Academic literature on the topic 'Legislative power – European Union countries'
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Journal articles on the topic "Legislative power – European Union countries"
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Kaveshnikov, N. Y. "DEVELOPMENT OF THE EXTERNAL ENERGY POLICY OF THE EUROPEAN UNION." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(31) (August 28, 2013): 82–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2013-4-31-82-91.
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The article analyses development of external energy policy of the European Union (EU). In spite of the Lisbon treaty didn’t substantially expend EU powers in external energy policy, European Commission (EC) became more active in recent years. Decision on exchange of information about bilateral energy agreements between Member States (MSs) and third countries may deprive producers of opportunity to differentiate terms of infrastructure projects and energy supply in different MSs. European Commission participation in MSs negotiations with third countries as a guardian of energy market provisions will inevitably increase negotiation power of MSs. Nevertheless, only smooth and modest extension of powers of the EC would be possible because of opposition of numerous countries which makes a search of consensus very difficult. Among priority activities of the EU external energy policy one could identify ‘export’ of energy market provisions in neighbor countries; diversification of suppliers and prioritization of politically selected supply routes; dramatic increase of regulatory activity at EU level. All these activities are partially successful, but they all have some shortages. Several EU legislative and regulatory measures risk to run counter to existing obligations of MSs.
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Raimondi, Andrea, Daniel Buda, Sorin Cristian Niţă, and Maria Pistalu. "Tax governance: how the EU supports third countries." Proceedings of the International Conference on Business Excellence 15, no. 1 (December 1, 2021): 982–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/picbe-2021-0092.
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Abstract This paper aims to provide an analysis of the legislative framework that regulates the inclusion of clauses on good governance in tax matters, in the agreements concluded between the European Union, with its Member States, and third countries. We provide a representation of the regulatory pathway from a set of standards on tax good governance according to the principles of transparency, exchange of information and fair tax competition towards a common EU external strategy for effective taxation. Agreements that the European Union has either in place or negotiating with countries and regions around the world are an excellent tool in fighting unfair trade practices and promoting international standards on good governance in the tax area, and set the basis for a fair competition in the economy of developing countries: a strong tax administration and institutions responsible for fighting illicit financial flows in developing countries can contribute to erase poverty and inequalities while promoting good governance and state-building.
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Hartmann, Bálint. "Decreasing Reserve Requirements of Wind Power Plants by a Redesigned Obligatory Electricity Purchase and Tariff System." Periodica Polytechnica Electrical Engineering and Computer Science 61, no. 1 (February 10, 2017): 62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3311/ppee.10073.
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Since the widespread utilisation of wind power has begun in the early 2000’s, European countries are continuously working on the legislative environment of this renewable energy source. This has led to a wide variety of different support schemes and tariff systems. Experts agree that the Hungarian legislation system did not reach its goal. On one hand, scheduling accuracy of wind turbines is still far below international standards, and introduction of the penalty tariff was not an effective solution to reverse the process. The aim of the author is to solve this twofold problem with the redesign of the current obligatory electricity purchase and scheduling system, while taking into consideration new regulations of the European Union. The proposed system is also expected to allow the transmission system operator to decrease the amount of control reserves.
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Bjelic, Predrag. "Model spoljnotrgovinske politike Evropske unije." Ekonomski anali 44, no. 156 (2003): 131–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/eka0356131b.
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When the European Economic Community, the forerunner of the European Union was formed in 1958, it was agreed that the new integration would be a tariff union with common tariffs toward third countries, but also that it would have a common foreign trade policy. As the Union's executive body, the European Commission is responsible for proposing and implementing foreign trade policies. However, the main subject in creating foreign trade policies still remains the Council of Ministers as the EU's main decision-making and legislative body. The Commission negotiates trade agreements with outside countries on behalf of the Union. However, on foreign trade issues the Commission must report to a committee (the "133 Committee"), which assists the Commission in the course of the negotiations and before becoming valid all agreements must be ratified by the Council of Ministers. The Commission ensures that the European Parliament is kept quickly and fully informed at all stages of the negotiation and conclusion of international agreements, in such a way as to enable the Commission to take account of the European Parliament's view, but its role is purely consultative. The EU is trying to establish closer partnership relations with the USA through establishing transatlantic marketplace. However, as the EU is becoming a respectable economic power, an increasing number of trade disputes arise between the EU and the USA. The EU is trying to establish a closer relationship with the European countries since they are candidate countries for EU membership. However, some of them are closer to the membership than others. Therefore the agreements that the EU conclude with certain groups of countries differ among themselves. The EU has special relations with the countries in Africa the Caribbean and the Pacific, former European colonies, that have been granted a preferential treatment allowing preferential trade with the EU. Close relations have been established with countries and regional groups in Latin America as well. The EU has become a significant factor in international economic organizations. However, in order to become an economic power as respectable as the USA and Japan and to give strategic support to its companies in global competition, the EU must integrate politically as well.
