Relevant bibliographies by topics / Legitimacy of governments

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  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
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Academic literature on the topic 'Legitimacy of governments'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 29 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Legitimacy of governments"

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Mattiacci, Eleonora, and Benjamin T. Jones. "Restoring Legitimacy: Public Diplomacy Campaigns during Civil Wars." International Studies Quarterly 64, no. 4 (September 17, 2020): 867–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqaa065.

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Abstract Governments involved in civil wars often gain a strategic advantage from intentionally killing civilians. However, targeting civilians might also tarnish perceptions of the government’s legitimacy abroad, increasing the risk of foreign actors punishing the government. How can governments attempt to navigate this dilemma? Focusing on the United States as one of the most frequent interveners in civil wars after the Cold War, we examine one particular strategy governments might employ: public diplomacy campaigns (PDCs) targeting both the public and elites in the United States. PDCs can help governments restore perceptions of their legitimacy abroad in the face of civilian targeting by mobilizing coalitions of support and undermining critics. When governments can achieve plausible deniability for civilian deaths via militias, PDCs enable governments to reduce the damage to foreign perceptions of their legitimacy. When rebels engage in civilian targeting, PDCs allow governments to publicize these actions. We compile data PDCs in the United States by governments engaged in civil wars. Our results have important implications for current understandings of civil war combatant foreign policies, foreign interventions, and international human rights laws and norms.
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Olausson, Albin. "Legitimacy of uncertain policy work: Exploring values in local economic development projects." Local Economy: The Journal of the Local Economy Policy Unit 35, no. 5 (August 2020): 440–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0269094220953199.

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This article takes the standpoint that, due to high levels of uncertainty, local economic development work suffers from both input- and output-based legitimacy. Nevertheless, local governments are active development agents and try to come up with economic development initiatives. In order to better understand the legitimate basis for uncertain economic development work, this article offers an unconventional analysis of economic development projects. Drawing on scholars of organization theory, legitimacy is defined as congruence in values between the studied projects and the stakeholders in the surrounding environment. The article examines what kinds of values pervade local governments’ economic development projects. The empirical material is based on thick interview and observation data derived from a study of eight local development projects in Sweden. The results show that values of professionalization and deliberation pervade the analysed projects. Taking the two sets of values together, the results indicate that local government administration seeks to legitimize its economic development work as being based on professional directed processes of public deliberation. Both these sets of values challenge the local representative democratic system of government as the prime source of the legitimacy of local governments’ interventions.
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Saugheh, Hamed Hasyemi, and Rohaida Nordin. "Legitimacy as a Precondition for the Recognition of New Governments: A Case of Libya." Sriwijaya Law Review 2, no. 1 (January 31, 2018): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.28946/slrev.vol2.iss1.111.pp69-81.

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Recognition of new Stets and governments is a political act with legal reverberations. Although the recognition of new States and governments is a traditional concept of international law but the challenging recognition of the transitional government of Libya proved that this traditional concept still can be highly exigent. Traditionally, the States in providing recognition to a new government follow their own benefits and privileges and rarely consider the structure, capacity and public support for the new government. If the rule of law and respecting democracy is going to be means of promoting peace and security is various areas of the world, is not it time to redefine the traditional concepts of international law (included of recognition of new States and government) from a new perspective? Considering the fact that, the existence of a legitimate authority in a group enhances the effective functioning of that group and reduces the internal conflicts, it seems that it is time to expand the political concept of legitimacy of the authorities into the international law. Is there any State practice to support the argument? In this article, the existence of norm creating forces and role of legitimacy in the recognition of the Libyan Transitional Government is going to be analysed. The After studying the role of legitimacy of the Libyan NTC in passing the sovereignty from the past regime to the new government by the international community, the effect of lack of legitimacy on the previous regime will be examined and the question of withdrawing of recognition of governments will be addressed.
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McQuarrie, Fiona A. E., Alex Kondra, and Kai Lamertz. "The impact of government's coercive power on the perceived legitimacy of Canadian post-secondary institutions." Canadian Journal of Higher Education 43, no. 2 (August 31, 2013): 149–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.47678/cjhe.v43i2.2571.

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Governments regulate and control organizations, yet their role in determining organizational legitimacy is largely unexamined. In the changing Canadian post-secondary landscape, legitimacy is an increasingly important issue for post-secondary institutions as they compete amongst themselves for access to ever-shrinking resources. Using an institutional theory framework, we analyze two examples of government policy and legislation relating to the organizational legitimacy of Canadian post-secondary institutions. Based on this analysis, we suggest a more nuanced understanding of the effects of government’s coercive power on organizational legitimacy.
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Smith, Jennifer. "Intergovernmental Relations, Legitimacy, and the Atlantic Accords." Constitutional Forum / Forum constitutionnel 17, no. 1, 2 & 3 (July 11, 2011): 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.21991/c91h3k.

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Are the Atlantic Accords regarded as legiti- mate agreements in Canada? If not, why not? And does it matter? The purpose of this article is to answer these questions. Legitimacy resides in the eyes of the be- holder. Who is the beholder? Initially, one thinks mainly of citizens in this respect. How- ever, another beholder is government — other governments. In federations, governments of- ten deal directly with one another, a sphere of activity called executive federalism. When the central government negotiates agreements with one or more (but not all) regional governments, the rest are relegated to the status of observ- ers. As observers, they might well have ideas on the legitimacy of the activity, including the process used and the resulting agreement that is reached.
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Gathii, James. "Introduction to the AJIL Unbound Symposium on Recognition of Governments and Customary International Law." AJIL Unbound 108 (2014): 199–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2398772300002166.

