Journal articles on the topic 'Legislature Assembly'
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1
Osayomwanbor, IMUETINYAN Sophia, OGBEIDE Frederick, and ENABUNENE Osazee Israel. "LEGISLATURE AND DEMOCRATIC GOVERNANCE: AN ASSESSMENT OF THE 9th NATIONAL ASSEMBLY IN NIGERIA." International Journal of Education Humanities and Social Science 06, no. 05 (2023): 107–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.54922/ijehss.2023.0580.
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The 9th National Assembly in Nigeria was elected in 2015 and represents the most extensive democratic period of legislative governance in the country’s history. This study examines the performance of the National Assembly as a mechanism of democratic governance in Nigeria. Specifically, we explore the legislative processes used by the Assembly, the extent of its accountability to the electorate, and the way it has impacted Nigerian democracy and development. Structural functionalism was adopted as the theoretical framework on the function of the Legislature, we employed qualitative methods to explain the Legislature and good governance, and evaluate the performance of the ninth assembly of the Nigerian State. The analysis of its roles in the creation of laws revealed a sizable disparity in terms of public involvement and consultation. Findings also revealed that the poor relationship between the executive and the legislative branch of government has slowed the development of democratic governance. It is recommended that Nigerian Legislators should prioritize legislative productivity and concentrate on passing legislation that will directly benefit society. In conclusion it was deduced that there is a substantial disparity between legislators and their constituents, according to the appraisal of legislators' performance in the Ninth Assembly in terms of representation as most law makers are perceived to be self-serving.
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Miruka, Simon Okumba, Grace Wamue Ngare, and Pacificah Okemwa. "METHODS USED BY WOMEN PARLIAMENTARIANS TO INFLUENCE LEGISLATIVE PROCESSES AND OUTCOMES IN KENYA’S NATIONAL ASSEMBLY OF THE 11TH PARLIAMENT (2013 -2017)." International Journal of Gender Studies 6, no. 1 (February 5, 2021): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.47604/ijgs.1215.
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Purpose: The study examined the legislative influence of women in the context of gender quotas in Kenya’s National Assembly of the 11th parliament (2013-207). This article focuses on the methods women parliamentarians used to assert legislative influence.
Methodology: This was a descriptive case study which focused on all 68 women in the National Assembly. Respondents were identified through stratified sampling based on: pathway to parliament; membership and leadership of parliamentary structures; contribution to debate; and sponsorship of Bills enacted. A total of 11 women were interviewed, derived from four of the seven parliamentary political parties, specifically the two largest political coalitions which contributed 94% of the legislature. The study also interviewed four purposively sampled key informants (KIs) - three male and one female. The data was processed manually, analysed and presented under each study objective. Sources of primary data were coded as follows: WL (Woman Legislator), ML (Male Legislator) and KI (Key Informant). All respondents were allocated specific numbers for identification and acknowledgement.
Findings: The study established that women legislators used the following methods to influence legislation: mobilisation of male colleagues; solidarity across political parties; activism; leveraging committee positions; reliance on the National Assembly leadership; and compromise and conciliation. It notes that the methods were effective in some circumstances but failed in others.
Unique contribution to theory, practice and policy: The study outlines how various methods were applied by women legislators in Kenya’s National Assembly 2013-2017, the first time quotas were applied in Kenyan elections. It fills the gap in earlier studies that did not document these methods. The study notes that the methods were not intrinsically weak but their effectiveness was limited by circumstances, especially the attitude of male legislators. It illustrates the importance of diversifying approaches to influence legislation. The study recommends that women legislators should: work with supportive male legislators and other pressure groups in the legislature; introduce Bills early in the legislative calendar to improve chances of success; receive training on parliamentary work; and occupy influential parliamentary leadership positions.
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Allen, Peter, David Cutts, and Madelaine Winn. "Understanding Legislator Experiences of Family-Friendly Working Practices in Political Institutions." Politics & Gender 12, no. 03 (May 30, 2016): 549–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x16000040.
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Family-friendly (FF) working practices in political institutions have attracted scant attention from scholars, arguably reflecting the scarcity of their implementation. Using a survey of legislators and qualitative interviews, we examine for the first time how satisfied elected members of two new legislatures (the Welsh Assembly and the Scottish Parliament) are with FF working practices. We offer four possible explanations—parenthood, age of the legislator, sex, and the distance between the legislator's constituency and the legislature—for the variation in satisfaction. Our findings suggest that being a woman and having a greater distance between legislature and constituency exerted significant negative effects on legislators' satisfaction with FF working practices. In contrast, legislators over age 60 were significantly more likely to be satisfied with FF working practices in the new legislatures. We conclude by outlining future research avenues for comparative scholars of gender and politics interested in the effectiveness and resilience of FF working practices, in particular highlighting the importance of looking beyond the parent–child caring relationship to other caring and domestic obligations.
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Thames, Frank C. "A House Divided." Comparative Political Studies 38, no. 3 (April 2005): 282–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414004272526.
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Mixed-member electoral systems embrace two views of representation by electing some legislators in single-member district elections and others in a proportional representation election. This can potentially create a “mandate divide” in legislatures, because single-member district legislators have an incentive to embrace parochial issues and proportional representation legislators have an incentive to center on national issues. Previous studies of this question have only found limited evidence of its existence. The author argues that the level of party system institutionalization will fundamentally determine whether a mandate divide will exist in a mixed-member legislature. Using roll-call voting data from the Hungarian National Assembly, the Russian Duma, and the Ukrainian Rada, the author analyzes patterns of party discipline in each legislature. The empirical results show that a mandate divide only existed in the legislature with the most weakly institutionalized party system, the Russian Duma.
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Spirou, Mary Eve. "The challenges of political representation: gender in a US State legislature." International Journal of Public Leadership 13, no. 1 (February 13, 2017): 13–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijpl-10-2016-0037.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to investigate the role of women in the Georgia General Assembly and determines the impact of gender on the activities of state legislators, specifically in the areas of committee assignments and sponsored legislation from 2003 to 2014. Design/methodology/approach The approach set forth in this analysis seeks to answer four research questions employing quantitative data regarding female legislator involvement in activities of the state legislature and compare these findings with their male colleagues over a ten-year period. Findings Some of the key findings include that female representative sponsor fewer bills and participate in fewer committees than their male counterparts. The only legislative area female representatives exercise greater involvement is in government committees. The paper concludes with policy recommendations on how to address the current standing of women in the Georgia General Assembly. Originality/value A value of this analysis is that its content can support comparative work that can prove helpful to future research goals. As the most comprehensive analysis of its kind in Georgia, this paper contributes to a better understanding of the state legislature.
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Aligbe, Bendrix Abdullah, and Mariam Millie Momoh. "The National Assembly, Good Governance and Nation-Building in Nigeria." African Journal of Humanities and Contemporary Education Research 14, no. 1 (March 31, 2024): 221–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.62154/7y3w2p12.
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The legislature is an institution which represents the common and collective interests of the citizens through the enactment of laws and the exercise of oversight functions on the activities of the executive arm of government. For stable and sustainable international peace, nation-building and good governance require building effective societal, economic and political structures that meet the needs of the people. In the quest for nation-building in a democratic state like Nigeria, the exercise of effective legislative oversight function is crucial. It acts to provide checks and balances in cases when the executive branch operates unconstitutionally. It also aims to ensure that all relevant societal groups are included in and benefit from the nation-building and development exercise and that government policies and budgets are implemented in an effective, efficient, transparent and accountable manner. The power of oversight is constitutionally provided to the Nigerian legislature to enable the National Assembly to curtail corruption, inefficiency, or embezzlement in the executive or administration of laws within its legislative right and in the disbursement and administration of funds appropriated by the Acts. Unfortunately, the Nigerian legislature’s capacity to carry out its oversight functions remains ineffective because the legislature and culture are in their infancy and often confronted by many challenges. The focus of this paper is to examine the roles of the national assembly in promoting good governance and nation-building. This paper further recommends that the citizens elect upstanding individuals with no histories of corruption and greed.