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A. Tursynkulova, Dinara, Ainur A. Urisbayeva, Aigul M. Karatayeva, Gulnura A. Khudaiberdina, and Yerik B. Akhmetov. "Modern features of law institutions of the European Union." RIVISTA DI STUDI SULLA SOSTENIBILITA', no. 1 (August 2020): 441–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/riss2020-001026.
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The role of the European Union is to understand its legal nature through the struc-tural composition and distribution of powers between the EU institutions, as well as to study the forms and methods of their activities. It is important not only from the standpoint of the participating States, but also in the interests of countries that are not part of the European Union and build their relations with it on the basis of bilateral agreements. The aim of the article is to analyze the modern features of law institutions of the European Union. Legal analysis of such institutions of the European Union as the European Parliament, the European Commission and the EU Court is becoming important condition for the development of international cooperation. This article is devoted to the legal analysis of such institutions of the European Union as the European Parliament, the European Commission and EU Court that participate in the implementation of its tasks and functions, act on its behalf, have the appropriate competence and structure, are endowed with found-ing treaties and legislation of the Union of certain amount of power and apply their inherent forms and methods of activity.
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Hansen, Michael A. "Explaining deviations from the Stability and Growth Pact: power, ideology, economic need or diffusion?" Journal of Public Policy 35, no. 3 (April 20, 2015): 477–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x15000094.
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AbstractWhy do some countries deviate from European Union law? More specifically, why do countries violate the Stability and Growth Pact, which is a cornerstone piece of legislation for the shared economy? Is it that violators simply have no other choice due to economic need? Are the violators intentional deviators that are simply able to violate the Stability and Growth Pact because of their power in the European Union? This article answers these questions and identifies those factors that are most likely to impact a country’s deviation from the two main clauses of the Stability and Growth Pact. The major finding is that it is economic need, not a country’s relative power, governing ideology or diffusion, that has a large impact on which clause will be violated.
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Paudel, Shambhu, Prabhat Pal, and Harish Singh Dhami. "Restructuring Integrated Watershed Management Models for the Federal Democratic Regime of Nepal." Journal of Forest and Natural Resource Management 1, no. 1 (February 10, 2019): 69–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/jfnrm.v1i1.22654.
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Recent political envision has redesigned the administrative units of Nepal into federal states with the aim of decentralizing the power to ensure the process of rapid sustainable development. As a consequence, all the public service agencies need to restructure their delivery units for achieving goals targeted by the newly adopted administrative regime plan. With the aim of recommending the best watershed management models for this changing context, this paper aims to review existing watershed management models applied in different continents like European union, African union and the United States where they have already adopted this watershed management plans into their federal states or countries union successfully. Although they are geographically distinct and economically advanced, the major approach adopted is a river basin approach with the clear legislative framework. This approach is highly succeeded between interstate (or between member countries) because of political or interstate commitments for the common pool resource water. Clear policies and commitments between member countries or interstate greatly improved the function of this mechanism. With the light of those experiences in the field of watershed management plan adopted in federal or union countries, river based integrated management plan balancing efforts between interstates seems best models in the world, and is also proposed for the new federal republic of Nepal.
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Ejova, Cristina, and Anastasia Esanu. "PUBLIC DIPLOMACY OF THE EUROPEAN UNION AND ITS REFLECTION IN THE REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA." Moldoscopie, no. 1(92) (June 2021): 43–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.52388/1812-2566.2021.1(92).04.
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This article explores the public diplomacy of the European Union at the current stage and its reflection in the Republic of Moldova. The methods and techniques of public diplomacy have been used in the foreign policy of states over the centuries, however, only in the second half of the twentieth century they began to turn into a conscious state policy, with a solid theoretical and legislative framework. Public diplomacy is the most efficient and frequently used method of implementing the “soft power” of the state, which includes cultural, educational, sports, journalism, scientific, etc. projects, focused on interaction with the elite and society in other countries and which aims to create an attractive image of their country. The EU started to develop intensively public diplomacy and strategic communication actions in the Republic of Moldova in order to inform effectively the citizens of Moldova about its assistance and support in the process of the European integration of the country. Therefore, this article analyses the specific tools and strategies of public diplomacy applied by the European Union in the Republic of Moldova.
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Pisarev, Ivan Ivanovich. "“Europeanization” of Think Tanks in the EU Interest Group Politics." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, no. 1 (December 15, 2021): 49–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-1-49-63.
