimate and democratically dysfunctional, there has been little empirical consideration of if and how they legitimate themselves to mass publics. This question is particularly acute given that, empirically, caretaker technocrat-led administrations have been clustered in newer, more crisis-prone democracies in Southern and Eastern Europe where high levels of state exploitation by parties suggest a weak basis for any government claiming technocratic impartiality. This article uses Michael Saward’s “representative claims” framework to re-examine the case of one of Europe’s longer-lasting and most popular technocratic administrations, the 2009–2010 Fischer government in the Czech Republic. The article maps representative claims made for Fischer and his government, as well as counterclaims. Claims drew on the electoral mandate of sponsoring parties, the government’s claimed technocratic neutrality, and on Fischer’s “mirroring” of the values and lifestyle of ordinary Czechs (echoing some populist framings of politics). The article argues that the Fischer government benefited from multiple overlapping representative claims, but notes the need for robust methodology to assess the reception claims by their intended constituency. It concludes by considering the implications of actors’ ability to combine populist and technocratic claims, noting similarities in technocratic governments and some types of anti-establishment party.

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Glied, Viktor. "The Populist phenomena and the reasons for their success in Hungary." Politics in Central Europe 16, s1 (February 1, 2020): 23–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2020-0002.

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AbstractAfter the parliamentary elections in 2014, the weakened legitimacy of the Hungarian government could be re-established through activism in migration issues. Fidesz-KDNP that won elections twice already highlighted migration as the main theme of governance from 2014 to 2018, suppressing every other topic on the political agenda. The position that was established for purposes of the Hungarian domestic situation and politics initially faced intense rejections all over Europe, but then garnered some supporters as well, mostly in post-socialist Central and Eastern Europe, and to a smaller extent among the right-wing and populist parties of Western Europe. The anti-refugee and populist approach caused significant success in the communication field to the subscribing parties and governments, and also legitimised Hungarian government’s efforts that could mean it met the majority of the Hungarian society’s expectations. The most essential question is that how can political science reshape its terms and thoughts on populism to understand this phenomenon better, moreover what are the reasons of populism and why is the populist propaganda such successful in Hungary and Eastern Europe.

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Vasilyan, Syuzanna. "The External Legitimacy of the EU in the South Caucasus." European Foreign Affairs Review 16, Issue 3 (August 1, 2011): 341–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2011024.

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This article delves into the external legitimacy of the European Union (EU) in the South Caucasus by analysing the perceptions of the EU's image and role as held by the Armenian, Azeri, and Georgian governments, the public, and political parties. It tests the academic claims regarding the EU's 'difference' by scrutinizing key official documents, drawing on surveys, and relying on in-depth semi-structured interviews. Consequently, it reveals the variations among the three South Caucasian states in terms of their current and potential future visions of the EU. By showing that the Union is seen as comparable to others, like the United States and Russia or intergovernmental organizations (IGOs) such as the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), the Council of Europe (CoE), and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), this article ponders on the potential future perception of the Union provided the needs, interests, demands, and aspirations of Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia. Most importantly, it probes into the proportionality of the EU's policy in the South Caucasus, ponders on its ramifications as a result of the boost in its external relations foreseen by the Lisbon Treaty, and offers policy advice for the Union to meet the expectations of its 'neighbours'.

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Garamvölgyi, Bence, and Tamás Dóczi. "Sport as a tool for public diplomacy in Hungary." Physical Culture and Sport. Studies and Research 90, no. 1 (April 30, 2021): 39–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pcssr-2021-0012.

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Abstract Sport is often utilized as a tool by governments and nation-states in building a favorable international image, seeking external political legitimacy, and strengthening nation-building endeavors across borders. Given its universal appeal, sport is often perceived as a valuable soft power asset for conveying positive messages to foreign publics. Against this backdrop, the present study aims to introduce the sports diplomacy approach of Hungary, specifically focusing on the state-led utilization of sport in public diplomacy under the recent government of Viktor Orbán (2010–2020). With the institutionalization of sport in public diplomacy, Hungary has become a pioneering country in Central and Eastern Europe that can provide an example for other nation-states in the region. The Hungarian government’s sports diplomacy ambitions have not been curbed by the COVID-19 pandemic, and the country continues to invest large amounts of public funding in attracting and organizing international sporting competitions. Hosting the Summer Olympic Games in Budapest remains the ultimate goal of the current government’s sports diplomacy strategy, which focuses on elite sport.

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Brayson, Kimberley. "Securing the Future of the European Court of Human Rights in the Face of uk Opposition." International Human Rights Law Review 6, no. 1 (May 24, 2017): 53–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22131035-00601001.

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This article highlights transnational consequences for access to justice of political posturing by national governments in respect of the European Convention on Human Rights (echr). It charts the uk context preceding the adoption of Protocol 15, which inserts the concepts of subsidiarity and the margin of appreciation into the echr preamble. The article argues that whilst this was an attempt to curb the European Court of Human Rights’ (ECtHR) powers, this proved limited in effect, as the court is too well established as a Supreme Court for Europe in the cosmopolitan legal order of the echr. The political-legal interplay which is the genesis of the echr system means that political manoeuvring from national governments is inevitable, but not fatal to its existence. However, the legitimacy of the ECtHR is secured only through political concessions, which act to expel surplus subjects from echr protection. The article concludes that the legitimacy of the ECtHR is therefore secured at the cost of individuals whose rights are worth less than the future of the court.

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Lewis, Paul G. "The Repositioning of Opposition in East‐Central Europe." Government and Opposition 32, no. 4 (October 1997): 614–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1997.tb00449.x.