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In the lead essay in this symposium, Professor Erika de Wet contends that notwithstanding all of the post-Cold War enthusiasm for a right to democratic governance and the non-recognition of governments resulting from coups and unconstitutional changes of government, a customary international law norm on the nonrecognition of governments established anti-democratically has not emerged. De Wet’s position, primarily based on state practice in Africa, is vigorously debated by six commentators.Jure Vidmar agrees with de Wet that the representative legitimacy of governments still lies primarily in effective control over the territory of the state. Vidmar, in his contribution, examines recent collective practice when neither the incumbent government nor the insurgents control the territory exclusively, arguing that in such cases states may apply human rights considerations. Like de Wet, however, Vidmar regards state practice as ambivalent and unamenable to ideal-type distinctions between coups (against a democratically legitimate government) and regime changes (to a democratically legitimate government).
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Hassfurther, Isabelle. "Transforming the “International Unsociety”: Towards Eutopia by Means of International Recognition of Peoples’ Representatives." Volume 60 · 2017 60, no. 1 (January 1, 2018): 451–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/gyil.60.1.451.

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This paper proposes a criterion of legitimacy for recognition of governments as a contribution to the “revolution in the mind”, a procedural vehicle towards a transformed international society envisioned by Philip Allott in his latest work ‘Eutopia’. It is suggested that in order to promote a shift from mere State co-existence to Allott’s Eutopia – a unified and flourishing human society – the representatives participating in the international process of renegotiating common values and ideas must be chosen according to a criterion coinciding with this end, not based on effective territorial control. Against this background, different contemporary proposals for determining legitimacy of governments are discussed, none of which seem apt to designate those employing the central mediating function between inner-State societies and the international sphere. Neither constitutional legality nor imposing a system of democratic legitimation necessarily ensure adequate representation of the free choice of the peoples. By contrast, the right to political self-determination, understood as an entitlement to exercise public sovereignty and be represented by the chosen government, provides a point of departure for a criterion of legitimacy sufficiently respecting normative expectations of the distinct national societies. Beyond this relative component, however, the dual role of legitimacy on the international plane calls for certain additional criteria reflecting a prospective international society’s core values. Therefore, a regime’s commission of mass atrocities, violating ius cogens norms which prioritise human beings and their flourishing, invariably deprives it of legitimacy to participate in the international self-constituting. A criterion of legitimacy so understood – combining relative and absolute standards of legitimacy, thereby ensuring the representation of varying societies’ ideas while safeguarding certain international core standards – could facilitate a ‘transitory Eutopia’ of legitimate peoples’ representatives, ultimately serving as a catalyst towards Allott’s “shared humanity of all human beings”.
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Flückiger, Matthias, Markus Ludwig, and Ali Sina Önder. "Ebola and State Legitimacy." Economic Journal 129, no. 621 (January 8, 2019): 2064–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ecoj.12638.

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Abstract We exploit the West African Ebola epidemic as an event that necessitated the provision of a common-interest public good, Ebola control measures, to empirically investigate the effect of public good provision on state legitimacy. Our results show that state legitimacy, measured by trust in government authorities, increased with exposure to the epidemic. We argue, supported by results from SMS-message-based surveys, that a potentially important channel underlying this finding is a greater valuation of control measures in regions with intense transmission. Evidence further indicates that the effects of Ebola exposure are more pronounced in areas where governments responded relatively robustly to the epidemic.
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Scharpf, Fritz W. "Legitimacy in the multilevel European polity." European Political Science Review 1, no. 2 (July 2009): 173–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773909000204.

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To be at the same time effective and liberal, governments must normally be able to count on voluntary compliance – which, in turn, depends on the support of socially shared legitimacy beliefs. In Western constitutional democracies, such beliefs are derived from the distinct, but coexistent traditions of ‘republican’ and ‘liberal’ political philosophy. Judged by these criteria, the European Union – when considered by itself – appears as a thoroughly liberal polity which, however, lacks all republican credentials. But this view (which seems to structure the debates about the ‘European democratic deficit’) ignores the multilevel nature of the European polity, where the compliance of citizens is requested, and needs to be legitimated, by member states, whereas the Union appears as a ‘government of governments’, which is entirely dependent on the voluntary compliance of its member states. What matters primarily, therefore, is the compliance–legitimacy relationship between the Union and its member states – which, however, is normatively constrained by the basic compliance–legitimacy relationship between member governments and their constituents. Given the high consensus requirements of European legislation, member governments could, and should, be able to assume political responsibility for European policies in which they had a voice, and to justify them in ‘communicative discourses’ in the national public space. That is not necessarily so for ‘non-political’ policy choices imposed by the European Court of Justice (ECJ). By enforcing its ‘liberal’ programme of liberalization and deregulation, the ECJ may presently be undermining the ‘republican’ bases of member-state legitimacy. Where that is the case, open non-compliance is a present danger, and political controls of judicial legislation may be called for.
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Li, Jinghan. "The Legitimacy Boundary of Government Intervention in Price." International Journal of Social Sciences and Public Administration 3, no. 2 (June 26, 2024): 463–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.62051/ijsspa.v3n2.56.