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The article reveals the characteristics of think tanks as actors of the interest group politics in the European Union (EU). In this policy, they inspire public debate, conduct research, encourage new legislation and more effective public administration. A large number of European think tanks is engaged in interest group politics both at the national and supranational level of the EU governance, encouraging integration processes among the EU countries and Europeanization, which is the subject of analysis of this study. The strengthening of the role and importance of interest groups in EU policy is largely due to the increased power of the Unions institutions, since the introduction of new legislation and regulation common to all EU countries leads to the feedback from various groups that represent both public and private interests. Obviously, these groups, when interacting with the power institutions of the EU, strive for the most effective protection of their interests. For this purpose their representatives hold meetings with officials of the European Commission and the European Parliament, as well as other structures of the Union. This interaction, aiming at promoting their interests by means of lobbying and advocacy, has been regulated since 2011 by the Transparency Register, jointly created by the European Commission and the European Parliament. The purpose of this study is to analyze the quantitative performance of think tanks in the EU and to develop on its basis the Ranking of EU countries, according to the level of Europeanization of the think tanks representing them. From the research methods perspective, the study is based on the matching of statistical data from the Transparency Register and the Global Go To Think Tank Index, which serves the basis for this Ranking. The study of the ranking makes it possible to identify groups of countries with a high, medium and low level of Europeanization of think tanks in all EU countries as of January 31, 2019. The results revealed on the basis of the analysis demonstrate the heterogeneous nature of the Europeanization process of think tanks in different EU countries.
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Parra Gómez, David. "Crisis of the Rule of Law in Europe: The Cases of Hungary, Poland and Spain." ATHENS JOURNAL OF LAW 7, no. 3 (July 1, 2021): 379–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.30958/ajl.7-3-6.
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Democracy is an instrument at the service of a noble purpose: to ensure the freedom and equality of all citizens by guaranteeing the civil, political and social rights contained in constitutional texts. Among the great principles on which this instrument rests is the division of powers, which consists, substantially, in the fact that power is not concentrated, but that the various functions of the State are exercised by different bodies, which, moreover, control each other. Well, the increasingly aggressive interference of the Executive and, to a lesser extent, the Legislative in material spheres that should be reserved exclusively for the Judiciary, violates this principle and, for this reason, distorts the idea of democracy, an alarming trend that, for some time now, are observed in European Union countries such as Hungary, Poland and Spain. Preventing the alarming degradation of European democracy, of which these three countries are an example, requires not only more than necessary institutional reforms to ensure respect for these principles and prevent the arbitrariness of the public authorities, but also a media network and an education system that explains and promotes these values and principles, that is, one that makes citizens aware of and defend constitutionalism. Keywords: Rule of law; Democracy; Separation of powers; judicial independence; Europe.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Legislative power – European Union countries"
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DAVITER, Falk. "The power of initiative : framing legislative policy conflicts in the European Union." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/7044.
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Defence date: 13 July 2007Examining Board: Prof. Adrienne Héritier, (European University Institute/SPS/RSCAS) ; Prof. Stefano Bartolini, (European University Institute/RSCAS) ; Prof. Ellen M. Immergut, (Humboldt University Berlin) ; Prof. Claudio Radaelli, (University of Exeter)
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This thesis asks how the framing of policy issues in EU legislative politics influences the way issues are processed, how it affects which interests play a role during policy drafting and deliberation, and what type of political conflicts and coalitions emerge as a result. Focusing in particular on the European Commission’s role in EU policy-making, this thesis goes on to investigate how actors in EU politics define and redefine the issues at stake according to their shifting policy agendas and in doing so attempt to shore up support and marginalise political opposition. Drawing on the empirical investigation of two decades of EU biotechnology policy-making, the thesis finds that the framing of policy issues systematically affects how the complex and fragmented EU political decision-making process involves or excludes different sets of actors and interests from the diverse political constituencies of the Union. It argues that the Commission’s role in structuring the EU policy space can at times be substantial. Yet the longitudinal perspective adopted in this study also reveals how the structuring and restructuring of the biotechnology policy space led to the increasing politicisation of the EU decision-making process. Eventually, the empirical investigation concludes, the Commission was unable to control the political dynamics set off by the reframing of the policy choices, and the resulting revision of the EU biotechnology policy framework ran counter to the Commission’s original policy objectives. This study thus provides fresh insights into the dynamics of policy-level politicisation and its effects on political conflict and competition in the EU. The framing perspective allows students of EU politics to trace how political agents and institutions interact to shape and at times exploit the complexities of EU policy-making in pursuit of their often conflicting agendas. Finally, the findings suggest that the key to conceptualising the scope of Commission agency in terms of systematic policy dynamics lies in exploring the interlocking effects of policy framing and EU politicisation in the political construction of interests at the supranational level.
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Zhu, Feng. "EU energy policy after the Treaty of Lisbon : breakthroughs, interfaces and opportunity." Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2580185.
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PAOLINI, Giulia. "The legitimacy deficit of the European Union and the role of national parliaments." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10445.
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Defence date: 17 September 2007Examining Board: Prof. Morten Kelstrup, (University of Copenhagen) ; Prof. Peter Mair, (European University Institute) ; Prof. Gianfranco Pasquino, (University of Bologna) ; Prof. Philippe C. Schmitter, (EUI Professional Fellow)
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Gu, Hong Fei. "Analysis of creating a new type of great power relations between China and the European Union." Thesis, University of Macau, 2015. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3335207.