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Lauderdale, Benjamin E. "Unpredictable Voters in Ideal Point Estimation." Political Analysis 18, no. 2 (2010): 151–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/mpp038.
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Ideal point estimators are typically based on an assumption that all legislators are equally responsive to modeled dimensions of legislative disagreement; however, particularistic constituency interests and idiosyncrasies of individual legislators introduce variation in the degree to which legislators cast votes predictably. I introduce a Bayesian heteroskedastic ideal point estimator and demonstrate by Monte Carlo simulation that it outperforms standard homoskedastic estimators at recovering the relative positions of legislators. In addition to providing a refinement of ideal point estimates, the heteroskedastic estimator recovers legislator-specific error variance parameters that describe the extent to which each legislator's voting behavior is not conditioned on the primary axes of disagreement in the legislature. Through applications to the roll call histories of the U.S. Congress, the E.U. Parliament, and the U.N. General Assembly, I demonstrate how to use the heteroskedastic estimator to study substantive questions related to legislative incentives for low-dimensional voting behavior as well as diagnose unmodeled dimensions and nonconstant ideal points.
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OLURO, Mayowa Joseph, and Johnson Olawale BAMIGBOSE. "Legislative Cross-carpeting, Multiparty System and the Challenges of Democratic Good Governance in Nigeria." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 11, no. 1 (January 3, 2021): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v11i1.18151.
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The legislature is unarguably the fulcrum upon which democracy rests. Democracy, in this context, is representative government. Thus, the institution of the legislature as an assembly of elected representatives becomes the engine room of the structural framework upon which democratic governance is built. As history has shown, the beauty of legislature is greatly enhanced by a healthy multi-party system wherein elected representatives from different party backgrounds engage one another alongside party ideological positions with a view to deliberating on issue of governance and socio-economic well-being of the people. Legislative cross-carpeting in Nigeria is becoming a norm rather than exigency, and is taking a negative toll on the capacity of legislatures to fulfill their mandates as against functioning as merely rubber-stamp annexes of the executive/ruling party. This study examines the impacts of the wanton cross-carpeting, often times bereft of any ideological underpinning, that have characterized legislative assemblies in Nigeria and its implications on good governance. Among others, it concludes that concrete legal and political frameworks must be developed to check the direction of cross-carpeting in Nigeria’s legislative houses if good governance is to be entrenched.
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Ellickson, Mark C., and Donald E. Whistler. "Legislative Success in the Arkansas General Assembly: A Causal Perspective." American Review of Politics 12 (July 1, 1991): 62–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1991.12.0.62-76.
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This study employs recursive path analysis techniques to develop a causal model of legislative success in the “one party-no party” state legislature of Arkansas. Utilizing a unique five-step process to measure bill-passage through the Arkansas House, four direct paths to legislative success were identified: educational level, age, race, and seniority. The final model suggests a legislative body in transition from amateur status and exclusivity to one more autonomous and competitive.
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Miruka, Simon, Grace Ngare, and Pacificah Okemwa. "ELUSIVE QUEST BY WOMEN FOR LEGISLATIVE NUMBERS IN KENYA’S NATIONAL ASSEMBLY OF THE 11TH PARLIAMENT (2013 -2017)." International Journal of Gender Studies 6, no. 1 (May 19, 2021): 22–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.47604/ijgs.1279.
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Purpose: Application of gender quotas in the 2013 general elections in Kenya led to 68 women legislators joining the National Assembly. This was the largest number of women elected to the legislature since independence in 1963. Studies show that such surges embolden women to pursue legislative agenda on gender equality and social welfare issues. This article examines women legislators’ quests for further increased numbers in Kenya’s National Assembly 2013 -2017 and the results.
Methodology: This was a descriptive study of Kenya’s National Assembly of the 11th parliament (2013 -2017). A total of 11 women and four key informants were identified through stratified and purposive sampling respectively. Data was collected using semi-structured interview schedules. Responses were recorded in writing and audio-tape. The study also did a content analysis of the Hansard. Data was transcribed, manually processed, analysed and discussed under each study objective. Quantitative data was captured in tables with descriptions while qualitative data was narrated with inferences.
Findings: The study established that efforts to increase women’s numbers in the legislature were unsuccessful because of resistance from male colleagues. However, women achieved an increase in committee membership and leadership. The article concludes that resistance to the proposed affirmative law to increase women’s legislative numbers was rooted in patriarchy and male entitlement to power.
Unique contribution to theory, practice and policy: The article demonstrates how the quest to embed affirmative action in law was frustrated by patriarchy. It states that for women to succeed on such pursuits, they need to be assertive and strategic. It further demonstrates that women’s occupation of parliamentary leadership positions enabled them to showcase their abilities and debunk the notion that they are inferior. This coheres with liberal feminism, that marginalising women denies the society the benefit of their talents. The article proposes that women should seek influential parliamentary committees instead of seeking a general spread in all of them. A constitutional amendment to have an unequivocal provision on elections that automates the desired proportions of women to men in the National Assembly is also recommended.
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Ejumudo, Kelly Bryan Ovie, and Francis Ayegbunam Ikenga. "The Problematic of Legislative Oversight in Nigeria: A Study of Delta State." Indonesian Journal of International Clinical Legal Education 3, no. 2 (June 30, 2021): 125–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/ijicle.v3i2.45572.
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This study examines the problem of legislative oversight in Nigeria using Delta State as a case study. Four research questions were raised to guide the study and four null hypotheses were formulated for the study. The design of the study was a descriptive survey. The population of the study comprised 600 staff in the Delta State House of Assembly. The sample of the study consisted of 245 staff drawn from nine (9) departments using stratified and simple random techniques. The instrument used for data collection was the legislative oversight questionnaire and the collated data were analyzed using mean rating and chi-square. The findings of the study revealed that there is a significant relationship between politics of trade-off and pay-off between the legislators and the executive as well as poor commitment to oversight functions by the legislators and legislative oversight in Delta State. The study equally showed that there is a significant relationship between the culture of corruption as well as perceptual legislative subservience to the executive and legislative oversight in Delta State. The study recommended that that the legislature in Nigeria, particularly in Delta State, should be truly independent rather than operate and seen as a subservient extension of the executive arm of government, a new culture that is void of the politics of trade-off and pay-off between the legislature and the executive, as well as corruption, should be established.
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Lafcnwa, Stephen Akinyerni. "The Legislature and the Challenge of Corruption in Africa: The Nigerian Case." IBADAN JOURNAL OF THE SOCIAL SCIENCES 8, no. 2 (December 20, 2010): 190–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.36108/ijss/0102.80.0270.
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The paper investigated the power and role of the legislature in resolving political corruption as one 0f the challenges facing democratization project in Nigeria. The paper revealed that contrary to the opinion that national legislature declining in terms of the roles they perform in democracies, the National Assembly in Nigeria is central t0 the resolution of the challenge posed by political corruption to Nigeria’s democracy and development. The national assembly through its exercise of investigative powers and establishment of some legal instruments was able to expose sonic corrupt practices between 1999 and 2008. Due to the identified Limitations regarding its performance of this function. the paper argued that the effectiveness of the legislature in the resolution of democratic challenges hinges on the performance of this functions according to the rules and norms of democracy and the resolution of its internal crisis, The paper posited that democracy can flourish in Nigeria and Africa if the capacity of legislatures at all levels could he strengthened to address critical issues relating to constitutionalism, corruption, poverty and the national question, check the excesses of the executive, and collaborate with the judiciary to avert the consequences 0f “democracy by court order”, as well as empower and work with the civil society. By implication at more pro-active National assembly that is ready to set the priorities right as well as resolve its internal crisis democratically. is critically needed in Nigeria.