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THE EVENTS OF 1989 IN EASTERN EUROPE HAVE BEEN INTERPRETED in diverse and often contradictory ways: from the end of history to its rebirth, as both negotiated revolutions and popular uprisings. In many countries a fundamental repositioning of opposition and dissident forces was observed — changing from groups of anti-system activists quite outside the political establishment into major statesmen and national leaders involving, in some cases, rapid transformation into the occupants of major or even prime ministerial roles. Similarly, the former monopolistic ruling parties often found themselves quickly relegated to the margins of political life as oppositions of dubious legitimacy and minuscule political influence. Yet these roles were also subject to rapid reversal and further repositioning in a number of countries. The major difference now was that former governments became formally constituted oppositions rather than political pariahs or enemies of the people. That was a measure of the significance of the change that had been effected.

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Bejtja, Saida, and Dritan Bejtja. "Comparative Study in Central and Eastern Europe Regarding Restitution/Compensation Process." European Journal of Economics and Business Studies 1, no. 1 (April 30, 2015): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejes.v1i1.p31-45.

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The aim of this paper is to analyze the transformations that occurred in the area of private property ownership following the change of political regime in former socialist or communist countries. The six countries looked at are: Albania, Bulgaria, Croatia, Romania and Serbia. These countries illustrate well the whole range of contentious problems in a region where the Communist regimes have varied tremendously in their approach to private property, intensity of social control, repression and overall legitimacy. This diversity of situations poses today different types of dilemmas for the property restitution process, dilemmas which are approached by each country in a different manner. The main question for the countries is how an emerging democracy can "respond to public demands for redress of the legitimate grievances of some without creating new injustices for others. " Moreover, property rights and transparency represent the very bases of a functioning market economy: each of the countries faces the difficult task of finding a balance between remedying violations of property rights and guaranteeing a functioning land market, which enables or will enable full freedom of movement of capital in the EU. There are a number of fundamental difficulties and dilemmas regarding nationalization and restitution/compensation policies in the post-Communist governments in Albania, Bulgaria, Romania and the Western Balkans had to face.

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VAN GERVEN, WALTER. "The European Union institutions in the draft Constitution for Europe." European Review 12, no. 4 (October 2004): 465–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798704000419.

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This paper deals with the Institutions of the European Union in the draft Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe (hereinafter: ‘the draft Constitution’) submitted to the European Council meeting in Thessaloniki on 20 June 2003. It describes these institutions and their task from a perspective of the Union's democratic legitimacy. The paper is based on a book entitled The European Union: a Polity of States and Peoples, which will be published by Stanford University Press and Hart Publishing, Oxford. In this book, I examine the democratic legitimacy of the European Union as a whole. The book parts from the proposition that the Union is a ‘body politic’ which develops into a federal system, however not a State, with a parliamentary consensual (non-majoritarian) form of government. In the meantime, the draft Treaty has been amended by the Inter-Governmental Conference (IGC) held in Brussels on 17/18 June 2004. In so far as the amendments relate to the subject of this paper, they are mentioned below in the text or the endnotes.

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Lidström, Anders. "Public Authorities and Intermunicipal Cooperation in a European Context." Urban Affairs Review 53, no. 2 (August 3, 2016): 403–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1078087416630613.

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Although not entirely clear with regard to definitions and delimitations, the article by Savitch and Adhikari opens up for a comparative research agenda of considerable importance for better understanding the preconditions for how the metropolis can be governed. Their suggestion that public authorities are important for solving collective problems in the metropolitan areas is also relevant in a European context. There is already a tradition in Europe to establish cooperative arrangements between metropolitan local governments for tasks that requires a larger territorial scale, but Savitch and Adhikari direct our attention to private law arrangements, i.e. inter-municipal corporations. Also in Europe, these have become increasingly common, which may be understood in the light of the increasing marketization of local government. Although lacking in democratic legitimacy, they provide more flexibility and may also include private businesses in their governing body. However, knowledge about their occurrence and functions is limited, which calls for further, systematic and comparative research. In particular, it should be investigated whether they, as in the US, are more common in the metropolitan areas with the strongest resources.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Legitimacy of governments – Europe"

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Karlsson, Christer. "Democracy, legitimacy and the European Union /." Uppsala : Uppsala University Library, 2001. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sub-hamburg/329961624.pdf.

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Szewczyk, Bart Michael Julius. "European citizenship and national democracy : sources of EU legitimacy in the common interest and in service of human dignity." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610301.

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Hägerström, Emelie. "Behind the scenes of lockdowns and quarantines : A quantitative assessment of how legitimacy and capacity shaped early governmental responses to Covid-19 in European countries." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-432515.

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This thesis aims to gain insight to lockdowns and social distancing measures taken by European governments during the early period of the Covid-19 pandemic. Questions have been raised of whether the variations of responses can be systematically explained, which have so far received little attention in research. However, prior research has stressed the importance of government capacity and legitimacy for the facilitation of a crisis response. On the one hand, capacity to coordinate within governing authorities, and with external actors is crucial. On the other hand, emphasis is put on cultural factors, such as citizens’ trust in political institutions. Through a quantitative analysis of 30 European countries, this thesis maps the stringency of measures implemented by governments. Furthermore, utilizing an expert survey from SGI (Sustainable Governance Indicators) and the Eurobarometer survey (2019), this thesis asks how coordination capacity and political trust are associated with the maximum stringency of policy responses implemented by governments. Using bivariate and multivariate regressions, the models suggest that European countries with high coordination capacity are more likely to implement modest policy responses, while European countries with low coordination capacity are more likely to implement strict policy responses. A possible understanding is that countries with high coordination capacity weigh alternatives and address certain issues, instead of beating the drum all at once. As expected, there is a negative relationship between political trust and stringency of policy responses, but further research is needed to confirm this covariation. The complexity of the Coronavirus crisis complicates a comprehensive understanding of governmental responses. However, this thesis contributes with early insights and provides a piece of the puzzle as to why European governments have acted so differently.

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Axelrod, Paul Scott. "Political legitimacy and self-loss /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10710.