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Petronzio, Edward. "Talking trade over wine assessing the role of trade associations, bureacratic agencies and legislative bodies in the United States-European Union and Canada-European Union wine trade disputes /." Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1192736566.
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Macdonald, Anna Maria. "Green Normative Power? Relations between New Zealand and the European Union on Environment." Thesis, University of Canterbury. National Centre for Research on Europe, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/3161.
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The relationship between the European Union (EU) and New Zealand has expanded considerably since the protracted trade negotiations of the 1970s and now includes dialogue and cooperation on a range of policy issues. In recent years, environment has become an increasingly high priority matter and is increasingly referenced as playing an important part in EU-New Zealand relations. At the same time, the EU has been praised for its leadership role in climate change negotiations, and some scholars have described it as a “green” normative power with the ability to influence other actors internationally on environmental policy. Taking the EU-New Zealand relationship on environment as its case study, this thesis attempts to address a gap in the academic literature concerning relations between New Zealand and the EU on environmental issues. It compares and contrasts the concept of EU normative power with that of policy transfer, arguing that both address the spread of ideas, but finding that what might appear to be normative power and the diffusion of norms, can in fact be best explained as policy transfer and the diffusion of policy or knowledge.
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Yan, Ya Xue. "Interests & interdependency in Sino-EU renewable energy cooperation." Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2595814.
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Schilcher, Daniela, and n/a. "Supranational governance of tourism : aid, trade and power relations between the European Union and the South Pacific island states." University of Otago. Department of Tourism, 2007. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20080508.150955.
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This thesis examined the role of supranational organisations (SOs) in the governance of tourism in a North-South context. Focusing on the issue area of development cooperation, this thesis investigated the question of how and why SOs got involved in tourism in developing countries, and more specifically, in small island developing states. Such involvement may occur either directly through aid funded projects or indirectly through international trade regimes that impact on tourism in the aid recipient countries. The thesis adopted a case study approach focussing on the European Union�s (EU�s) involvement in the governance of tourism in South Pacific island states. Grounded in a history of colonialism, the EU has been involved in the �development� of the South Pacific for more than three decades, which allowed to track changes in development philosophy over time. Focusing on the concept of power, the case was assessed in a multi-scalar manner, analysing the EU�s involvement from the global down to the local level. Never before has an entire multilevel polity been assessed in one coherent case study, incorporating actors situated at all levels and ranging from supranational organisations to national governments, businesses, communities, and individuals.
The methods employed in this thesis included interviews, participant observation, document analysis (policy documents and newspapers), and subsequently critical discourse analysis. The latter served to highlight the so-called �third face of power� (Lukes 1974), which is closely related to the concept of ideological hegemony. Interviews were conducted in Fiji and Samoa with officials of the South Pacific Delegations of the EU, officials of tourism authorities, NGOs, tourism operators and community members. Elite interviews in Brussels were conducted with officials of the European Commission and the European Parliament.
Under all scales and �faces� of power the EU was found to be the dominant actor, while the issue of self-interest appeared to play a key role. At a macro-level, the EU clearly dominated in most overt decision-making situations during negotiations on aid and trade agreements. As concerned the inclusion of tourism in the agreements, the relative importance of the sector was clearly dependent on the European Commission�s prevailing attitude on �tourism and development� at any point in time. At a meso- and micro-level, the EU�s influence was less obvious yet nonetheless existent, for example through funding rules and the use of European consultants. Indirect influence also occurred at the national level. In particular the substitution of a preferential trade regime with a free trade agreement (the Economic Partnership Agreements), which is currently being negotiated between the EU and the Pacific Islands, is likely to have a significant impact on the economic importance of tourism, as well as public policy in the South Pacific. In a mini case study of Samoa, it was found that the resulting changes in tourism policy would have a significant impact �on the ground�, in particular with regard to rates of local ownership and control.
Overall, power relations were found to be highly unequal and self-determination and empowerment have largely not been achieved. However, more research is needed to examine the ability to generalise the findings to other geographic regions or other types of SOs. The key contribution of this thesis in the theoretical realm constitutes its bridging of agency and structure within multi-level governance, which may be conceived as a �third way� to either dependency theory-influenced studies (global/structure) or community approaches (local/agency).
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Baranava, Tatiana. "EUROPEAN UNION - BELARUS: A FRIENDLIER, WARMER RELATIONSHIP ? THE CASE OF THE EASTERN PARTNERSHIP." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23956.