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Ochieng, Walter Khobe. "Constitutional Guardianship in Kenya’s Bicameral Legislature." Strathmore Law Journal 5, no. 1 (June 8, 2021): 115–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.52907/slj.v5i1.142.
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The Constitution of Kenya of 2010 adopts a bicameral legislative structure, within a devolved system of governance, consisting of the National Assembly and the Senate. In keeping with the devolved structure of government, the Senate’s legislative mandate is to a large extent confined to considering, debating and approving Bills concerning counties as well as determining the allocation of national revenue among counties and providing oversight over the national revenue allocated to the 47 county governments. Over the last ten years, Kenya has witnessed a great consolidation of power by the National Assembly at the expense of the Senate especially with regards to the roles of the chambers over the process of enacting the Division of Revenue Bill. Such consolidation of power attempts to relegate the Senate to a peripheral role within the bicameral legislative institutional structure. Consequently, the Supreme Court has asserted its advisory power and the High Court its judicial review power to mete out this inter-institutional conflict between the National Assembly and the Senate. This paper interrogates the manner Kenyan courts have discharged the contested role of serving as guardians of a legislative institution in a conflict within the bicameral legislative system. It makes the point that while courts have the authority to intervene in inter-cameral conflicts, judicial intervention should be exercised as an option of last resort, only utilised after exhaustion of the constitutionally ordained intra-parliament mediation process.
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GRAHAM, AARON. "JAMAICAN LEGISLATION AND THE TRANSATLANTIC CONSTITUTION, 1664–1839." Historical Journal 61, no. 2 (October 17, 2017): 327–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x1700022x.
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AbstractBetween its first meeting in January 1664 and the final session held under unfree labour in December 1838, the volume of legislation passed by the house of assembly in Jamaica increased exponentially. As in Britain and Ireland, this reflected the growing administrative capacity and political power of the legislature and also the enormous demand for laws and law-making among local interest groups. The rise and fall of slavery and the slave society in the island was therefore underpinned in a large part by the power of its colonial legislature, which also operated within the broader transatlantic constitution structured by imperial politics and law. There was very little though to distinguish the house of assembly from others in British North America, at least in legislative terms, and even after the traumatic imperial disjuncture of 1783 the reformed transatlantic constitution continued to provide a supportive environment for the expansion of legislation within the island of Jamaica.
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Morse, Yonatan L. "The legislature as political control: change and continuity in Cameroon's National Assembly (1973–2019)." Journal of Modern African Studies 59, no. 4 (December 2021): 485–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x21000288.
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abstractA growing literature has begun to more closely examine African legislatures. However, most of this research has been attentive to emerging democratic settings, and particularly the experiences of a select number of English-speaking countries. By contrast, Cameroon is a Francophone majority country that reintroduced multiparty politics in the early 1990s but continues to exhibit significant authoritarian tendencies. This article provides a longitudinal analysis of Cameroon's National Assembly and builds on a unique biographical dataset of over 900 members of parliament between 1973 and 2019. The article describes changes in the structure and orientation of the legislature as well as the social profile of its members, in particular following the transition to multipartyism. While the legislature in Cameroon remains primarily a tool of political control, it is more dynamic, and the mechanisms used to manage elites within the context of complex multiethnic politics have evolved.
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Abdel-Samad, Mounah. "Legislators’ Need for Civil Society Expertise: Tunisian Civil Society Legislative Advocacy Opportunity." Nonprofit Policy Forum 8, no. 3 (December 20, 2017): 299–319. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/npf-2016-0027.
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AbstractThe primacy of the Tunisian revolution and the country’s successful democratic transition (Stepan 2012, “Tunisia’s Transition and the Twin Tolerations.”Journal of Democracy23:89–103) make Tunisia an exemplar for analyzing legislators’ demand for advocacy by civil society organizations or CSOs. Several researchers (Cavatorta 2012, “Arab Spring: The Awakening of Civil Society. A General Overview.”http://www.iemed.org/observatori-es/arees-danalisi/arxius-adjunts/anuari/med.2012/Cavatorta_en.pdf, Benoit 2011, “The Counter-Power of Civil Society and the Emergence of a New Political Imaginary in the Arab World.”Constellations: an International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory18:271–283. doi:10.1111/j.1467-8675.2011.00650.x, Kubba 2000, “Arabs and Democracy: The Awakening of Civil Society.”Journal of Democracy11:84–90) have explored the role of Tunisian civil society in the democratic transition; however, no study examined legislators’ demand for CSOs’ legislative advocacy in Tunisia. By exploring factors influencing legislators and their demand and need for legislative advocacy, this study sheds light on the inner works of policy makers and ways to influence them. This study finds that, contrary to the idea that governments in developing countries do not want civil society participation in politics, Tunisian legislators are open to and eager for legislative advocacy. Based on 40 survey conducted face to face with Tunisian legislators in the National Constituent Assembly, and archival analysis of the National Constituents Assembly sessions’ minutes from 2011 until 2014, this study finds that Tunisian legislators have a high level of trust in CSOs, want their expertise, and are influenced by them when voting in parliament. These results have several potential impacts on understanding of the relationship between CSOs and government and more specifically legislature.
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Rousseau, Guillaume, and François Côté. "A Distinctive Quebec Theory and Practice of the Notwithstanding Clause: When Collective Interests Outweigh Individual Rights." Revue générale de droit 47, no. 2 (January 24, 2018): 343–431. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1042928ar.
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The fundamental human rights recognized by the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms and the Quebec Charter of Human Rights and Freedoms supersede other rules of law. As such, any legislative measure conflicting with their content can be invalidated by Canadian tribunals. Yet, to ensure parliamentary sovereignty, both Charters feature an override mechanism, the “notwithstanding clause,” that can be invoked by a legislator to withdraw a given law from judicial scrutiny under charter rights. Beyond formal and substantive requirements, according to Quebec prominent doctrinal trends and National Assembly, in what circumstances, and to what end, can the legislator invoke a notwithstanding clause? A review of leading academic conceptions of charter rights in Quebec reveals a distinctive theoretical approach to notwithstanding mechanisms than that of leading Anglo-Canadian authorities. Quebec leading doctrinal trends, distinctly, seem to conceive that legislative overrides can be legitimately made preemptively by a legislature when dealing with matters of collective interests, such as social objectives and national identity, which, in the name of greater good, should not be fettered by private interests. This distinctive reality is also sharply reflected in legislative practice: as Quebec invoked the notwithstanding clause of the Canadian Charter 61 times (in addition to 45 references to the notwithstanding clause of the Quebec Charter) compared to 3 times in the rest of Canada over the same period, overwhelmingly for considerations of social objectives or national identity. This situation could be explained by a distinctive conception of parliamentary sovereignty and of power dynamics between elected legislature and appointed judges in Quebec.
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Greenberg, Daniel. "Welsh Devolution." Legal Information Management 13, no. 3 (September 2013): 134–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1472669613000364.
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AbstractThe emergence of the National Assembly for Wales as a devolved legislature producing first Measures and now Acts, together with the establishment of a Welsh Government with a range of powers to make secondary legislation, has added a new layer of complication to the already over-complicated legislative landscape of the United Kingdom. This article, written by Daniel Greenberg, examines briefly some of the resulting complications.
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Okafor, Obiora Chinedu. "Remarkable returns: the influence of a labour-led socio-economic rights movement on legislative reasoning, process and action in Nigeria, 1999–2007." Journal of Modern African Studies 47, no. 2 (May 12, 2009): 241–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x09003826.