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The tourism market has become an important driving force for local economic growth, thus local governments have intensions to promote the development of local tourism industry by intervening in tourist hotel room prices during major holidays. Through four events, three modes of local government intervention in hotel prices can be summarized: first, the government takes administrating price replaces the market regulation price mechanisms; second, the government takes restrictions on the pricing rights of operators while maintaining market regulation price mechanisms; third, under the market regulation price mechanisms, the governments exhort operators to exercise price self-discipline. The second model contains potential risk of breaking price rule of law because price mechanism and pricing rights of operators are confirmed by constitution. The three modes have caused intuition chaos between regions and make a consequence in dividing the nationwide tourism hotel market into fragments. Under the requirement of constructing unified national market, the order of hotel price should be maintained from unified, legal, and diverse dimension.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Legitimacy of governments"

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Axelrod, Paul Scott. "Political legitimacy and self-loss /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10710.

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Karlsson, Christer. "Democracy, legitimacy and the European Union /." Uppsala : Uppsala University Library, 2001. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sub-hamburg/329961624.pdf.

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Chan, Yuk-kit, and 陳鋈傑. "Staging democracy: rethinking political legitimacy and the public sphere." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2012. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B50534166.

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By now it has become a common observation that liberal and republican models of democracy are inadequate in making sense of the expansive political landscape in today’s complex and pluralistic societies. Deliberative democracy has become a new favorite amongst scholars in the attempt to reinvigorate democracy through normative frameworks that emphasize rationality, consensus and informed discussions. On the other hand, scholars have questioned whether the this model is effective with regards to present forms of political engagements that are often mediatized and staged in ways that fall short of deliberative ideals. This research moves beyond these models in the attempt to better capture the complex power relations that underpin contemporary liberal democratic societies. This involves rethinking concepts of political legitimacy and the public sphere. Through interrogating Habermas’s discourse model of democracy and putting him in dialogue with the works of Lefort and Foucault, it will be demonstrated that it is useful to view political legitimacy not as a status but a process in which individuals legitimate or de-legitimate the power relations that they find themselves in. In addition, the public sphere should be conceptualized as the public stage, in which individuals must struggle with not only the state apparatuses, but also with oppressive or dominating forms of power, in the government of both themselves and others. By redefining these two important concepts in political philosophy, this research seeks to rethink modern democracy as constituting the very condition of indeterminacy.
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Philosophy
Master
Master of Philosophy
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Li, Chan-man Philip, and 李燦文. "The issue of dynastic legitimacy of the Three Kingdoms asseen in Zizhi Tongjian." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1989. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31949526.

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Depner, Wolfgang. "The effectiveness and legitimacy of federal minority governments in Canada since 1945." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/47034.

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Despite popular expectations and theoretical predictions, Canada’s first-past-the- post electoral system continues to produce minority governments, defined by Forsey “as government by a cabinet with less than half of the seats in the House of Commons.” Since 1945, almost half of all federal elections have produced this form of government. Drawing instruction from the most recent run of minority governments between 2004 and 2011, the dissertation scrutinizes the effectiveness and legitimacy of the nine federal minority governments that have governed Canada since 1945. Methodologically, it treats them as probationary majorities and retroactively judges their effectiveness by whether they shed this status. Effectiveness, so understood, can in turn be explained by a number of different factors best seen through the prism of the prevailing Canadian party system. Turning to the question of legitimacy, the dissertation adopts a dualistic view of legitimacy in judging the surveyed minority governments by their (i) constitutional legitimacy and (ii) input legitimacy. Concerning the former, it argues that federal minority governments have historically played fast and loose with the constitutional conventions that sustain them. Concerning the latter, it argues further that minority governments have generally failed to improve the input legitimacy of parliamentary government, contrary to the position of Russell and others scholars who claim that minority government has the capacity to improve the ‘deliberative’ nature of the Commons. The present study challenges the claim of Russell and others in finding that minority government actually increases partisanship in discouraging genuine deliberation, as defined by theorists of deliberative democracy. It finds minority government nonetheless to be legitimate, according to Canada’s constitutional conventions.
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Saward, M. "Co-option and legitimacy : The varieties and consequences of formal incorporation." Thesis, University of Essex, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.384595.

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Zhu, Jiafeng, and 朱佳峰. "Farewell to political obligation : toward a new liberal theory of political legitimacy." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10722/196492.

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Is there a general moral duty to obey the law because it is the law? This is the question of political obligation. The issue of political obligation is allegedly a central topic of political philosophy, because political obligation is often assumed to be necessary for state legitimacy; that is to say, for a state to be legitimate, it must be capable of imposing political obligation on the governed. Nonetheless, the literature has indicated that it is enormously difficult, at least within the liberal doctrine that many find most attractive, to justify political obligation. Given that political obligation is viewed as an indispensable part of state legitimacy, skepticism about political obligation points to a seemingly inescapable yet disturbing conclusion: no existing liberal state is legitimate, no matter how just it is. This skeptical position is also known as philosophical anarchism. This study aims to show that philosophical anarchism is not as irresistible as it appears. But I do not take the traditional approach of refuting philosophical anarchism by defending or developing theories of political obligation. On the contrary, I devote the first part of my thesis to consolidating the skepticism about political obligation. The approach I favor is to argue that political obligation is not necessary for state legitimacy. If this point can be established, then even if political obligation is unjustified, it will not automatically lead to philosophical anarchism. This constitutes the second part of my thesis, where I develop a conception of “legitimacy without political obligation” and defend it against the objection that it is either conceptually or morally wrong to claim that a legitimate state need not impose political obligation on its subjects.
published_or_final_version
Politics and Public Administration
Doctoral
Doctor of Philosophy
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Lo, Wai-yan. "An analysis of the power of the Hong Kong government in education policy making." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1995. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B1403475X.