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After 12 years of isolation, the relations between Brussels and Minsk have been thawing starting in the last year. One of the components of the policy of re-engagement is the new initiative adopted by the EU called Eastern Partnership (EaP). This thesis sought to answer following question: what were the main reasons for the change in the EU policy towards Belarus after 2008? In order to answer the research question I formulated two hypotheses. The first hypothesis argues that while the EU has acted according to the normative power expectations up until 2008, after that date a more pragmatic approach in the foreign policy has been at work. The second hypothesis explains this change by the increasing influence of Eastern European countries in realm of decision-making processes within the EU, which resulted in a reformed EU foreign policy towards Belarus.These hypotheses are tested in a qualitative case study of the launching of the Eastern Partnership initiative, seen as the most important instrument that defines the new policy of EU. I will focus on the process of decision–making in regards to the adoption of the new initiative towards the Eastern European countries, using the rational actor model and the theory of formal leadership. The results of the paper point out that the main reason for changing the EU foreign policy towards Belarus were connected to pragmatic interests in the economic and energy areas, which weakened the EU normative claims. However, EU values are still counted as political conditionality has recently re-entered the agenda. Thus, the current foreign policy is two-fold: based on rational model of acting and normative power. Moreover, the EaP is the result of the strengthened position of Eastern European countries in terms of the power hierarchy among EU members, with Poland, and the Baltic States playing an increasingly larger role.
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Eickhoff, Jens-Peter. "Das Funktionsrecht des Europäischen Parlaments /." Frankfurt am Main ; Berlin ; Bern ; Wien [u.a.] : Lang, 2008. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=016752744&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.
Full textBooks on the topic "Legislative power – European Union countries"
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Jeff, Kenner, and European Union, eds. European Union legislation statutes 2009-2010. New York, NY: Routledge, 2009.
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Jeff, Kenner, and European Union, eds. European Union legislation statutes 2009-2010. New York, NY: Routledge, 2009.
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Comitology: Delegation of powers in the European Union and the committee system. Oxford [England]: Oxford University Press, 2005.
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Democratic decision-making in the EU: Technocracy in disguise? New York: Routledge, 2012.
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Die Entscheidung der Europäischen Gemeinschaft. Frankfurt am Main: P. Lang, 1998.
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The Judiciary, the legislature and the EU internal market. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012.
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Hix, Simon. Democratic politics in the European Parliament. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007.
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D, Cameron Peter, ed. Legal aspects of EU energy regulation: Implementing the new directives on electricity and gas across Europe. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005.
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Georgios, Tsitsopoulos, and European Parliament. Directorate General for Research., eds. The powers of the European Parliament in the European Union. Luxembourg: European Parliament, Directorate General for Research, 1993.
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J, Richardson J., ed. European Union: Power and policy-making. 2nd ed. London: Routledge, 2001.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Legislative power – European Union countries"
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Kurzer, Paulette. "4. Placed in Europe: The Low Countries and Germany in the European Union." In Tamed Power, edited by Peter J. Katzenstein, 108–41. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/9781501731488-006.
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Ripoll Servent, Ariadna. "When Words Do Not Follow Deeds: An Analysis of Party Competition Between Centre-Right and Eurosceptic Radical-Right Parties in the European Parliament." In Palgrave Studies in European Union Politics, 123–46. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-94012-6_6.
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AbstractThe rise in Eurosceptic and populist parties has put pressure on mainstream centre-right parties and often leads to difficult choices between staying in the centre and moving farther to the right. Given the second-order nature of European Parliament (EP) elections, these shifts have direct consequences for the balance of power on the right of the political spectrum. Increased levels of polarisation in the past legislative periods have put the European People’s Party (EPP) under pressure and led to more ideological diversity. With a content analysis of legislative amendments from two files—the Eurodac Regulation (2016/0132/COD) and the Qualifications Regulation (2016/0223/COD)—the chapter examines whether and under which conditions the positions of the EPP can be clearly delimited from those of far-right Eurosceptic and populist parties. These two files compare dynamics of cooperation and competition in the area of migration, a classical bone of contention between radical- and centre-right parties.
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Scaffardi, Lucia. "A Peculiar Category of Novel Foods: Traditional Foods Coming from Third Countries and the Regulatory Issues Involving Sustainability, Food Security, Food Safety, and the Free Circulation of Goods." In Novel Foods and Edible Insects in the European Union, 37–58. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-13494-4_3.
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AbstractSince 1997, traditional foods coming from Third Countries and not regularly consumed in the European territory before 1997 are included in the definition of Novel Foods provided by the EC Legislator. This peculiar category of ‘new’ foods has raised significant issues, also at the international level, due to the important and strict link between the marketing of such foods and the promotion of sustainable development. The chapter aims at deeply analysing the legislative debate, as well as the regulatory solutions finally approved by the EU legislator, by highlighting the persistent challenges, paying particular attention to the difficult balance-point determined—or still to be determined—among the free circulation of goods, food safety, food security and sustainability.
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Sonnevend, Pál. "The Responsibility of Courts in Maintaining the Rule of Law: Two Tales of Consequential Judicial Self-Restraint." In Defending Checks and Balances in EU Member States, 155–81. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-662-62317-6_7.