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ABSTRACTDuring 1999–2007, a labour-led but broad-based socio-economic rights movement, which focused on a pro-poor (and therefore highly popular) anti-fuel price hike message, persuaded and/or pressured Nigeria's federal legislature, the National Assembly, to: mediate between it and the Executive Branch of Government; take it seriously enough to lobby it repeatedly; re-orient its legislative processes; explicitly oppose virtually all of the Executive Branch's fuel price hikes; and reject key anti-labour provisions in a government bill. Yet the movement did not always succeed in its efforts to influence the National Assembly. This article maps, discusses, contextualises and analyses these generally remarkable developments. It also argues that while many factors combined to facilitate or militate against the movement's impact on legislative reasoning, process and action during the relevant period, this movement's ‘mass social movement’ character was the pivotal factor that afforded it the necessary leverage to exert considerable, if limited, influence on the National Assembly.
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Rashid, Dr Hina. "Women Empowerment and Political Decision-Making: An Appraisal of Appointment of Women Legislators as Decision-Makers in Punjab Assembly from 1947-2018." Pakistan Journal of Gender Studies 22, no. 2 (September 8, 2022): 47–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.46568/pjgs.v22i2.618.
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The research paper develops a conceptual relationship between women's empowerment and political decision-making. The goal of empowering women cannot be achieved, without effective participation and representation of women in political activities, the political decision-making process, and structure. Women’s access to resources and opportunities is quite limited compared to men's all over the world. Likewise, in Pakistan socio-cultural environment is not much favorable for women. Punjab is its largest province in terms of population and is considered more progressive regarding gender-related matters; a vast disparity still exists in all sectors. To ensure empowerment, the appointment of women legislators as decision-makers is mandatory. The paper seeks to explore the appointment of women legislators in decision-making positions in the Punjab assembly. The primary objective is to highlight the significance of women’s leadership, particularly in the legislature, which is a key rule-making organ. The paper adopts mix method research design to explore the selected research problem. The case study method is selected by the researcher. The findings show a very low ratio of women’s inclusion in the legislative assembly of the Punjab and their appointment as decision-makers. The study offers rigorous recommendations that would be helpful to make situations, more conducive for women’s inclusiveness in leadership positions.
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Peci, Dr Sc Bedri. "Role of the Legislature in the Budget Procedure: The Case of Kosovo Assembly." ILIRIA International Review 3, no. 1 (February 24, 2016): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.21113/iir.v3i1.94.
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Frequent political-legal changes as well as the form of organization of the government in Kosovo from 1999 until the second part of 2008 have been reflected in the budget procedure. Budget procedure in Kosovo under the administration of United Nations Missions in Kosovo (UNMIK) was a sui generis case alike UNMIK administration itself, where role of the Kosovo Assembly was nothing more than symbolic. With declaration of the independence on 17th February 2008 and promulgation of the Constitution on 8th April 2008 de jure, the role of the Assembly in the budget procedure has been empowered. However, regardless improvements in the constitutional position of the Assembly, a survey of the Assembly of Kosovo revealed many shortcomings that are necessary to be addressed in order to increase the role of the Assembly in the budget procedure. In this direction we shall emphasize increasing of the role of the Assembly in accordance with constitutional authorizations in the budget procedure, increasing of the technical capacities of the Assembly to conduct research and analysis of the budget and undertaking steps on facilitation the communication between MEFGovernment-Assembly-the Budget and Finance Committee.
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Thomas, Melissa A., and Oumar Sissokho. "Liaison legislature: the role of the National Assembly in Senegal." Journal of Modern African Studies 43, no. 1 (February 16, 2005): 97–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x04000631.
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A sparse literature examines African legislatures, generally thought to be weak and unimportant. Unlike many African countries that reintroduced multiparty politics in the 1990s, Senegal did so in the 1970s. In 2000, it joined the select group of African countries to experience democratic alternance. What role does the National Assembly play in light of these important steps in democratic consolidation? This article describes the operation of the National Assembly, with attention to its role in legislation, appropriations, executive oversight, constituent service and representation. The article concludes that despite Senegal's democratic advances, the operation of the National Assembly echoes much earlier studies of other African legislatures. These studies found that the legislatures did not play strong roles in legislation, appropriations or executive oversight, but instead played less formal roles such as constituent service and lobbying the administration for spending in their districts.
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Yusuf, Yusuf Abdu, and Friday Joseph Ojoduwa. "Legislative oversight and democratic consolidation in Nigeria: 1999-2019." African Social Science and Humanities Journal 3, no. 2 (March 25, 2022): 57–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.57040/asshj.v3i2.170.
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The purpose of this study is manifold. Firstly, it determines the roles played by the legislature in performing its oversight function in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic, from 1999 to 2019. Secondly and is a related purpose, it demonstrates how this function (oversight) has helped in democratic consolidation. Thirdly, it identifies the challenges of legislative oversight, and lastly, it adumbrates the implications of these challenges to democratization in the Nigerian politics. The Institutional agency theory propounded by Barry Mitnick is adopted in this paper as a framework of analysis. Hence, the study, which is basically empirical, generated the data from face-to-face interview using purposive sampling and case study research design. In doing so, the paper opines that for oversight function to strengthen democracy in Nigeria, the legislature should be financially autonomous and otherwise. Moreover, the degree of separation of powers should be improved and both the legislature and its staff should be trained frequently. Similarly, the paper concludes that there is need for the research improvement in the Nigerian National Assembly.
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Ileka, Justin C. "An Examination of the Presidential Power to Veto or Assent to Bills in Nigeria." Global Journal of Politics and Law Research 10, no. 6 (June 15, 2022): 67–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.37745/gjplr.2013/vol10n66782.
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ABSTRACT: This paper examines the prerogative given the executive arm of the government to give assent to Bills passed by the legislature along with its corollary power to veto Bills passed by the legislature. This executive prerogative is expressly provided for in the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999, as amended, which established the legislative, judicial, and executive branches of the government. This prerogative of assent or veto is exercisable by the President of the Federation in respect of Bills passed by the National Assembly or by the Governor of a State with respect to a Bill passed by the State House of Assembly or even by the Chairman of a Local Government Area involving a bill for a by-law passed by the Local Government Councilors. This paper examines various illustrations of the dynamic relationships and actions when Bills passed by the National Assembly have been presented for Presidential action. The above prerogative in the field of law-making, which field is constitutionally vested in the legislative arm of the government is without prejudice to the hallowed principle of separation of powers. It only strengthens the desired checks and balances against abuses and arbitrariness by the legislative arm of the government. Thus, the Constitution requires that a bill duly passed by the National Assembly, that is to say, by both the Senate and the Federal House of Representatives, shall be presented to the President for his assent or as a corollary, for his veto. The President must either assent or withhold his assent within thirty days of the presentment of a Bill passed by the National Assembly. There is no explicit third option of conditional assent or conditional veto. Notwithstanding the above, to demonstrate that the National Assembly retains the final discretion in the field of law-making, the Constitution vests in the legislature the power to override the veto of the President, or, when the President simply fails to act regarding a Bill within the thirty-day period. The manner in which the above law-making powers have been exercised in Nigeria has created controversies especially with regard to which are the arguably correct procedures in three situations – (i) whether there is an agreed process and time for an override by the National Assembly of a Presidential veto, (ii) whether the President may give merely conditional or partial assent to a Bill, and (iii) whether it is necessary for a President to assent to a proposed Act intended to amend the Constitution. This paper examines these controversies along the following outline: i. The Constitutional Requirement for the Executive to Assent to Bills enacted by the National Assembly ii. The Essence of an Assent or Veto by the President to Bills iii. Whether the President is vested with the authority to Assent to a Bill Not Duly Passed by the National Assembly iv. The Assent of the Executive to Bills for an Act for the Amendment of the Constitution v. The Procedure for the Override of the Veto of the President vi. The Interpretation of Section 58(5) of the 1999 Constitution This paper compares the way Nigeria practices its Constitutional system of government with the practices of similar federal tri-branch systems of government, especially the United States of America. This paper concludes that these controversies can only be resolved by the authoritative rulings of Nigeria’s apex court, the Supreme Court of Nigeria, or when there exist express provisions of the Constitution of Nigeria relevant to a controversy, by strictly enforcing those provisions.