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Chan, Yuk-kit, and 陳鋈傑. "Staging democracy: rethinking political legitimacy and the public sphere." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2012. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B50534166.

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By now it has become a common observation that liberal and republican models of democracy are inadequate in making sense of the expansive political landscape in today’s complex and pluralistic societies. Deliberative democracy has become a new favorite amongst scholars in the attempt to reinvigorate democracy through normative frameworks that emphasize rationality, consensus and informed discussions. On the other hand, scholars have questioned whether the this model is effective with regards to present forms of political engagements that are often mediatized and staged in ways that fall short of deliberative ideals. This research moves beyond these models in the attempt to better capture the complex power relations that underpin contemporary liberal democratic societies. This involves rethinking concepts of political legitimacy and the public sphere. Through interrogating Habermas’s discourse model of democracy and putting him in dialogue with the works of Lefort and Foucault, it will be demonstrated that it is useful to view political legitimacy not as a status but a process in which individuals legitimate or de-legitimate the power relations that they find themselves in. In addition, the public sphere should be conceptualized as the public stage, in which individuals must struggle with not only the state apparatuses, but also with oppressive or dominating forms of power, in the government of both themselves and others. By redefining these two important concepts in political philosophy, this research seeks to rethink modern democracy as constituting the very condition of indeterminacy.
published_or_final_version
Philosophy
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Master of Philosophy

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Li, Chan-man Philip, and 李燦文. "The issue of dynastic legitimacy of the Three Kingdoms asseen in Zizhi Tongjian." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1989. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31949526.

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Saward, M. "Co-option and legitimacy : The varieties and consequences of formal incorporation." Thesis, University of Essex, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.384595.

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Depner, Wolfgang. "The effectiveness and legitimacy of federal minority governments in Canada since 1945." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/47034.

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Despite popular expectations and theoretical predictions, Canada’s first-past-the- post electoral system continues to produce minority governments, defined by Forsey “as government by a cabinet with less than half of the seats in the House of Commons.” Since 1945, almost half of all federal elections have produced this form of government. Drawing instruction from the most recent run of minority governments between 2004 and 2011, the dissertation scrutinizes the effectiveness and legitimacy of the nine federal minority governments that have governed Canada since 1945. Methodologically, it treats them as probationary majorities and retroactively judges their effectiveness by whether they shed this status. Effectiveness, so understood, can in turn be explained by a number of different factors best seen through the prism of the prevailing Canadian party system. Turning to the question of legitimacy, the dissertation adopts a dualistic view of legitimacy in judging the surveyed minority governments by their (i) constitutional legitimacy and (ii) input legitimacy. Concerning the former, it argues that federal minority governments have historically played fast and loose with the constitutional conventions that sustain them. Concerning the latter, it argues further that minority governments have generally failed to improve the input legitimacy of parliamentary government, contrary to the position of Russell and others scholars who claim that minority government has the capacity to improve the ‘deliberative’ nature of the Commons. The present study challenges the claim of Russell and others in finding that minority government actually increases partisanship in discouraging genuine deliberation, as defined by theorists of deliberative democracy. It finds minority government nonetheless to be legitimate, according to Canada’s constitutional conventions.

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PAOLINI, Giulia. "The legitimacy deficit of the European Union and the role of national parliaments." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10445.

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Defence date: 17 September 2007
Examining Board: Prof. Morten Kelstrup, (University of Copenhagen) ; Prof. Peter Mair, (European University Institute) ; Prof. Gianfranco Pasquino, (University of Bologna) ; Prof. Philippe C. Schmitter, (EUI Professional Fellow)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
no abstract available

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FERNANDES, Daniel. "Governments, public opinion, and social policy : change in Western Europe." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/75046.

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Defence date: 21 November 2022
Examining Board: Prof. Ellen Immergut (EUI, Supervisor); Prof. Anton Hemerijck (EUI); Prof. Christoffer Green-Pedersen (Aarhus University); Prof. Evelyne Hübscher (Central European University)
This dissertation investigates how public opinion and government partisanship affect social policy. It brings an innovative perspective that links the idea of democratic representation to debates about the welfare state. The general claim made here is that social policy is a function of public and government preferences. This claim hinges on two critical premises. The first relates to the general mechanisms that underlie government representation. Politicians have electoral incentives to align their actions with what citizens want. They may respond to public opinion indirectly by updating their party agendas, which can serve as the basis for social policy decisions in case they get elected. They may also respond directly by introducing welfare reforms that react to shifts in public opinion during their mandates. The second premise concerns how citizens and politicians structure their preferences over welfare. These preferences fall alongside two dimensions. First, general attitudes about how much should the state intervene in the economy to reduce inequality and promote economic well-being (how much policy). Second, the specific preferences about which social programmes should get better funding (what kind of policy). The empirical analysis is split into three empirical chapters. Each explores different aspects of government representation in Western European welfare states. The first empirical chapter (Chapter 4) asks how governments shape social policy when facing severe pressures to decrease spending. It argues that governments strategically reduce spending on programmes that offer less visible and indirect benefits, as they are less likely to trigger an electoral backlash. The experience of the Great Recession is consistent with this claim. Countries that faced the most challenging financial constraints cut down social investment and services. Except for Greece, they all preserved consumption schemes. The second empirical chapter (Chapter 5) explores how public opinion affects government spending priorities in different welfare programmes. It expects government responsiveness to depend on public mood for more or less government activity and the most salient social issues at the time. Empirical evidence from old-age, healthcare and education issue-policy areas supports these claims. Higher policy mood and issue saliency is positively associated with increasing spending efforts. Public opinion does not appear to affect unemployment policies. vii The third empirical chapter (Chapter 6) examines how party preferences affect spending priorities in unemployment programmes. It claims that preferences on economic intervention in the economy and welfare recalibration affect different components of unemployment policy. Evidence from the past 20 years bodes well with these expectations. The generosity of compensatory schemes depends on economic preferences. The left invests more than the right. The funding of active labour-market policies depends on both preference dimensions. Among conventional parties, their funding follows the same patterns as compensatory schemes. Among recalibration parties, parties across the economic spectrum present comparable spending patterns.