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Morales, Diez de Ulzurrun Laura. "Institutions, mobilisation, and political participation political membership in western countries /." Madrid : Centro de Estudios Avanzados en Ciencias Sociales, Instituto Juan March de Estudios e Investigaciones, 2004. http://books.google.com/books?id=NNOGAAAAMAAJ.

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Li, Chan-man Philip. "The issue of dynastic legitimacy of the Three Kingdoms as seen in Zizhi Tongjian Lun "Zi zhi tong jian" dui San guo zheng run wen ti zhi chu li /." Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 1989. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B31949526.

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Books on the topic "Legitimacy of governments"

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R, Dye Thomas, ed. The Political legitimacy of markets and governments. Greenwich, Conn: JAI Press, 1990.

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Barker, Rodney S. Political legitimacy and the state. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990.

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Rosanvallon, Pierre. Democratic legitimacy: Impartiality, reflexivity, proximity. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2011.

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Ontario Institute for Studies in Education. Higher Education Group., ed. Governments and higher education: The legitimacy of invervention. Toronto, Ont: Higher Education Group, Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, 1987.

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Pokklao, Sathāban Phra, ed. Legitimacy crisis in Thailand. [Nonthaburi]: King Prajadhipok's Institute, 2010.

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Stubbs, Richard. Legitimacy and economic growth in Eastern Asia. North York, Ont: University of Toronto-York University Joint Centre for Asia Pacific Studies, 1995.

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Kane, John. Political legitimacy in Asia: New leadership challenges. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011.

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Deng, Zhenglai, and Sujian Guo. Reviving legitimacy: Lessons for and from China. Lanham, Md: Lexington Books, 2011.

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Jean-Marc, Coicaud, and Heiskanen Veijo, eds. The legitimacy of international organizations. Tokyo: United Nations University Press, 2001.

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Organisation for economic co-operation and development. The state's legitimacy in fragile situations: Unpacking complexity. Paris: OECD, 2010.

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Book chapters on the topic "Legitimacy of governments"

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Reeskens, Tim, and Quita Muis. "A New Democratic Norm(al)? Political Legitimacy Amidst the COVID-19 Pandemic." In The New Common, 189–95. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-65355-2_27.

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AbstractThe worldwide COVID-19 pandemic has granted national governments far-reaching political powers to implement drastic non-pharmaceutical interventions to curtail the spread of the virus. For these measures to be effective, governments should be granted widespread political legitimacy. This is established when populations’ expectations from governments are in line with public support for these governments. In this chapter, we investigate changes in political legitimacy during the coronavirus crisis in the Netherlands. Amidst of the pandemic, we collected unique, representative data among LISS-panel respondents that supplemented the European Values Study 2017. We demonstrate that the Dutch public (temporarily) lowered their democratic aspirations thereby longing for strong leadership while simultaneously increasing their trust in the incumbent Government, which, combined, resulted in more political legitimacy. Because of an outspoken period effect, expectations are, however, that this legitimacy will not be long-lived in the new common.
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de la Fuente Ruano, José M., Linze Schaap, and Niels Karsten. "Regionalisation and the Democratic Legitimacy of Local Governments." In Renewal in European Local Democracies, 165–90. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-531-18763-1_8.

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Boin, Arjen, Allan McConnell, and Paul ‘t Hart. "Getting Things Done." In Governing the Pandemic, 43–64. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-72680-5_3.

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AbstractThis chapter reviews the main governance challenges policymakers faced during the COVID-19 crisis. It examines how governments mobilized institutional capacity to tackle these challenges. We focus on attempts to centralize crisis decision-making and discuss whether centralization contributed to government effectiveness and legitimacy.
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Marschlich, Sarah. "Conclusion." In Corporate Diplomacy: How Multinational Corporations Gain Organizational Legitimacy, 173–86. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-36818-0_9.

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AbstractIn today’s world, MNCs not only have great financial power but an immense impact on the communities in the host countries where they operate. In many cases, MNCs have an even greater effect on society than the local government does. However, organizations are constantly observed and scrutinized by different actors in their environment, including the media, NGOs, and governments in their home country as well as in their host countries. A summary of the conducted studies is provided hereafter to answer the research questions presented at the beginning of this thesis.
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Ofuho, Cirino Hiteng. "The Legitimacy and Sovereignty Dilemma of African States and Governments: Problems of the Colonial Legacy." In Africa at the Millenium, 103–25. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-333-97727-9_6.

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Ofuho, Cirino Hiteng. "The Legitimacy and Sovereignty Dilemma of African States and Governments: Problems of the Colonial Legacy." In Africa at the Millennium, 103–25. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-05113-4_6.

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Bollens, Scott A. "Rebuilding Government Legitimacy." In Urban Peace-Building in Divided Societies, 207–39. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429268489-11.

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Forestier-Peyrat, Étienne, and Kristy Ironside. "The Communist World of Public Debt (1917–1991): The Failure of a Countermodel?" In A World of Public Debts, 317–45. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-48794-2_13.