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Jombo, O. Celestine. "Executive-Legislative Conflicts and The Quest for Accountability in Nigeria’s Presidential Democracy: A Case of the 8th National Assembly." International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science 06, no. 11 (2022): 665–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.47772/ijriss.2022.61130.
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This paper examines the seemingly intractable tensions and frictions between the executive and legislative branches in Nigeria. Specifically, it interrogates the intricate political and personality issues that surrounded the recurring tension and open confrontation between the presidency and the 8th National Assembly between 2015 and 2019. Using a combination of both descriptive and analytical methods and through a review of the extant literature, the paper reaffirmed and established the primacy of the legislature as an institution of accountability under the Nigeria’s presidential system. The paper discovered that persistent conflicts and contradictions between the executive and legislative actors in Nigeria have made effective budget formulation and implementation a difficult task with far-reaching political and socio-economic consequences for the nation’s body politic. The rifts breed suspicion and hostility between the two branches of government, creates division in the legislature, brings distraction to the governance process and, ultimately, propels the resort to the culture of impunity and total disregard to the rule of law by the governing elites. The paper concludes that the constitutional provisions defining the interface between the executive and legislative branches are adequate to engender stable and accountable government. Nevertheless, the political actors across the executive-legislative divide must be ready to embrace the dictates of separation of powers as enshrined in the 1999 constitution, abide by the rules of democratic game, and collaborate to work for the interests of the Nigerian people.
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Cox, Gary W., Mikitaka Masuyama, and Mathew D. McCubbins. "Agenda Power in the Japanese House of Representatives." Japanese Journal of Political Science 1, no. 1 (May 2000): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109900000116.
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In this paper we provide evidence from Japan that bears on a general theory of agenda power in legislatures. By agenda power we mean the power to determine: (a) which bills are considered in the plenary session of the legislature and (b) restrictions on debate and amendment to these bills, when they are considered. While a substantial amount of work has focused on the second category of agenda power, including studies of special rules in the US House (e.g., Sinclair forthcoming), closure in the UK House of Commons (e.g., Cox, 1987; Dion, 1997), and the guillotine in the French National Assembly (e.g., Huber, 1996), there is very little on the first and arguably more fundamental sort of agenda power. This agenda power – the power to decide which bills will actually be considered on the floor of the legislature – is our focus here, and henceforth when we refer to ‘agenda power’ we shall mean this narrower conception.
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Awotokun, Kunle. "The Legislative and Executive Institutions and the Challenge of Governance in Contemporary Nigeria." Journal of Politics and Law 14, no. 2 (December 22, 2020): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v14n2p19.
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The article examines the efforts of the executive and the legislature, i.e. the National Assembly at providing good governance against the backdrop of daunting challenge of insecurity in contemporary Nigeria.
The paper employs secondary data to elicit necessary information to assist in its analysis and findings. Such data includes textbooks, journals, newspapers, magazines, periodicals etc.
The findings are that both executive and legislative institutions pay lip service to quality governance. The two arms of government are tendentious towards kleptocracy. This development has compromised their efforts at fostering good governance.
The work concludes on the need to convocate extra executive and legislature bodies (Sovereign National Conference) to discuss and analyse the contemporary questions with the aim of finding lasting solutions to the issues. The prognosis will not only be helpful to Nigeria but serves as a template for other African countries with similar issues.
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AKUBO, Aduku A., and Kolapo Quadri ABAYOMI. "NIGERIAN NATIONAL ASSEMBLY’S LEGISLATIVE OVERSIGHT, THE POWERS OF SUMMONS AND APPOINTMENTS’ RATIFICATION." Caleb Journal of Social and Management Sciences 06, no. 01 (August 31, 2021): 26–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.26772/cjsms2021060102.
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The legislature as First Estate of the realm represents citizens and sovereignty. It makes the law, serve as checks on the activities of the executive (oversight) and represent the citizens in constituencies. The responsibility of the Parliaments is to guarantee that accountability and transparency of government activities are maintained in order to curb misuse of public funds, corruption, while effecting good practices. It also scrutinizes the nominees for top government positions by the executive arm while it ensures that the requests sent by the executive are properly examined in order to avoid inefficiency and non-performance. However, the paper relying on secondary research method and data gathering discover that limited political will by legislators, inadequate funds, deteriorating infrastructural facilities, pressure from the Executive, predominance of inexperience legislators in the art of lawmaking and the tendency to place a higher premium of personal and pecuniary interests at the expense of public interests are antithetical to the effective legislative power of summons and appointment ratification in the National Assembly. Therefore, the paper recommended that there is a need for legislators to shun mediocrity and rise above pecuniary, sectional and party interests in favour of the protection of democracy and its practices.
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White, Graham. "Westminster in the Arctic: The Adaptation of British Parliamentarism in the Northwest Territories." Canadian Journal of Political Science 24, no. 3 (September 1991): 499–523. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900022666.
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AbstractGovernment in the Northwest Territories (NWT) of Canada is structured on the cabinet-parliamentary model and follows most of the principles of British-style “responsible government.” The territorial assembly, however, differs in two fundamental ways from the traditional parliamentary model: it has no political parties, and a majority of its members are natives, whose political culture is far removed from the tenets underlying British parliamentarism. This article examines the interplay of structure and culture in the NWT Legislative Assembly, through an evaluation of the so-called “consensus government” system. Although cabinet is clearly pre-eminent, private members have unusual influence in the NWT. More generally, distinctive Northern adaptations to the British model—unique parliamentary structures and procedures—are central to the workings of the legislature. In its internal operations, the NWT Assembly is found to have successfully adapted important elements of British parliamentarism to Northern circumstances, though its legitimacy within the native population remains problematic.
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Suzuki, Nobutaka. "Upholding Filipino nationhood: The debate over Mindanao in the Philippine Legislature, 1907–1913." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 44, no. 2 (April 22, 2013): 266–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463413000076.
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Christian Filipino legislators in the bicameral US civil administration played a hitherto unacknowledged role in pushing for the colonisation of Mindanao, as part of the Philippines, by proposing a series of Assembly bills (between 1907 to 1913) aimed at establishing migrant farming colonies on Mindanao. This legislative process was fuelled by anger over the unequal power relations between the Filipino-dominated Assembly and the American-dominated Commission, as well as rivalry between resident Christian Filipino leaders versus the American military government, business interests and some Muslim datus in Mindanao itself for control over its land and resources. Focusing on the motives and intentions of the bills' drafters, this study concludes that despite it being a Spanish legacy, the Christian Filipino elite's territorial map — emphasising the integrity of a nation comprising Luzon, the Visayas and Mindanao — provided the basis for their claim of Philippine sovereignty over Mindanao.
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Pejić, Irena. "The constitutive session of the National Assembly: Between the normative and the real." Zbornik radova Pravnog fakulteta Nis 63, no. 101 (2024): 13–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrpfn0-49749.
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When examined within the normative framework, the constitutive (convening) session of of the National Assembly gives rise to numerous questions pertaining to the complete legitimization of the constitutive process of the highest representative body. According to the parliamentary Rules of Procedure, the first session of the National Assembly encompasses activities that are categorized into two groups. The first group of activities includes: the confirmation of mandates of parliamentary deputies (MPs), the election of the President and Vice Presidents of the National Assembly, and the appointment of the Secretary General of the National Assembly. The second group of activities typically unfolds during the inaugural session: the election of the working bodies of the National Assembly, and the appointment of members to permanent parliamentary delegations in international organizations. Consequently, the Rules of Procedure establish a distinction in the power of constitutive acts and actions, considering that the verification of mandates and the election of the National Assembly leadership are mandatory during the first session, while the selection of parlimentary working bodies and the formation of parliamentary groups may occur, "as a rule", without binding deadlines. The normative framework allows for a flexible interpretation of constitutional deadlines set for the constitutive session of the National Assembly (30 days) sand the election of the Government (90 days). Thus, conditions are created for a "political game" that may significantly jeopardize the constitutional mechanism of the organization of power, as evidenced in several parliamentary legislatures, including the current fourteenth legislature, where the President of the National Assembly was elected after the expiry of the 30-day deadline.