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Books on the topic "Legitimacy of governments – Europe"

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inc, RFE/RL, ed. Political legitimacy in Eastern Europe: A comparative study. [Munich?]: Radio Free Europe, Radio Liberty, 1987.

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Marton, Silvia. Europe in its making: A unifying perception on Europe. Iași [Romania]: Institutul European, 2006.

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Praxis, language and theory of political delegitimization in contemporary Europe. Roma: Viella, 2017.

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In search of legitimacy: Policy making in Europe and the challenge of complexity. Opladen: Barbara Budrich Publishers, 2009.

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1960-, Conway Martin, Romijn Peter, and Carter Erica, eds. The war on legitimacy in politics and culture 1936-1946. Oxford: Berg, 2008.

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Democracy in Europe: Legitimising politics in a non-state polity. New York: Berghahn Books, 1998.

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author, Murray Philomena, ed. Europe's legitimacy crisis: From causes to solutions. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015.

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Legitimacy in the multilevel European polity. Köln: Max-Planck-Institut für Gesellschaftsforschung, 2009.

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Smith, Andy, 1963 July 24-, ed. Politics and the European Commission: Actors, interdependence, legitimacy. London: Routledge, 2004.

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B, Lehning Percy, and Weale Albert, eds. Citizenship, democracy, and justice in the new Europe. London: Routledge, 1997.

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Book chapters on the topic "Legitimacy of governments – Europe"

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de la Fuente Ruano, José M., Linze Schaap, and Niels Karsten. "Regionalisation and the Democratic Legitimacy of Local Governments." In Renewal in European Local Democracies, 165–90. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-531-18763-1_8.

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Reeskens, Tim, and Quita Muis. "A New Democratic Norm(al)? Political Legitimacy Amidst the COVID-19 Pandemic." In The New Common, 189–95. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-65355-2_27.

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AbstractThe worldwide COVID-19 pandemic has granted national governments far-reaching political powers to implement drastic non-pharmaceutical interventions to curtail the spread of the virus. For these measures to be effective, governments should be granted widespread political legitimacy. This is established when populations’ expectations from governments are in line with public support for these governments. In this chapter, we investigate changes in political legitimacy during the coronavirus crisis in the Netherlands. Amidst of the pandemic, we collected unique, representative data among LISS-panel respondents that supplemented the European Values Study 2017. We demonstrate that the Dutch public (temporarily) lowered their democratic aspirations thereby longing for strong leadership while simultaneously increasing their trust in the incumbent Government, which, combined, resulted in more political legitimacy. Because of an outspoken period effect, expectations are, however, that this legitimacy will not be long-lived in the new common.

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Lodge, Juliet. "The Emergent European Union: Democratic Legitimacy and the 1996 Inter-governmental Conference." In The Future of Europe, 299–327. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-25379-1_14.

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Christensen, Tom, and Per Lægreid. "Norway: A Pragmatic, Collaborative, and Legitimate Response." In Governments' Responses to the Covid-19 Pandemic in Europe, 295–306. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-14145-4_25.

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Forestier-Peyrat, Étienne, and Kristy Ironside. "The Communist World of Public Debt (1917–1991): The Failure of a Countermodel?" In A World of Public Debts, 317–45. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-48794-2_13.

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AbstractThis chapter looks at the construction of a communist community of public debt in the twentieth century. Despite emerging as some of public debt’s most vehement critics in the early years of that century, communist governments made relatively conventional use of public debt to fund economic initiatives, foster bonds within the socialist bloc, and gain political influence. As these regimes’ economies stagnated, they borrowed heavily from capitalist lenders and ran into economic troubles in the 1980s, but they did not repudiate their debt, as the Bolsheviks had in 1918. Instead, they accepted technical solutions to their economic woes, which, in turn, helped to erode their already tenuous popular legitimacy in Eastern Europe.

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Világi, Aneta, Darina Malová, and Dobrinka Kostova. "Political Science in Central European Democracies Under Pressure." In Opportunities and Challenges for New and Peripheral Political Science Communities, 119–51. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-79054-7_5.

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AbstractThe chapter examines the challenges that six Central European Democracies (Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Romania and Slovakia) have faced in the development of political science during the last three decades. We argue that political science as a new social science has gone through many structural reforms: it has acquired a relatively well-institutionalised position, gained autonomy and managed to form its identity. Nevertheless, its position is endangered by the erosion of its legitimacy.In this chapter, we show that political science as a new social science in the Central and Eastern Europe region has acquired a relatively stable position. The discipline has gained autonomy and managed to form its own identity, and has shown a capacity to cope with several challenges that have arisen. However, some of the structural reforms, including the commodification of higher education and the proliferation of political science at universities and other teaching institutions, have recently undermined the stability it had previously gained, as it progressively suffers from a loss of public recognition. We argue that the oversimplified, technocratic approaches of governments in recent years have impaired the legitimacy of the social sciences, and of political science in particular. This common trend is observable in all of the selected countries, albeit with certain variations from one country to another.

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Neerhof, Richard. "The Use of Conformity Assessment of Construction Products by the European Union and National Governments: Legitimacy, Effectiveness and the Functioning of the Union Market." In Studies in European Economic Law and Regulation, 73–106. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02499-4_4.

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Matlary, Janne Haaland. "Legitimacy in Europe." In Values and Weapons, 74–88. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230599734_5.

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Prato, Giuliana B. "On the Legitimacy of Democratic Representation: Two Case Studies from Europe." In Legitimacy, 27–56. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-96238-2_2.