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AbstractModern constitutionalism is based on the paradigm that courts are inherently entitled and obliged to enforce the constitution of the respective polity. This responsibility of courts also applies in the context of the European Union to both the CJEU and national constitutional courts. The present chapter argues that in the face of constitutional crises the CJEU and the Hungarian Constitutional Court shy away from applying the law as it is to the full. The reasons behind this unwarranted judicial self-restraint are most different: the CJEU aims to avoid conflicts with national constitutional courts whereas the Hungarian Constitutional Court has been facing a legislative power also acting as constitution making power willing to amend the constitution to achieve specific legislative purposes or to undo previous constitutional court decisions. Yet both courts respond to expediencies that do not follow from the law they are called upon to apply. It is argued that rule of law backsliding requires these courts to abandon the unnecessary self-restraint and exploit the means already available.
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Fontana, Olimpia. "Tra solidarietà europea e responsabilità nazionali: la tutela dei beni pubblici europei." In Studi e saggi, 143–62. Florence: Firenze University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-5518-591-2.09.
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The theme of solidarity between European Union (EU) member states lies at the heart of the European integration process itself, in the context of an ongoing tension between the renunciation of national sovereignty, driven by a drive for cooperation, and the maintenance of prerogatives of strategic interest to states. In fact, the EU was born from the decision of its members to pool selected aspects of their sovereignty, in a process whose evolution is expressed both in the choice of community policies and in the availability and methods of financing those policies. These are two sides of the same coin, that of the Community budget, which is the operational instrument that supports and accompanies the major steps in the EU's evolutionary process. Indeed, since the 1980s, the Community budget has represented the instrument capable of holding together on the one hand the process of economic liberalisation and on the other the objective of social integration between countries that had different starting conditions. However, cooperation and solidarity are aspects that need to be strengthened today, albeit in new dimensions. The financial crisis has brought about a new acceleration in the coordination of national fiscal policies, without, however, generating the missing piece to European economic policy, namely an autonomous fiscal capacity, endowed with taxation power, on which a full fiscal union would be based.
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Mahmutaj, Noela. "Russian Government Policy in the Western Balkans." In Securitization and Democracy in Eurasia, 125–35. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16659-4_8.
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AbstractThis article aims to explain the nature of Russian foreign policy towards the Western Balkan states, taking into account the role of other actors such as the European Union, an increasingly important player in this radically changed geopolitical context. Since the fall of the communist regime, the Western Balkans have faced major challenges and have been at the forefront of debates on critical issues such as transatlantic relations (with regard to NATO and EU enlargement, as well as EU defence policy and security). In recent times, the Balkan region has come under the influence of the Great Powers. Therefore, as a Great Power, Russia is building a foothold in the Balkans, a move criticized and not welcomed by other countries or actors. Furthermore, Moscow is unique in terms of its range of capabilities, including its “hard” and “soft power.” This article aims to understand and analyse Russia’s policy and strategy in the Western Balkans.
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Henriques, Carla, and Clara Viseu. "Are ERDF Devoted to Boosting ICT in SMEs Inefficient? Insights Through Different DEA Models." In Springer Proceedings in Political Science and International Relations, 29–42. Cham: Springer Nature Switzerland, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-18161-0_2.
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AbstractWe evaluated the execution of operational programs (OPs) targeted at increasing the adoption of information and communication technologies (ICT) in small and midsize enterprises (SMEs). As a result, we employed two different data envelopment analysis (DEA) models to evaluate 51 OPs from 16 countries, contemplating data provided to the European Union (EU). All in all, we observed that almost 20% of the OPs (10) achieved efficient procedural outcomes, with the slack-based method (SBM) and with the weighted Russel Directional Distance model (WRDDM), respectively. Two of the OPs most frequently viewed as benchmarks were in Spain (the country that uses “vouchers” simplifying processes), remaining robustly efficient for data perturbations of 5% and 10%. The ‘number of operations supported’ is the metric that necessitates more consideration according to both models. Overall, these findings show the robustness of results with both methods, highlighting a higher discriminatory power of the second method, particularly for inefficient OPs. Finally, the unsuccessful findings attained might be linked to bureaucratic procedures and SMEs’ incapacity to deal with the complicated processes involved in obtaining and implementing European Regional Development Fund (ERDF) proposals. As a result, it is critical to provide the extra help that reduces managerial requirements while also meeting the demands of SMEs.
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Schimmelfennig, Frank, and Thomas Winzen. "Explaining Differentiation in EU Legislation." In Ever Looser Union?, 83–104. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198854333.003.0006.