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Kwak, Jin-Young. "Crisis of Representative Democracy in Korea?: Some Symptoms and Solutions." Sungshin Women's University Center for East Asian Studies 28, no. 2 (August 31, 2022): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.56022/ceas.2022.28.2.1.
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This study is based on the assumption that the crisis of representative democracy in Korea is resulted from the incomplete function of institutions due to the accumulated problems coming out from the process of operation, not from the absence of democratic rules and institutions. The distrust of representative institutions, specially National Assembly, and the increasing degree of social conflict raise the risk of governability of the representative political system. The incomplete function of legislature and the delay of party development lead the administrative technocratdominant politics and strengthen the deformed presidency of power fusion instead of division of power, which again result in the paralysis of operating representative system. This malfunction of representative institutions also leads the increase of dependency on “the politics by other means,” such as judicialization of politics, abuse of political rhetorics, and quisi-partified media. As some immediate solutions, this study suggests the reform of candidate nomination system in parties, the recovery of presidential system by dividing power between administrative government and legislature, strengthening professional legislative assisting system, and the obligatory education of political science.
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Steilen, Matthew. "The Legislature at War: Bandits, Runaways and the Emergence of a Virginia Doctrine of Separation of Powers." Law and History Review 37, no. 2 (March 26, 2019): 493–538. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248018000597.
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The politics of war severely divided the Virginia Southside during the American Revolution. Laborers, ship pilots and other landless men and women bitterly resented the efforts of the patriot gentry to stop trade with Great Britain and to establish a military force. Planters feared that the presence of the British Navy would encourage slaves to flee or attack their masters. What role did law play in the patriot response to these conditions? This essay uses the case of Josiah Philips, who led a banditti residing in the Great Dismal Swamp, to show how law intersected with class and race in patriot thinking. The gentry's view of the landless as dependent and lacking in self-control and its view of black slaves as posing a constant threat of violence supported the application of special legal regimes suited to these dangers. In particular, Philips was “attainted” by the General Assembly, a summary legislative legal proceeding traditionally employed against offenders who threatened government itself. While the attainder was uncontroversial when it passed, the significance of the Assembly's intervention changed over time. By the late 1780s, some among the state's legal elite regarded the Assembly as having unnecessarily interfered in the ordinary course of justice, which they were then seeking to reform. This opened the way to recharacterize the Assembly's extraordinary legal jurisdiction as an arbitrary exercise of lawmaking power.
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Crowe, Richard M. "Always the bridesmaid, never the bride?: Legislating in English and Welsh." Sociolinguistica 33, no. 1 (December 1, 2019): 85–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soci-2019-0006.
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Abstract Welsh has official status in Wales, where it is spoken by approximately 20 % of the population. All adult speakers of Welsh are also able to speak English. The National Assembly for Wales and the Welsh Ministers legislate in both Welsh and English. The Government of Wales Act 2006 provides that the English and Welsh texts of any Act of the Assembly or any subordinate legislation enacted or made in both English and Welsh are to be treated, for all purposes, as being of equal standing. This paper examines the role legislating bilingually plays in confirming the official status of the Welsh language; how the bilingual texts are produced by a process of collaborative translation within an administration where English is the dominant working language; how they are scrutinised by a legislature where legislators are free to use either or both languages, but where, in practice, English dominates; and how they are promulgated in both languages in the form in which they are enacted or made, but only routinely updated in English. It further considers what the principle of ‘equal standing’ may mean and how effect may be given to it; how these bilingual texts may be interpreted by the public and the legal profession, domains in which English dominates; and what implications the production, scrutiny, promulgation and interpretation of bilingual legislation have for the accessibility of the law in Wales.
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Kearns, Kevin. "The Property Tax Exemption in Pennsylvania: The Saga Continues." Nonprofit Policy Forum 6, no. 1 (April 1, 2015): 111–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/npf-2015-0011.
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AbstractThis case study briefly traces the evolution and current status of Pennsylvania’s property tax exemption debate. Over the past 30 years court cases and legislative initiatives in Pennsylvania have resulted in dramatic swings of power back and forth between nonprofits and their host taxing jurisdictions, generating confusion and growing acrimony among key stakeholders. As of this writing, a proposed Constitutional Amendment is working its way through the Pennsylvania General Assembly. The amendment seeks to give the legislature, not the courts, exclusive jurisdiction to define what constitutes a purely public charity. The case study concludes with some thoughts on overarching principles that should be considered in the debate.
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Gilani, Syed Raza Shah, Zahid Ullah, and Shehla Zahoor. "Democracy, Economic Development, and the Separation of Powers in the 1973 Constitution Pakistan: A Critical Analysis." Summer 2023 4, no. 3 (September 30, 2023): 150–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.55737/qjssh.401499812.
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This article examines the links between democracy, economic development, and the separation of powers-with a focus on the 1973 Constitution of Pakistan. Under the 1973 Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, there is a separation between the judicial, legislative, and executive organs of the state, yet there is evidence that the separation exists more on paper and less in reality. The interference of one institution in another’s functions is not only constitutionally unwarranted but is also against the essence of democracy. The prime minister of Pakistan is allowed by the constitution to exercise all executive powers in the name of the president and to oversee legislation in the country. Due to political party discipline, legislative assembly members cannot delay any legislation proposed by their party leader. It shows there is a close link between the executive and the legislature that seemingly goes against the theory and practice of the strict separation of powers. The judicial history of Pakistan shows the paramountcy of the executive over the judiciary. Nevertheless, the judiciary, through judicial activism, including judicial review and suo moto measures of the Supreme Court, has also affected the distribution of powers between the executive, legislature, and judiciary in Pakistan.
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Malik, Rahat Zubair. "Parliament not-Parliaments: Legislature of Pakistan in the Hatching (1947-69)." Global Social Sciences Review II, no. I (June 30, 2017): 47–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2017(ii-i).03.
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The evolution of parliamentary system in an ideological state, with two major units; miles apart on the globe, having multiple social and regional identities, and claiming being a federation has been a unique experience. After getting independence from the British, Pakistan decided to opt for a parliamentary form of government. The process was based on single house i.e. legislative assembly which was entrusted with dual responsibilities of framing the constitution and making legislation to run the state system. Initially, its membership was based on indirect elections through the elected representative on provincial basis in the elections of 1946 conducted by the British government. This system of indirect elections for national legislature was kept in practice till 1970 general elections after twenty three years of independence of Pakistan. First and second decades experienced multiple changes of electoral process and that of the practices of the floor of the constituent assembly. Apparently it is claimed that there had been major changes in the parliament of Pakistan with reference to the system of elections, and membership but certain practices seem consistent till date. The present study is an effort to analyse the early phase of the parliament which provided the basis for the parliamentary system of Pakistan.
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Shukurani Mugengere, Alain de Georges. "L’Assemblée provinciale et l’ingouvernabilité de la Province du Sud-Kivu : de la désillusion au nouveau départ." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Studia Europaea 69, no. 1 (June 27, 2024): 69–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbeuropaea.2024.1.04.