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Baptista, Krystle. "New Actors in Investment Arbitration: The Legitimate Government." In European Yearbook of International Economic Law, 73–103. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-60679-4_4.

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Conference papers on the topic "Legitimacy of governments – Europe"

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Hacin, Rok, Chuck Fields, and Gorazd Meško. "The Dual Nature of Legitimacy in the Prison Environment." In Twelfth Biennial International Conference Criminal Justice and Security in Central and Eastern Europe: From Common Sense to Evidence-based Policy–making. University of Maribor Pres, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.18690/978-961-286-174-2.18.

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Murray, Chris, David Wild, Ann McCall, John Mathieson, and Ben Russell. "Legitimacy as the Key: The Long-Term Management of Radioactive Waste in the UK." In ASME 2003 9th International Conference on Radioactive Waste Management and Environmental Remediation. ASMEDC, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icem2003-4828.

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This paper provides an overview of the current status of radioactive waste management in the UK from the point of view of Nirex, the organisation responsible for providing safe, environmentally sound and publicly acceptable options for the long-term management of radioactive materials. Essentially, it argues that: • the waste exists and must be dealt with in an ethical manner; • legitimacy is the key to public acceptance of any attempt to solve the waste issue; and • credible options and a new political will allow, and indeed, compel this generation to deal with it. In doing this, the paper takes account of a number of recent announcements and ongoing developments in the UK nuclear industry, in particular: • the recent announcement that Nirex is to be made independent of industry; • the Department of Environment, Food and Rural Affairs and Devolved Administrations’ Managing Radioactive Waste Safely consultation exercise; • the creation of the Committee on Radioactive Waste Management to oversee the consultation; • the creation of the Nuclear Decommissioning Authority to manage the civil nuclear site clean-up programme; • proposals for improved regulation of Intermediate Level Waste conditioning and packaging; and • proposals by the European Commission for a new radioactive waste Directive. These institutional and policy changes amount to an evolution of the back-end of the fuel cycle that represents the most radical transformation in the UK nuclear industry for many years. In a large part, this is a transformation made necessary by past failures in trying to impose a solution on the general public. Therefore, in order for these changes to result in a successful long-term radioactive waste management programme, it is necessary to pay as much attention to political and social concerns as scientific and technical ones. Primarily it is crucial that all parties involved act in an open and transparent manner so that the decisions made achieve a high degree of legitimacy and thus public acceptance. Crucially too, the problem must be framed in the correct term — that the waste exists irrespective of the future of nuclear power and that this is an issue that must be addressed now. Thus there is a legitimacy of purpose and scope in moving forward that addresses the ethical imperative of this generation dealing with the waste. Put together with the action the government is taking to create the necessary institutional framework, Nirex believes that for the first time in a generation the UK has the building blocks in place to find a publicly acceptable, long-term solution for radioactive waste.

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Bachmann, Pavel. "Citizens´ Engagement on Regional Governments´ Facebook Sites. Empirical Research from the Central Europe." In Hradec Economic Days 2019, edited by Petra Maresova, Pavel Jedlicka, and Ivan Soukal. University of Hradec Kralove, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.36689/uhk/hed/2019-01-001.

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Sautieva, T. B. "Foreign trade activities the priority directions of cooperation between federal and regional governments." In IX International symposium «Humanities and Social Sciences in Europe: Achievements and Perspectives». Viena: East West Association GmbH, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.20534/ix-symposium-9-313-317.

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Duczek, Krystian. "CHALLENGES FOR THE EUROPEAN GOVERNMENTS REGARDING THE CHINA'S ONE BELT ONE ROAD INITIATIVES IN EUROPE." In 50th International Academic Conference, Paris. International Institute of Social and Economic Sciences, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.20472/iac.2019.050.010.

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Jian-xin, Xu, and Xu Yuwan. "What governments could do to enable innovation and attract R&D activities: Experiences from Europe." In 2012 International Symposium on Management of Technology (ISMOT). IEEE, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/ismot.2012.6679489.

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Pellicciari, Igor. "VIDOVDAN CONSTITUTION AS A KEY STUDY FOR UNDERSTANDING THE EUROPEAN CONSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT." In 100 GODINA OD VIDOVDANSKOG USTAVA. Faculty of law, University of Kragujevac, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/zbvu21.017p.

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How scientifically legitimate is the research of the history of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes? Does it make sense to deal with it today more than before? According to Weber-inspired methodology, the legitimacy of the research topic is based on the subjective (value judgment of the researcher) and the objective element (depending on the actuality of the topic and the selected professional structure). From this point of view, it seems that the answer to the initial question about legitimacy of the study on the Kingdom of SCS is confirmed. The choice of the topic of the paper is the result of personal interest and almost biographical affiliation of the author to the history and scenario of the "South Slavs"; But, on the other hand, actuality of topics can be objectively justified by the obvious interests of the scientific and professional public for the rediscovered Eastern Europe and - especially - for The Balkans, as one of its crucial geopolitical hubs.

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Peters, Rob, Koen Smit, and Johan Versendaal. "Responsible AI and Power: Investigating the System Level Bureaucrat in the Legal Planning Process." In Digital Support from Crisis to Progressive Change. University of Maribor Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18690/978-961-286-485-9.43.

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Numerous statements and pamphlets indicate that governments should increase the transparency of ICTimplementations and algorithms in eGovernment services and should encourage democratic control. This paper presents research among civil servants, suppliers and experts who play a role in the automation of spatial policymaking and planning (e.g. environment, building, sound and CO2 regulation, mobility). The case is a major digitalisation programme of that spatial planning in the Netherlands. In this digital transition, the research assumption is that public and political values such as transparency, legitimacy and (perceived) fairness are difficult to validate in the practice of the design process; policy makers tend to lose sight of the algorithms and decision trees designed during the ICT -implementation of eGovernment services. This situation would implicate a power shift towards the system level bureaucrat. i.e., the digitized execution of laws and regulations, thereby threatening democratic control. This also sets the stage for anxiety towards ICT projects and digital bureaucracies. We have investigated perceptions about ‘validation dark spots’ in the design process of the national planning platform that create unintended shifts in decision power in the context of the legal planning process. To identify these validation dark spots, 22 stakeholders were interviewed. The results partially confirm the assumption. Based on the collected data, nine validation dark spots are identified that require more attention and research.