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AbstractThis chapter looks at the construction of a communist community of public debt in the twentieth century. Despite emerging as some of public debt’s most vehement critics in the early years of that century, communist governments made relatively conventional use of public debt to fund economic initiatives, foster bonds within the socialist bloc, and gain political influence. As these regimes’ economies stagnated, they borrowed heavily from capitalist lenders and ran into economic troubles in the 1980s, but they did not repudiate their debt, as the Bolsheviks had in 1918. Instead, they accepted technical solutions to their economic woes, which, in turn, helped to erode their already tenuous popular legitimacy in Eastern Europe.
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Xu, Ren-Hao. "Understanding Higher Education Enrolment Through Michel Foucault’s Biopolitics." In Using Social Theory in Higher Education, 149–62. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-39817-9_12.

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AbstractHigher education enrolment is and has historically been a demographic-political problem around the world over the last four decades. This can be reflected in many governments’ attempts to widen university access to make their national populations more skilled and productive. Most extant research on this matter investigates the effectiveness of such enrolment policies in addressing the problems outlined by governments. However, I noticed that the enrolment problems were not simply about achieving greater student participation; rather, the enrolment ‘problem’ is tied up with the formation of modern statehood and the subjectivities of national populations. In this chapter, I suggest drawing upon Michel Foucault’s work on biopolitics to understand how higher education enrolment has become an object linked to population characteristics and political legitimacy. I use the historical higher education enrolment concerns of Australia and OECD as case studies to explore how specific ideas conceive unique ‘problems’. More importantly, I point to how we can reimagine the landscape of higher education centred on the participation of students from different backgrounds through the perspective of biopolitics.
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Baehr, Peter R. "Legitimacy." In Non-Governmental Human Rights Organizations in International Relations, 9–28. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230233706_2.

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Conference papers on the topic "Legitimacy of governments"

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Wihlborg, Elin. "Legitimate E-Government -- Public E-Services as a Facilitator of Political Legitimacy." In 2014 47th Hawaii International Conference on System Sciences (HICSS). IEEE, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/hicss.2014.271.

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Ježek, Jiří. "Institucionalizace metropolitních regionů v Německu a ve Francii ve vzájemném srovnání." In XXVI. mezinárodní kolokvium o regionálních vědách. Brno: Masaryk University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cz.muni.p280-0311-2023-14.

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The paper deals with identifying the circumstances of the emergence and development of metropolitan governance in Germany and France (two key EU countries with different administrative and political cultures) and to highlight both the advantages and the problems and limits of each solution. It draws on a study of German and French literary sources and interviews with German and French colleagues. The stability of the German institutional framework contrasts with the many administrative reforms in France over the last fifty years. French regions have a limited capacity for action compared to German federal states. The key actors in metropolitan governance are municipalities and cities in Germany and inter-municipal structures in France. In Germany, this is an evolutionarily slow, bottom-up process, gradually responding to emerging challenges and events, whereas in France, metropolitan governments have been institutionalised in a top-down manner. The emergence and development of metropolitan governance is a difficult process, hindered and resisted by established sub-national power structures. As the French experience in particular shows, there is a long and thorny road from theoretical vision (political legitimacy, a high degree of autonomy and relevant territorial delimitation) to practical implementation.
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Peters, Rob, Koen Smit, and Johan Versendaal. "Responsible AI and Power: Investigating the System Level Bureaucrat in the Legal Planning Process." In Digital Support from Crisis to Progressive Change. University of Maribor Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18690/978-961-286-485-9.43.

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Numerous statements and pamphlets indicate that governments should increase the transparency of ICTimplementations and algorithms in eGovernment services and should encourage democratic control. This paper presents research among civil servants, suppliers and experts who play a role in the automation of spatial policymaking and planning (e.g. environment, building, sound and CO2 regulation, mobility). The case is a major digitalisation programme of that spatial planning in the Netherlands. In this digital transition, the research assumption is that public and political values such as transparency, legitimacy and (perceived) fairness are difficult to validate in the practice of the design process; policy makers tend to lose sight of the algorithms and decision trees designed during the ICT -implementation of eGovernment services. This situation would implicate a power shift towards the system level bureaucrat. i.e., the digitized execution of laws and regulations, thereby threatening democratic control. This also sets the stage for anxiety towards ICT projects and digital bureaucracies. We have investigated perceptions about ‘validation dark spots’ in the design process of the national planning platform that create unintended shifts in decision power in the context of the legal planning process. To identify these validation dark spots, 22 stakeholders were interviewed. The results partially confirm the assumption. Based on the collected data, nine validation dark spots are identified that require more attention and research.
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Ramadani, Rizki, and Andika Prawira Buana. "The Needed but Unwanted Independent Regulatory Agencies: Questioning Their Legitimacy and Control in Indonesia." In The 2nd International Conference of Law, Government and Social Justice (ICOLGAS 2020). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.201209.351.

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Lauc, Zvonimir, and Marijana Majnarić. "EU LEGAL SYSTEM AND CLAUSULA REBUS SIC STANTIBUS." In EU 2021 – The future of the EU in and after the pandemic. Faculty of Law, Josip Juraj Strossmayer University of Osijek, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.25234/eclic/18352.