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The 2018-2023 legislature started with an autosubliminal show in South Kivu, a province of Congo-Kinshasa. The spectacle led to an unfavourable environment to significant impact work production on the provincial governance. Members of provincial Assembly, mainly those who regularly fell into disputes, lost opportunity to emerge as political or institutional actors with a development-axed target. Thus, this paper aimed at analysing these behaviours and practices to find out their effects on the governance in province. This study is then a functioning conceptualization of the South-Kivu provincial Assembly in interaction with the provincial government management for the progress of the province. It is based on quality features. The south-kivucentrist pathology conceptualization is the main innovant point of this study. It has widely explained the real living situation in South-Kivu during the 2018-2023 legislature with its consequences on the socioeconomic sector of this part of the country. Our results have shown that no governance that promotes socioeconomical area can emerge from that pathological situation. The obtained results have given a new explanation to the power or governance phenomenon of South-Kivu. They include several dimensions in the point understanding by enlighting irrational digressions and deviant behaviour before some cure has been suggested. Keywords: Legislature, ungovernability, South-Kivu, south-kivucentrist pathology, stupidity.
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Baba, Yahaya T. "Power Sharing and the Implications for Democratic Governance in Nigeria: The Case of National Assembly (1999–2011)." Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 8, no. 4 (July 27, 2017): 111–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mjss-2017-0010.
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AbstractGiven the diverse nature of the Nigerian society and the tension associated with political contestations, particularly elective positions at various levels of government, some power sharing frameworks evolved in both formal and informal contexts. The ‘Federal Character Principle’ for instance, which is a constitutional provision that requires the sharing of major political and bureaucratic positions among the diverse people of Nigeria is meant to ensure fair representation, equitable distribution of political incentives and sense of belonging. This principle is also internalized by the major political parties in Nigeria in their candidates′ selection procedures and indeed by the legislature in determination of candidates for legislative leadership positions. Thus using the National Assembly of Nigeria from 1999-2011, the paper examined the extent to which formal and informal power sharing arrangements affects democratic governance in the country. The paper relied on secondary sources of data, which include official documents such as the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, constitutions of various political parties, newspaper and bulletins and some extant literature. Theoretically, Lijphart’s (1968; 1977; and 1990) consociational model of Proportional Representation (PR) provided the guide to understanding the power sharing arrangement in Nigeria’s democracy and particularly the informal arrangement within the National Assembly. This theoretical stance, though contradicts the broader theory of legislative institutionalization, is seen as an effective strategy for dousing tensions, curtailing upheavals and ensuring mutual trust among the diverse groups of Nigeria for democratic stability. The paper, however, argues that the informal power sharing arrangement in the Nigeria’s National Assembly undermines its autonomy, complexity and the principle of universal procedure of conducting legislative business. Essentially, the power sharing arrangement affects the stability of legislative leadership which is central to legislative autonomy and its institutionalization as well. The paper concluded that while the National Assembly in Nigeria is unlikely to institutionalize conventionally, the fragile nature of the informal arrangements of power sharing may also be a source of tension and conflict once it is obstructed.
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Gabusi, Daria. "The birth of compulsory middle school in the ethical-civil ideals and social policies of education of Aldo Moro and Luigi Gui." Rivista di Storia dell’Educazione 10, no. 1 (August 9, 2023): 9–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/rse-14142.
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Compulsory middle schooling came into being on Dec. 31, 1962, as one of the last significant acts of the third legislature and bore the signature of a Christian Democratic deputy, Luigi Gui, minister of Education in the fourth Fanfani government. The important measure was then led to implementation during the fourth legislature, when Gui was reappointed to the Education ministry by Aldo Moro, who led the three center-left governments that followed between 1963 and 1968. The article focuses on Aldo Moro’s and Luigi Gui’s contribution to the passage of the law, enhancing the educational and ethical-civil premises underlying their school policies, best defined as “social policies of education”. These perspectives of political action have their ideal roots especially in the period between the Resistance and Reconstruction, passing through the phase of the Constituent Assembly, when the biographies of both Christian Democrat politicians – who were almost the same age – crossed paths. Compulsory middle schooling came into being on Dec. 31, 1962, as one of the last significant acts of the third legislature and bore the signature of a Christian Democratic deputy, Luigi Gui, minister of Education in the fourth Fanfani government. The important measure was then led to implementation during the fourth legislature, when Gui was reappointed to the Education ministry by Aldo Moro, who led the three center-left governments that followed between 1963 and 1968. The article focuses on Aldo Moro's and Luigi Gui's contribution to the passage of the law, enhancing the educational and ethical-civil premises underlying their school policies, best defined as “social policies of education”. These perspectives of political action have their ideal roots especially in the period between the Resistance and Reconstruction, passing through the phase of the Constituent Assembly, when the biographies of both Christian Democrat politicians – who were almost the same age – crossed paths.
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Nyewusira, Vincent, and Kenneth Nweke. "Anti-Corruption Crusade in Nigeria: An Assessment of the Disposition of the National Assembly (1999-2013)." Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 8, no. 4-1 (July 1, 2017): 195–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/mjss-2018-0090.
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Abstract Corruption has inadvertently been elevated to a state or national policy with all the symptoms of a hemorrhaging system. While any aggressive and purposeful anti-corruption crusade will always generate popular support and acclaim in Nigeria, it is sure to provoke anger, frustration and resistance among the political class with vested interest in the status quo. Periodically, the National Assembly, whose members largely belong to the latter group, is one of the institutions vested with the constitutional responsibility of preventing and exposing corruption, inefficiency and waste in the management of public funds within its legislative competence. This is specifically stipulated in section 88 (2) (b) of the 1999 Constitution (as amended). The study adopts the institutional approach to interrogate the efforts, capacity and political will of the National Assembly to function as the watchdog of public funds via legislations, inquiries or investigations, oversights, appropriations and resolutions. Our treatise includes a general survey and analysis of the Acts passed by the National Assembly establishing anti-corruption agencies such as the Independent Corrupt Practices and other related offences Commission (ICPC) and the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC). We shall also do an exposition of some highprofile investigations conducted by the National Assembly over some federal government agencies pursuant to sections 88 and 89 of the constitution. Unfortunately, controversies and revelations arising from these exercises gravitated, in some cases, to narratives of sleaze in the National Assembly. It is also argued that the opaque and jumbo salaries and allowances associated with members of the National legislature significantly detract from any anti-corruption posturing of that institution. We conclude that mere sloganeering and platitudes on the powers of the National Assembly in combating corruption will yield little or no results until operators of the legislative arm of government at the national level understand and perform their critical role as the ‘soul and conscience of good governance’.
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De Sousa, Luís, and Marcelo Moriconi. "The discursive use of the concept of ‘corruption’ in parliamentary debates during the PortugueseEstado Novo(1935–74)." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 45, no. 2 (June 17, 2015): 159–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2015.8.
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Corruption is deviant behaviour from legal and social norms, observable in both dictatorships and democracies, and salient in different periods of the history of mankind. Studying corruption in dictatorships is particularly challenging due to the fact that freedom of expression is censored and there is little (if any) reliable information about the enforcement of legal provisions. This article provides a contribution to the growing literature on the role of legislatures in dictatorships by focusing on parliamentary debates on corruption as a discourse control mechanism. The case of the Portuguese legislature during theEstado Novois paradigmatic in that regard. The National Assembly, as it will be demonstrated in this article, was able to shift the debate on corruption from the legal to the moral dimension and, thus, deprive citizens, and in particular the opposition, of objective standards to hold regime elites accountable for their misconduct.
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Ngara, Christopher Ochanja, and Albert T. Sam-Tsokwa. "Executive-Legislative Relations in Nigeria’s Management of the Border Crisis between Nigeria and Cameroon: The Case of the ICJ Ruling on the Bakassi Peninsula." Journal of Politics and Law 11, no. 2 (May 31, 2018): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v11n2p61.