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Thompson, Trevor. "Laboratory Accreditation in Europe." In NCSL International Workshop & Symposium. NCSL International, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.51843/wsproceedings.2012.11.

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0.1 In recent years the attitude of the European Commission (EC) and of the Governments of the European countries, toward accreditation has changed such that it is now regarded as a national authority function, to be conducted in the absence of competition. Each European Union (EU)member state appoints a sole national accreditation body operating generally only within its national borders.0.2 Under the provisions of the European co-operation for Accreditation [2] Multi Lateral Agreement (EA MLA) [3] the European accreditation bodies now cooperate to ensure that laboratories are accredited by the accreditation body of the economy in which they are established. The European accreditation bodies do not compete in Europe and the work of any laboratory is assessed by the accreditation body local to the site concerned. This underpins the MLA by demonstrating the equivalence of the work of the accreditation bodies. It further ensures the growth and development of the accreditation bodies in the newer, smaller economies of the European Union.0.3 The author will explain the background, the legislation and the measures taken to serve the needs of laboratories including the multi-national laboratory owners and their customers. He will describe the benefits and the difficulties of implementing this regime and will include a brief discussion on “legal entities” as featured in the ISO/IEC 17000 series of accreditation standards as this often crucially affects the available choices for a European accreditation applicant.

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Stölzle, Simon C., and Dominika P. Gałkiewicz. "GREEN BONDS REPRESENTING GREEN FINANCE IN EUROPE – BASIC CHARACTERISTICS." In Sixth International Scientific-Business Conference LIMEN Leadership, Innovation, Management and Economics: Integrated Politics of Research. Association of Economists and Managers of the Balkans, Belgrade, Serbia, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31410/limen.s.p.2020.27.

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This study examines whether there is a negative green bond premium for investors in the secondary European market. To answer this question, the matched pairs method is applied, where the daily i-spreads of green bonds and the interpolated daily i-spreads of similar non-green bonds are compared. The bond sample contains 37 bond couples issued by corporations, financial institutions and governments between November 2019 and April 2020. The findings suggest that there is an average statistically significant negative very small green bond premium. The negative premium could be explained by investors’ preferences for green financial instruments leading to excess demand. The negative green bond premium may also be a compensation for the issuer’s external costs or reflect the internalization of environmental externalities. Further evidence shows that the negative green bond premium varies across industries and is not higher for lower rated investment grade bonds.

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Reports on the topic "Legitimacy of governments – Europe"

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Di Salvatore, Jessica. Trust the hand that protects you—Does UN peacekeeping harm post-conflict governments' legitimacy? UNU-WIDER, December 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35188/unu-wider/2022/285-0.

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Oláh, Livia Sz. Should governments in Europe be much more aggressive in pushing for gender equality to raise fertility? YES. Rostock: Max Planck Institute for Demographic Research, January 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.4054/mpidr-wp-2008-003.

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Hildén, Mikael, Glada Lahn, Timothy R. Carter, Richard J. T. Klein, Illona M. Otto, Benjamin Pohl, Christopher P. O. Reyer, and Fabien Tondel. Cascading climate impacts: a new factor in European policy-making. Potsdam Institute for Climate Impact Research, January 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.55317/casc002.

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Knowledge of how climate impacts occurring outside Europe might affect the continent is poor, and even less is known about what measures national governments and the European Union (EU) should take to address them. It is essential that policy-makers consider the risks of cross-border and cascading impacts and the Union’s range of influence for mitigating and preparing for them

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van den Boogaard, Vanessa, and Fabrizio Santoro. Explaining Informal Taxation and Revenue Generation: Evidence from south-central Somalia. Institute of Development Studies, March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ictd.2021.003.

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Most people in low-income countries contribute substantially to the financing of local public goods through informal revenue generation (IRG). However, very little is known about how IRG works in practice. We produce novel evidence on the magnitude and regressivity of IRG and its relationship with the state in a fragile context, Somalia. We rely on original data from surveys with over 2,300 households and 117 community leaders in Gedo region, as well as on extensive qualitative research. We first show that IRG is prevalent. Over 70 per cent of households report paying at least one informal tax or fee in the previous year, representing on average 9.5 per cent of annual income. We also find that, among households that contribute, poorer ones contribute larger amounts than richer ones, with higher incidence in relation to their income. Further, in line with theory and expectations, informal payments have inequitable community-level effects, with individuals in wealthier communities making more informal payments than in poorer ones and, correspondingly, having access to a greater number of public goods. We then consider four explanations for the prevalence of IRG. First, IRG clearly fills gaps left by weak state capacity. Relatedly, we show that IRG can bolster perceptions and legitimacy of the state, indicating that sub-national governments may actually benefit from informal taxation. Second, informal taxing authorities are more effective tax collectors than the state, with informal taxing authorities having greater legitimacy and taxpayers perceiving informal payments to be fairer than those levied by the state. Third, dispelling the possibility that informal payments should be classified as user fees, taxpayers overwhelmingly expect nothing in return for their contributions. Fourth, in contrast to hypotheses that informal payments may be voluntary, taxpayers associate informal payments with punishment and informal institutions of enforcement. Our research reinforces the importance of IRG to public goods provision in weak formal institutional contexts, to everyday citizens, and to policymakers attempting to extend the influence of the federal state in south-central Somalia. Foremost, informal tax institutions need to be incorporated within analyses of taxation, service delivery, social protection, and equity. At the same time, our findings of the complementary nature of IRG and district-level governance and of the relative efficiency of revenue generation by local leaders have important implications for understanding statebuilding processes from below. Indeed, our findings suggest that governments may have little incentive to extend their taxing authority in some fragile contexts.