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We are witnesses and participants of Copernican changes in the world which result in major crises/challenges (economic, political, social, climate, demographic, migratory, MORAL) that significantly change “normal” circumstances. The law, as a large regulatory system, must find answers to these challenges. Primarily, these circumstances relate to (i) the pandemic - Corona 19, which requires ensuring economic development with a significant encroachment on human freedoms and rights; (ii) globalization, which fundamentally changes the concept of liberal capitalism as the most efficient system of production of goods and services and democracy as a desirable form of government; (iii) automation, robotics, artificial intelligence, and big data are changing the ways we work, live, communicate, and learn in a Copernican manner. The law should serve to shape the relationship between people in order to realize a life of love and freedom. This is done to the greatest extent through the constitutional engineering of selected institutions. The legal system focuses on institutions that have a raison d'etre in their mission, which is read as “ratio legis”, as a desirable normative and real action in the range of causal and teleological aspect. Crisis situations narrow social cohesion and weaken trust in institutions. It is imperative to seek constitutional engineering that finds a way out in autopoietic institutions in allopoietic environment. We believe that the most current definition of law is that = law is the negation of the negation of morality. It follows that morality is the most important category of social development. Legitimacy, and then legality, relies on morality. In other words, the rules of conduct must be highly correlated with morality - legitimacy - legality. What is legal follows the rules, what is lawful follows the moral substance and ethical permissibility. Therefore, only a fair and intelligent mastery of a highly professional and ethical teleological interpretation of law is a conditio sine qua non for overcoming current anomalies of social development. The juridical code of legal and illegal is a transformation of moral, legitimate and legal into YES, and immoral, illegitimate and illegal into NO. The future of education aims to generate a program for global action and a discussion on learning and knowledge for the future of humanity and the planet in a world of increasing complexity, uncertainty and insecurity.
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Wellings, Thomas Samuel, Sirjoni Majumdar, Regula Haenggli Fricker, and Evangelos Pournaras. "Improving City Life via Legitimate and Participatory Policy-making: A Data-driven Approach in Switzerland." In DGO 2023: Digital government and solidarity. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3598469.3598472.

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Lihua, Liu. "Support Newcomer's Learning in Community of Practice: In Terms of Legitimate Peripheral Participation." In 2010 International Conference on E-Business and E-Government (ICEE). IEEE, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icee.2010.494.

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Cardoso, Carolina Duarte, Rebeca Nascimento Cavalcante de Menezes Silva, and Luiza Jane Eyre de Souza Vieira. "Netnographic insights in Twitter posts by women in situations of violence." In III SEVEN INTERNATIONAL MULTIDISCIPLINARY CONGRESS. Seven Congress, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.56238/seveniiimulti2023-215.

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There is growing recognition that violence against women is a legitimate concern for governments, violates human rights and is a social and public health problem, with magnitude, complexity and significant impacts on countries' economies. In this scenario, cases of violence against women persist in different cultures, societies and periods of history (PAHO, 2017; WHO, 2018; MAGALHÃES, 2016; KRUG et. al., 2002).
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Madugalle, R. P. Ranjan. "SPIRITUALITY, ANCIENT TIMES AND PIONEER SKILL: PIONEER AWARENESS CREATION ON A FAMOUS RELIGIOUS SITE IN SRI LANKA." In SCIENCE AND INNOVATION IN THE XXI CENTURY: CURRENT ISSUES, DISCOVERIES AND ACHIEVEMENTS. INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC AND CURRENT RESEARCH CONFERENCES, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/iscrc-intconf07-01.

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The pursuit of this paper1 is coordinated to talk about the "compelling" part of pioneer information in the desultory developments of one of the famous journey locales, Sri Pada in Sri Lanka. What I investigate here is the manner by which distinctive legitimate talks arise about Sri Pada from the diverse pilgrim skill, Portuguese 1505-1687 , Dutch 1687-1896 and British 1896-1948 . As we currently know, legitimate talk on the 'colonized' was to a great extent created through the specialists of the provincial governments, military work force, Christian preachers, philologists and chairmen. In such manner, Sri Pada was not outstanding. I'm mindful that these types of information creation change with changes in the acts of expansionism. In this regard, I examine what gets recognized and checked by pilgrim approved information as 'Adam's Peak'.
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Che Arshad, Afzariah Binti. "The Journey Towards Effective Grievance Mechanism in Upstream." In SPE/IATMI Asia Pacific Oil & Gas Conference and Exhibition. SPE, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/215390-ms.

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Abstract The United Nations Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights (UNGP BHR) provides a clear framework in managing the aspect of human rights for governments and business sectors. While the governments are responsible to protect the human rights, businesses must respect these human rights and ensure an adequate access to remedies for the affected stakeholders. A well-designed grievance mechanism is a pivotal element in promoting accountability and transparency, with all due respect to human rights within the Company. This paper elaborates on the remarkable journey of PETRONAS Upstream in Malaysia, namely PETRONAS Carigali Sdn. Bhd. (PCSB) in building a robust grievance mechanism management for effective and legitimate compliance with host any authority requirements, comprehended by a unique and customized approach that others can replicate.
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Reports on the topic "Legitimacy of governments"

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Di Salvatore, Jessica. Trust the hand that protects you—Does UN peacekeeping harm post-conflict governments' legitimacy? UNU-WIDER, December 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35188/unu-wider/2022/285-0.

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Grieco, Kevin. Building Fiscal Capacity with Traditional Political Institutions: Experimental and Qualitative Evidence from Sierra Leone. Institute of Development Studies, May 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ictd.2024.028.