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This chapter offers an empirical analysis of member state opt-outs from EU legislation throughout the history of European integration. The analysis shows that similar factors, including wealth, existing opt-outs, and Eurosceptic governments explain legislative and treaty differentiation. The analysis also shows a historical shift from instrumental to constitutional differentiation. This shift entails a growing interdependence of treaty and legislative differentiation since the 1990s; a strong consolidation and trend towards uniformity in the European market and flanking policies; and a corresponding rise of legislative differentiation in core state powers. The drivers of differentiation have changed as well. Whereas differentiation used to be produced by relatively poor countries, it has become driven by the Union’s richest members. While government Euroscepticism was of minor importance before 1990, it has since become an important source of differentiation in core state powers.
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Pahl, Bogumił, and Michał Mariański. "Evolution of the Taxation of Wind Power Plants in the Polish Tax Law." In European Financial Law in Times of Crisis of the European Union, 477–86. Ludovika Egyetemi Kiadó, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.36250/00749.45.
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The general purpose of the article is to present in a comparative perspective how the principles of the taxation of wind power plants have evolved. In the Polish tax law, over the past several years, the legislature has undertaken considerable efforts to modify those principles. The lack of the stability of tax legislation may prove to be one of the main reasons for discouraging economic operators from pursuing such investments. Most evidently, the lawmakers do not have a clear vision of a coherent and permanent legal framework in this aspect. The purpose of this article is to present how the principles of the taxation of wind power plants in Poland have evolved. Perhaps the wider experience of other European countries in this regard will help to develop a model of the taxation of wind power plants not only in Poland but also in other East and Central European Union Countries.
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Huszka, Beáta, and Zsolt Körtvélyesi. "EU enlargement policy and human rights." In The European Union and Human Rights, 345–64. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198814191.003.0016.
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The enlargement policy of the European Union (EU) aims at integrating new members following an accession path. EU conditionality policy is a delicate balancing exercise between keeping the partner countries on the accession path and upholding fundamental values. Enlargement countries are now concentrated, with the exception of Turkey, in the Western Balkans. A key challenge is that the current leaderships in many of these states are shifting their countries increasingly in an authoritarian direction. The EU now faces a situation of establishing illiberal regimes in the region and so far seems to lack the willingness and the tools to engage and counter this. The chapter finds that human rights conditionality seems to allow for less-than-honest domestic compliance, where the EU’s requests are (mis)used to boost the power of domestic leadership. The stated principles of the EU can clash with the state’s actual performance for various reasons, including the prioritization of more direct economic interests or security goals. Conditionality tends to remain shallow as it is built on conditions that are easy to implement and measure but remain largely formal (for example, setting up an institution, adopting legislation). In the case of the Western Balkans, our research findings indicate that the enlargement process can result in favouring strong leaders who can deliver, even if the same ‘strength’ puts human rights compliance at risk. The greatest danger is that EU integration can end up legitimising the violation of human rights by the authorities.
Conference papers on the topic "Legislative power – European Union countries"
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Aanstoos, Ted A. "Management Challenges in Emerging European Union Eco-Standards." In ASME 2004 Power Conference. ASMEDC, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/power2004-52115.
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The European Union is 450 million citizens in 25 otherwise sovereign countries, but connected in a multinational federal metastate that claims a combined economy in excess of $9 trillion (US), making it one of the world’s largest economies. As a community faced with massive decontamination and re-industrialization from devastating wars, Europe places due emphasis on issues of environmental sustainability and pollution prevention. Under broad policy guidelines of the New Approach and Integrated Product Planning frameworks, the European Commission is drafting legislation that will mandate eco-standards for all energized end-use equipment for sale in the internal market. These proposed standards may raise controversy in many industry sectors and international arenas (including within Europe itself) because they may not be based on sound and accepted scientific analysis, because they may constitute a de-facto violation at least in spirit of the Technical Barriers to Trade Agreement, and because nobody can yet predict their cost impact and other market effect. Compliance with these emerging energy efficiency regulations will impose considerable management requirements on manufacturers as they devise documentation and certification programs for their products that are likely to be of a scope similar to ISO 14000. This paper assesses the new requirements from a product and design management perspective.
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Vitez Pandžić, Marijeta, and Jasmin Kovačević. "REGULATORY SYSTEMS OF SELECTED EUROPEAN UNION MEMBER STATES IN COVID-19 PANDEMIC MANAGEMENT AND LESSONS FOR THE FUTURE." In EU 2021 – The future of the EU in and after the pandemic. Faculty of Law, Josip Juraj Strossmayer University of Osijek, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.25234/eclic/18360.