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This paper examines Executive-Legislative relations in Nigeria’s management of the border crisis between Nigeria and Cameroon with special focus on the ICJ ruling on the Bakassi Peninsula. Using both primary and secondary data, the paper traced the root cause of the border dispute between Nigeria and Cameroon on the Bakassi Pennisula to colonial legacy of arbitrary boundary demarcation by erstwhile colonial powers, namely; Britain, Germany and France. The border crisis resulted in a protracted litigation and eventually culminated in the ICJ ruling which awarded the Bakassi Peninsula to Cameroon in 2002. The executive and the National Assembly which share constitutional responsibilities in external relations could not forge a common policy agenda on the matter. In many instance, both arms of government appeared confused and bereft of ideas to handle situation. The lack of consistent and coherent policy framework on the matter stemmed from inexperience and lack of political will on the part of the National Assembly as well as frequent conflict and mistrust between the two arms of government. Consequently, the Executive arm of government handed over the disputed territory to Cameroon without the approval of the National Assembly. The paper concludes that the Executive and the Legislature in Nigeria should see their roles in government as complimentary and always put national interest above other considerations.
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Farrar, William D. "2019–2020 Colorado Oil and Gas Law Update." Texas A&M Journal of Property Law 8, no. 3 (April 2022): 359–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.37419/jpl.v8.i3.8.
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Colorado courts and the state’s legislature were quite active in 2019 and 2020 on the oil and gas administrative law front. Namely, the Colorado General Assembly enacted changes to the Colorado Oil & Gas Conservation Act in response to the Colorado Supreme Court’s decision in Colorado Oil & Gas Conservation Commission v. Martinez. While the Martinez case was not principally a substantive oil and gas case, the resulting fallout from the Colorado Supreme Court’s decision made sweeping changes to the state’s statutory laws. The decision will also result in major administrative law changes affecting the Colorado oil & gas industry. This Article will review the Martinez trilogy of cases and summarize the statutory changes resulting from the General Assembly’s action.
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Farrar, William D. "2019–2020 Colorado Oil and Gas Law Update." Texas A&M Journal of Property Law 8, no. 3 (April 2022): 359–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.37419/jpl.v8.i3.8.
Full textAbstract:
Colorado courts and the state’s legislature were quite active in 2019 and 2020 on the oil and gas administrative law front. Namely, the Colorado General Assembly enacted changes to the Colorado Oil & Gas Conservation Act in response to the Colorado Supreme Court’s decision in Colorado Oil & Gas Conservation Commission v. Martinez. While the Martinez case was not principally a substantive oil and gas case, the resulting fallout from the Colorado Supreme Court’s decision made sweeping changes to the state’s statutory laws. The decision will also result in major administrative law changes affecting the Colorado oil & gas industry. This Article will review the Martinez trilogy of cases and summarize the statutory changes resulting from the General Assembly’s action.
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Silva Teixeira, Erica, and Alexandre Douglas Zaidan de Carvalho. "MULHERES NA ASSEMBLEIA LEGISLATIVA DA BAHIA NO PÓS-1988." Revista Eletrônica Direito e Política 16, no. 1 (May 4, 2021): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.14210/rdp.v16n1.p1-29.
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RESUMOO presente trabalho se propõe a analisar, sob a perspectiva da garantia constitucional da igualdade de gênero, a participação das mulheres na Assembleia Legislativa do Estado da Bahia - ALBA. Através de uma abordagem empírica fundada no levantamento quantitativo dos mandatos parlamentares exercidos por mulheres em cada legislatura da ALBA após 1988, pretende-se demonstrar como a participação feminina naquela instituição representativa ainda é incipiente e enfrenta uma série de obstáculos. Tal constatação confirma algumas das hipóteses da literatura feminista sobre gênero e política e também da teoria democrática contemporânea sobre a baixa representatividade feminina nos órgãos legislativos. Ao final, apresentam-se indicativos a serem avaliados como alternativas inclusivas enquanto as estruturas partidárias não conseguem promover maior equilíbrio de gênero na representação política. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Igualdade de gênero; Democracia; Representatividade Política Feminina. ABSTRACTThis paper analyses the female political representation in the Legislative Assembly in the State of Bahia - ALBA, under a perspective of the constitutional guarantee of gender equality. Through an empirical approach stablished in a quantitative research on parliamentary mandates from women in each legislature since 1988 it is intended to show how female participation in that institution is still incipient and faces several obstacles. The evidence confirms some of the hypotheses of feminist literature on gender and politics and also from contemporary democratic theory on low female representation in legislative bodies. In the end, there are suggestions to be evaluated as inclusive alternatives as long as party structures cannot promote greater gender balance in political representation. KEY WORDS: Gender equality; Democracy; Female Political Representation.
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Cobb, William H. "The State Legislature and the "Reds": Arkansas's General Assembly v. Commonwealth College, 1935-1937." Arkansas Historical Quarterly 45, no. 1 (1986): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40025528.
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MÉGRET, FRÉDÉRIC, and RAPHAËL GIRARD. "Diasporas, Extraterritorial Representation, and the Right to Vote." Canadian Yearbook of international Law/Annuaire canadien de droit international 52 (October 2015): 185–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cyl.2015.18.
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AbstractThis article argues that Canada’s policy of refusing extraterritorial electoral constituencies within its borders does not protect its territorial sovereignty or add any protection against foreign interference in its domestic affairs. Rather, its main effect is to alienate thousands of dual or foreign nationals residing in Canada by preventing them from being directly represented in their home state’s national assembly or legislature and, in some cases, from exercising their only voting rights.
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YI, ZOONIl. "The Constitutional Limits of the Presidential Veto Power." Korean Association of International Association of Constitutional Law 29, no. 3 (December 31, 2023): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.24324/kiacl.2023.29.3.001.
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The presidential veto power to demand reconsideration of a law passed by the National Assembly may be subject to constitutional limits. If such limits exist, debates may arise over their existence, the grounds on which they are based, and the specific nature of these limits. Considering the constitutional position of the president and the form of government, the presidential veto power is constrained by constitutional limits.
Under the current constitution, the president is a part of the executive branch domestically, adopting a mixed form of government that is primarily presidential but incorporates elements of a parliamentary system. The democratic legitimacy granted to the president as an executive is theoretically equivalent to the democratic legitimacy granted to the legislature, which holds the fundamental legislative power. Even if the president is recognized to have the veto power as a participatory right in the legislative process, such authority cannot infringe upon or exclude the National Assembly’s legislative decision-making power.
From the perspective of the principle of separation of powers, if the president were granted an unlimited veto power, it could potentially infringe on the judicial power of the Constitutional Court by conferring an abstract normative control authority. The exercise of the president’s veto power should be limited to bills that are clearly unconstitutional, incur substantial costs endangering the soundness of national finances, or are related to the president or his/her family. Beyond constitutional limits, if the presidential veto power is exercised, constitutional sanctions may be necessary through adjudication of power dispute or impeachment trials.
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Funk, Kendall D., Laura Morales, and Michelle M. Taylor-Robinson. "The Impact of Committee Composition and Agendas on Women's Participation: Evidence from a Legislature with Near Numerical Equality." Politics & Gender 13, no. 02 (August 18, 2016): 253–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x16000465.
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Previous studies of women's participation in legislative debates could not disentangle the possible effect of institutionalized gender discrimination from the effect of gendered patterns because of women lacking seniority and leadership posts. Costa Rica's Legislative Assembly offers an opportunity to control for seniority and leadership. The prohibition on immediate reelection means that no legislators have seniority. The country's successful gender quota, presence of an equal number of men and women committee presidents, and election of the first woman president in 2010 all point to women having relatively equal access to formal positions of power. In this context, unequal debate participation between men and women legislators would indicate that it is very difficult to change the gendered nature of an institution. We use multilevel modeling to analyze repeated observations of individual-level participation in three of six standing committees during the 2010–14 term (Agriculture, Economics, and Social Issues) to explore differences in patterns of participation under various conditions (sex ratios, discussion topics, sex of committee leaders). Findings indicate that women are active participants in committees with both stereotypically feminine and masculine policy jurisdictions, but also that women are more active when the gender composition of the committee is less skewed.