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How can weak states build fiscal capacity? I argue that governments in weak states can build fiscal capacity by collaborating with non-state, traditional political institutions (TPIs). Using a mix of experimental and qualitative evidence, I show that this collaboration increases citizens’ compliance because TPIs possess legitimacy and coercive capacity. Collaborating with the local government in Kono District, Sierra Leone, I embedded an experiment in their campaign to collect property taxes. Potential taxpayers were shown awareness videos that varied in their content, particularly in terms of whether and how their local paramount chief characterised his involvement in tax collection. I find that state collaboration with TPIs increases a preregistered proxy of citizens’ compliance with a newly introduced property tax and that TPIs’ authority stems from both their legitimacy and coercive capacity. Qualitative evidence from 300 semi-structured interviews adds a richer description of legitimacy and coercive capacity in my context. I argue, based on qualitative evidence, that legitimacy and coercion are complementary mechanisms of TPIs’ authority enabling them to effectively coordinate collective action to produce local public goods in the absence of the state.
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Delbridge, Victoria. Enhancing the financial position of cities: Evidence from Hargeisa. UNHabitat, March 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-igc-wp_2022/4.

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The City of Hargeisa, despite being in the very early stages of enhancing its financial position, has achieved significant reform in just a few years since its democratic establishment in 2002. The successes achieved are even more remarkable, considering the fragile context of Somaliland after 30 years of civil war within Somalia, which left widespread destruction and devastation in the city. This is compounded by Somaliland’s lack of recognition as a sovereign state by the international community. The case provides an illustrative example of leveraging urbanisation to raise municipal revenues for public service delivery, and in building local government legitimacy to better deliver to the populace. Given the context, the reforms are those that are easy to implement and effective, including the application of a simple digitised accounting and billing system, and a fit-for-purpose area-based property tax system. Where other cities have struggled to service more people with a stagnant revenue base, Hargeisa’s reforms have meant that population growth has resulted in increased revenues from property taxes and daily vendor collections. At the same time, private contributions of land on the peri-urban fringes offer an opportunity for in-kind land value capture and planned development in the future. Their successes are reinforced by the legitimacy built through participatory governance, which demonstrates what is achievable when communities, local government and the private sector work together. While Hargeisa has made progress on the basics of own-source revenue, much more is yet to be done to finance future development. Local government capital expenditure, for instance, is often far below what is budgeted. This is influenced by public demand for current and visible service delivery over and above less visible long-term investments. Furthermore, due to Somaliland’s internationally unrecognised status as an independent country, Hargeisa received limited development assistance when compared to other cities in similar contexts. However, a small coordinated effort through a coalition of UN agencies has fundamentally shaped some of the city’s reforms. As the country begins to formalise its financial sector, opening up to commercial banking and international investment, development support will be needed to ensure local governments and the private sector are able to capitalise on the opportunities this presents.
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Berman, Eli, Michael Callen, Clark Gibson, and James Long. Election Fairness and Government Legitimacy in Afghanistan. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, March 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w19949.

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van den Boogaard, Vanessa, and Fabrizio Santoro. Explaining Informal Taxation and Revenue Generation: Evidence from south-central Somalia. Institute of Development Studies, March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ictd.2021.003.

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Most people in low-income countries contribute substantially to the financing of local public goods through informal revenue generation (IRG). However, very little is known about how IRG works in practice. We produce novel evidence on the magnitude and regressivity of IRG and its relationship with the state in a fragile context, Somalia. We rely on original data from surveys with over 2,300 households and 117 community leaders in Gedo region, as well as on extensive qualitative research. We first show that IRG is prevalent. Over 70 per cent of households report paying at least one informal tax or fee in the previous year, representing on average 9.5 per cent of annual income. We also find that, among households that contribute, poorer ones contribute larger amounts than richer ones, with higher incidence in relation to their income. Further, in line with theory and expectations, informal payments have inequitable community-level effects, with individuals in wealthier communities making more informal payments than in poorer ones and, correspondingly, having access to a greater number of public goods. We then consider four explanations for the prevalence of IRG. First, IRG clearly fills gaps left by weak state capacity. Relatedly, we show that IRG can bolster perceptions and legitimacy of the state, indicating that sub-national governments may actually benefit from informal taxation. Second, informal taxing authorities are more effective tax collectors than the state, with informal taxing authorities having greater legitimacy and taxpayers perceiving informal payments to be fairer than those levied by the state. Third, dispelling the possibility that informal payments should be classified as user fees, taxpayers overwhelmingly expect nothing in return for their contributions. Fourth, in contrast to hypotheses that informal payments may be voluntary, taxpayers associate informal payments with punishment and informal institutions of enforcement. Our research reinforces the importance of IRG to public goods provision in weak formal institutional contexts, to everyday citizens, and to policymakers attempting to extend the influence of the federal state in south-central Somalia. Foremost, informal tax institutions need to be incorporated within analyses of taxation, service delivery, social protection, and equity. At the same time, our findings of the complementary nature of IRG and district-level governance and of the relative efficiency of revenue generation by local leaders have important implications for understanding statebuilding processes from below. Indeed, our findings suggest that governments may have little incentive to extend their taxing authority in some fragile contexts.
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Cherney, Adrian, and Kylie Fisk. Rebuilding Government Legitimacy in Post-Conflict Societies: Case Studies of Nepal and Afghanistan. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, January 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada626814.