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Rezaie, Shogofa, Fedra Vanhuyse, Karin André, and Maryna Henrysson. Governing the circular economy: how urban policymakers can accelerate the agenda. Stockholm Environment Institute, September 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.51414/sei2022.027.

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We believe the climate crisis will be resolved in cities. Today, while cities occupy only 2% of the Earth's surface, 57% of the world's population lives in cities, and by 2050, it will jump to 68% (UN, 2018). Currently, cities consume over 75% of natural resources, accumulate 50% of the global waste and emit up to 80% of greenhouse gases (Ellen MacArthur Foundation, 2017). Cities generate 70% of the global gross domestic product and are significant drivers of economic growth (UN-Habitat III, 2016). At the same time, cities sit on the frontline of natural disasters such as floods, storms and droughts (De Sherbinin et al., 2007; Major et al., 2011; Rockström et al., 2021). One of the sustainability pathways to reduce the environmental consequences of the current extract-make-dispose model (or the "linear economy") is a circular economy (CE) model. A CE is defined as "an economic system that is based on business models which replace the 'end-of-life' concept with reducing, alternatively reusing, recycling and recovering materials in production/distribution and consumption processes" (Kirchherr et al., 2017, p. 224). By redesigning production processes and thereby extending the lifespan of goods and materials, researchers suggest that CE approaches reduce waste and increase employment and resource security while sustaining business competitiveness (Korhonen et al., 2018; Niskanen et al., 2020; Stahel, 2012; Winans et al., 2017). Organizations such as the Ellen MacArthur Foundation and Circle Economy help steer businesses toward CE strategies. The CE is also a political priority in countries and municipalities globally. For instance, the CE Action Plan, launched by the European Commission in 2015 and reconfirmed in 2020, is a central pillar of the European Green Deal (European Commission, 2015, 2020). Additionally, more governments are implementing national CE strategies in China (Ellen MacArthur Foundation, 2018), Colombia (Government of the Republic of Colombia, 2019), Finland (Sitra, 2016), Sweden (Government Offices of Sweden, 2020) and the US (Metabolic, 2018, 2019), to name a few. Meanwhile, more cities worldwide are adopting CE models to achieve more resource-efficient urban management systems, thereby advancing their environmental ambitions (Petit-Boix & Leipold, 2018; Turcu & Gillie, 2020; Vanhuyse, Haddaway, et al., 2021). Cities with CE ambitions include, Amsterdam, Barcelona, Paris, Toronto, Peterborough (England) and Umeå (Sweden) (OECD, 2020a). In Europe, over 60 cities signed the European Circular Cities Declaration (2020) to harmonize the transition towards a CE in the region. In this policy brief, we provide insights into common challenges local governments face in implementing their CE plans and suggest recommendations for overcoming these. It aims to answer the question: How can the CE agenda be governed in cities? It is based on the results of the Urban Circularity Assessment Framework (UCAF) project, building on findings from 25 interviews, focus group discussions and workshops held with different stakeholder groups in Umeå, as well as research on Stockholm's urban circularity potential, including findings from 11 expert interviews (Rezaie, 2021). Our findings were complemented by the Circular Economy Lab project (Rezaie et al., 2022) and experiences from working with municipal governments in Sweden, Belgium, France and the UK, on CE and environmental and social sustainability.

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Dzebo, Adis, and Kevin M. Adams. The coffee supply chain illustrates transboundary climate risks: Insights on governance pathways. Stockholm Environment Institute, April 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.51414/sei2022.002.

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The interconnections between countries in a globalizing world continue to deepen and are central to the modern international economy. Yet, governance efforts to build resilience to the adverse risks and impacts of climate change are highly fragmented and have not sufficiently focused on these international dimensions. Relationships between people, ecosystems and economies across borders change the scope and nature of the climate adaptation challenge and generate climate risks that are transboundary (Challinor et al., 2017). Climate impacts in one country can create risks and opportunities – and therefore may require adaptation – in other countries, due to cross-border connectivity within regions and globally (Hedlund et al., 2018). These Transboundary Climate Risks (TCRs) may develop in one location remote from the location of their origin. This dynamic necessitates examining the governance structures for managing climate change adaptation. For example, with regard to trade and international supply chains, climate change impacts in one location can disrupt local economies and vulnerable people’s livelihoods, while also affecting the price, quality and availability of goods and services on international markets (Benzie et al., 2018). Coffee is one of the most traded commodities in the world with an immensely globalized supply chain. The global coffee sector involves more than 100 million people in over 80 countries. Coffee production and the livelihoods of smallholder coffee farmers around the world are at risk due to climate change, threatening to disrupt one of the world’s largest agricultural supply chains. The coffee supply chain represents an important arena for public and private actors to negotiate how resource flows should be governed and climate risks should be managed. Currently, neither governments nor private sector actors are sufficiently addressing TCRs (Benzie & Harris, 2020) and no clear mandates exist for actors to take ownership of this issue. Furthermore, the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), the main body for climate change policy and governance, does not provide any coherent recommendations on how to manage TCRs. This governance gap raises questions about what methods are likely to effectively reduce climate risk and be taken seriously by coffee market stakeholders. This policy brief explores different ways to govern TCRs, and how public and private actors view their effectiveness and legitimacy. Focusing on the Brazilian-German coffee supply chain, the brief presents a deductive framework of five governance pathways through which TCRs could be managed. It is based on 41 semi-structured interviews with 65 Brazilian and German public and private experts, including roasters, traders, cooperatives, associations and certification schemes, as well as government ministries, international development agencies, international organizations and civil society representatives.