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Dzebo, Adis, and Kevin M. Adams. The coffee supply chain illustrates transboundary climate risks: Insights on governance pathways. Stockholm Environment Institute, April 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.51414/sei2022.002.

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The interconnections between countries in a globalizing world continue to deepen and are central to the modern international economy. Yet, governance efforts to build resilience to the adverse risks and impacts of climate change are highly fragmented and have not sufficiently focused on these international dimensions. Relationships between people, ecosystems and economies across borders change the scope and nature of the climate adaptation challenge and generate climate risks that are transboundary (Challinor et al., 2017). Climate impacts in one country can create risks and opportunities – and therefore may require adaptation – in other countries, due to cross-border connectivity within regions and globally (Hedlund et al., 2018). These Transboundary Climate Risks (TCRs) may develop in one location remote from the location of their origin. This dynamic necessitates examining the governance structures for managing climate change adaptation. For example, with regard to trade and international supply chains, climate change impacts in one location can disrupt local economies and vulnerable people’s livelihoods, while also affecting the price, quality and availability of goods and services on international markets (Benzie et al., 2018). Coffee is one of the most traded commodities in the world with an immensely globalized supply chain. The global coffee sector involves more than 100 million people in over 80 countries. Coffee production and the livelihoods of smallholder coffee farmers around the world are at risk due to climate change, threatening to disrupt one of the world’s largest agricultural supply chains. The coffee supply chain represents an important arena for public and private actors to negotiate how resource flows should be governed and climate risks should be managed. Currently, neither governments nor private sector actors are sufficiently addressing TCRs (Benzie & Harris, 2020) and no clear mandates exist for actors to take ownership of this issue. Furthermore, the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), the main body for climate change policy and governance, does not provide any coherent recommendations on how to manage TCRs. This governance gap raises questions about what methods are likely to effectively reduce climate risk and be taken seriously by coffee market stakeholders. This policy brief explores different ways to govern TCRs, and how public and private actors view their effectiveness and legitimacy. Focusing on the Brazilian-German coffee supply chain, the brief presents a deductive framework of five governance pathways through which TCRs could be managed. It is based on 41 semi-structured interviews with 65 Brazilian and German public and private experts, including roasters, traders, cooperatives, associations and certification schemes, as well as government ministries, international development agencies, international organizations and civil society representatives.
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Chowdhury, Shuvra, and Naomi Hossain. Accountability and Responsiveness in Managing Covid-19 in Bangladesh. Institute of Development Studies, May 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ids.2022.027.

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This Working Paper reports on a scoping study on the mechanisms and processes through which the Bangladeshi government listened to citizens’ needs and citizens held government accountable for its policy responses to the Covid-19 pandemic. Based on an extensive review of selected literature; online and official data; and key informant interviews with 20 officials, media, and civil society actors, the paper explores the official and governmental mechanisms as well as non-state and informal mechanisms through which government listened to citizens’ concerns and answered for its actions. The paper first explains the rationale for the scoping study, situating accountability and responsiveness within the broader assessment of the governance of the pandemic. It then sets out the political context within which accountability and responsiveness mechanisms have been operating in Bangladesh: the political dominance of the Awami League has narrowed the space for critique, dissent, and independent civil society and media for nearly 15 years, but strong pressures to earn ‘performance legitimacy’ to some extent counteract the closure of civic space.
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van den Boogaard,, Vanessa, and Fabrizio Santoro. Co-Financing Community-Driven Development Through Informal Taxation: Experimental Evidence from South-Central Somalia. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), September 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ictd.2021.016.

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Community contributions are often required as part of community-driven development (CDD) programmes, with payment encouraged through matching grants. However, little remains known about the impact of matching grants, or the implications of requiring community contributions in order for communities to receive development funding. This paper describes research where we partner with two non-governmental organisations (NGOs) – one international and one Somali – and undertake a randomised control trial of a CDD matching grant programme designed to incentivise informal contributions for local public goods in Gedo region in south-central Somalia. We rely on household survey data collected from 1,297 respondents in 31 treatment and 31 control communities, as well as surveys of village leaders and data on informal contributions from the mobile money platform used by community leaders to collect revenue. Two key findings emerge. First, our research shows that working with communities and incentivising informal revenue generation can be an effective way to deliver public goods and to support citizens and communities. Second, building on research exploring the potential for development interventions to spur virtuous or adverse cycles of governance, we show that development partners may work directly with community leaders and informal taxing institutions without necessarily undermining – and indeed perhaps strengthening – state legitimacy and related ongoing processes of statebuilding in the country. Indeed, despite playing no direct role in the matching grant programme, taxpayer perceptions of the legitimacy of the local government improved as a result of the programme. These findings deepen our understanding of how community contributions may be incentivised through matching grant programmes, and how they may contribute to CDD and public goods provision in a context of weak institutional capacity.
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Kent, Rollin. Institutional Reform in Mexican Higher Education: Conflict and Renewal in Three Public Universities. Inter-American Development Bank, February 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0008791.

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This paper examines the institutional reform conducted at three public universities in Mexico: the University of Sonora, the University of Guadalajara, and the University of Puebla. In the universities analyzed here, reform came on the heels of conflict resulting from institutional collapse. These organizations had seen their internal control systems dissolve and their external legitimacy relationships crumble. The focus is on policy reform at the governmental level and on changes at the institutional level, especially on the political and management dimensions.
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