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Arora, Sanjana, and Olena Koval. Norway Country Report. University of Stavanger, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31265/usps.232.

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This report is part of a larger cross-country comparative project and constitutes an account and analysis of the measures comprising the Norwegian national response to the COVID-19 pandemic during the year of 2020. This time period is interesting in that mitigation efforts were predominantly of a non-medical nature. Mass vaccinations were in Norway conducted in early 2021. With one of the lowest mortality rates in Europe and relatively lower economic repercussions compared to its Nordic neighbours, the Norwegian case stands unique (OECD, 2021: Eurostat 2021; Statista, 2022). This report presents a summary of Norwegian response to the COVID-19 pandemic by taking into account its governance, political administration and societal context. In doing so, it highlights the key features of the Nordic governance model and the mitigation measures that attributed to its success, as well as some facets of Norway’s under-preparedness. Norway’s relative isolation in Northern Europe coupled with low population density gave it a geographical advantage in ensuring a slower spread of the virus. However, the spread of infection was also uneven, which meant that infection rates were concentrated more in some areas than in others. On the fiscal front, the affluence of Norway is linked to its petroleum industry and the related Norwegian Sovereign Wealth Fund. Both were affected by the pandemic, reflected through a reduction in the country’s annual GDP (SSB, 2022). The Nordic model of extensive welfare services, economic measures, a strong healthcare system with goals of equity and a high trust society, indeed ensured a strong shield against the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. Yet, the consequences of the pandemic were uneven with unemployment especially high among those with low education and/or in low-income professions, as well as among immigrants (NOU, 2022:5). The social and psychological effects were also uneven, with children and elderly being left particularly vulnerable (Christensen, 2021). Further, the pandemic also at times led to unprecedented pressure on some intensive care units (OECD, 2021). Central to handling the COVID-19 pandemic in Norway were the three national executive authorities: the Ministry of Health and Care services, the National directorate of health and the Norwegian Institute of Public Health. With regard to political-administrative functions, the principle of subsidiarity (decentralisation) and responsibility meant that local governments had a high degree of autonomy in implementing infection control measures. Risk communication was thus also relatively decentralised, depending on the local outbreak situations. While decentralisation likely gave flexibility, ability to improvise in a crisis and utilise the municipalities’ knowledge of local contexts, it also brought forward challenges of coordination between the national and municipal level. Lack of training, infection control and protection equipment thereby prevailed in several municipalities. Although in effect for limited periods of time, the Corona Act, which allowed for fairly severe restrictions, received mixed responses in the public sphere. Critical perceptions towards the Corona Act were not seen as a surprise, considering that Norwegian society has traditionally relied on its ‘dugnadskultur’ – a culture of voluntary contributions in the spirit of solidarity. Government representatives at the frontline of communication were also open about the degree of uncertainty coupled with considerable potential for great societal damage. Overall, the mitigation policy in Norway was successful in keeping the overall infection rates and mortality low, albeit with a few societal and political-administrative challenges. The case of Norway is thus indeed exemplary with regard to its effective mitigation measures and strong government support to mitigate the impact of those measures. However, it also goes to show how a country with good crisis preparedness systems, governance and a comprehensive welfare system was also left somewhat underprepared by the devastating consequences of the pandemic.

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Perera, Duminda, Vladimir Smakhtin, Spencer Williams, Taylor North, and Allen Curry. Ageing Water Storage Infrastructure: An Emerging Global Risk. United Nations University Institute for Water, Environment and Health, January 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.53328/qsyl1281.

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The Report provides an overview of the current state of knowledge on the ageing of large dams –an emerging global development issue as tens of thousands of existing large dams have reached or exceeded an “alert” age threshold of 50 years, and many others will soon approach 100 years. These aged structures incur rapidly rising maintenance needs and costs while simultaneously declining their effectiveness and posing potential threats to human safety and the environment. The Report analyzes large dam construction trends across major geographical regions and primary dam functions, such as water supply, irrigation, flood control, hydropower, and recreation. Analysis of existing global datasets indicates that despite plans in some regions and countries to build more water storage dams, particularly for hydropower generation, there will not be another “dam revolution” to match the scale of the high-intensity dam construction experienced in the early to middle, 20th century. At the same time, many of the large dams constructed then are aging, and hence we are already experiencing a “mass ageing” of water storage infrastructure. The Report further explores the emerging practice of decommissioning ageing dams, which can be removal or re-operation, to address issues of ensuring public safety, escalating maintenance costs, reservoir sedimentation, and restoration of a natural river ecosystem. Decommissioning becomes the option if economic and practical limitations prevent a dam from being upgraded or if its original use has become obsolete. The cost of dam removal is estimated to be an order of magnitude less than that of repairing. The Report also gives an overview of dam decommissioning’s socio-economic impacts, including those on local livelihoods, heritage, property value, recreation, and aesthetics. Notably, the nature of these impacts varies significantly between low- and high-income countries. The Report shows that while dam decommissioning is a relatively recent phenomenon, it is gaining pace in the USA and Europe, where many dams are older. However, it is primarily small dams that have been removed to date, and the decommissioning of large dams is still in its infancy, with only a few known cases in the last decade. A few case studies of ageing and decommissioned large dams illustrate the complexity and length of the process that is often necessary to orchestrate the dam removal safely. Even removing a small dam requires years (often decades), continuous expert and public involvement, and lengthy regulatory reviews. With the mass ageing of dams well underway, it is important to develop a framework of protocols that will guide and accelerate the process of dam removal. Overall, the Report aims to attract global attention to the creeping issue of ageing water storage infrastructure and stimulate international efforts to deal with this emerging water risk. This Report’s primary target audiences are governments and their partners responsible for planning and implementing water infrastructure development and management, emphasizing adaptat

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