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The European Union (EU) actively responded to the pandemic and the consequences of the pandemic in different areas of human activity (health, economic, social, etc.) adopting a series of regulations, measures and guidelines in different fields. EU member states acted in accordance with EU regulations and within their own legal system and the management structures. The aim of this paper was to analyze ten selected EU member states and their regulatory responses in the approach to pandemic control in relation to the mortality rate per million inhabitants on January 15, 2021. The following hypothesis was set: The regulatory systems and management structures of selected EU member states in the framework of the management of the COVID-19 pandemic have been successfully set up and implemented and have contributed to the lower mortality rate per million inhabitants until January 15, 2021. Ten EU countries were selected for the study according to their mortality rate per million inhabitants on January 15, 2021. Besides Croatia (average mortality), research included three member states with high (Belgium, Slovenia, Czechia), three with average (Hungary, Austria, Slovakia) and three with low mortality rate per million inhabitants (Ireland, Denmark, Finland). All available data from EU and ten selected countries were collected and analysed: about legal framework for crisis management, regulatory powers, level of decentralization in the health care system and whether the timeline of the pandemic control criteria according to the Institute for Health Metrics and Evaluation (IHME) was adequately set. Data were analysed in Microsoft Office Excel. Given the obtained results, hypothesis can be considered only partially proven. The legal framework used by studied EU countries for adopting pandemic control measures was not consistently associated with morality rate in this research. All studied EU countries used legal framework that existed prior to the COVID-19 pandemic, four of them had states of emergency provided in the Constitution (Czechia, Hungary, Slovakia and Finland), four of them effectively declared statutory regimes (Slovenia, Hungary, Croatia, Slovakia), and Belgium adopted pandemic control measures using special legislative powers. Three studied countries (Austria, Denmark, Finland) had high level of decentralised decision making in health sector and lower COVID-19 mortality rate. In the first pandemic wave (start in March, 2020) all studied countries respected the timeline in adopting pandemic control measures according to the IHME criteria. In the second pandemic wave (start in October, 2020) only four countries (Czechia, Ireland, Denmark, Finland) respected the timeline in adopting pandemic control measures and three (Ireland, Denmark, Finland) were in low mortality group. Within the concluding considerations of the studied countries and in their pandemic management models, Finland and Denmark were recognised as the most successful with lowest COVID-19 mortality rates. Long tradition of Public Health, decentralized health care decision-making, high level of preparedness in crisis management and adequate timeline in implementation of the pandemic control measures led to lower mortality in COVID-19 pandemic. In the future EU could take even more active role within its legal powers and propose scientific based approach in crisis management to help countries implement measures to preserve lives of EU citizens.
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Muszyński, Robert, and Katarzyna Kocur-Bera. "Opportunities and Barriers to the Development of Poland in the Field of Renewable Energy Sources as Compared to the European Union." In 11th International Conference “Environmental Engineering”. VGTU Technika, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/enviro.2020.604.
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Today, almost all of civilisation is based on energy. To a large extent, energy is being continuously acquired from non-renewable raw materials deposited in the Earth’s crust. Renewable sources provide alternative, infinite energy resources, particularly solar radiation, wind power and water movement. The Paris Agreement envisages the complete abandonment of fossil fuels by the year 2050 for all EU Member States. From a technical point of view, a complete transition to renewable energy sources (RES) is very difficult to achieve. In the case of Poland, the way to 100% RES is longer and more complex than in most EU countries. The main purpose of the conducted analysis was to thoroughly assess the possibilities for obtaining energy from inexhaustible sources as well as the benefits of various procedures in order to develop an optimal set of solutions. The aim of the presented study is to indicate the possibilities for the development of construction investments in the field of renewable energy sources that have an inseparable impact on spatial management. To achieve this aim, the method of research of the available literature and legislation was applied.
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Mihai, Ioan cosmin. "STRATEGIC DEVELOPMENTS IN THE FIELD OF CYBERCRIME FOR THE INVESTIGATION OF COMPROMISED ELEARNING SYSTEMS." In eLSE 2017. Carol I National Defence University Publishing House, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.12753/2066-026x-17-227.
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The phenomenon of cybercrime is becoming more hostile and confrontational as both individuals and organized criminal groups take advantage of new criminal opportunities from the cyber environment. Many cyber-attacks are used to compromise eLearning systems, to change the student’s grades and results, to steal the information available only for trainers and professors, or to infect all the users that are using the platforms. The role of legislation in preventing and combating the cybercrime phenomenon against eLearning systems is very important. Legal measures are needed in all the fields, including investigative measures, procedural powers, jurisdiction, and international cooperation. In a globalized and connected world, the law consists of a collection of national and international legal systems. Sometimes provisions can contradict each other, resulting to collisions of law, because of the interactions between these legal systems. The main goal of the international law is to obtain harmonization of national laws. In the last decade many significant developments were made for the promulgation of multilateral instruments in the field of cybercrime. This paper analyses the collections of regional and international instruments developed in the context of the Council of Europe or the European Union, tools that can help the investigations of compromised online systems. Legal frameworks for the investigation of cybercrime acts in the field of eLearning require a clear scope of application of the power, in order to guarantee the legal actions. Most of the countries have introduced new investigative powers specially created for obtaining electronic evidence which can be used in cases of compromised eLearning systems.
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Kunicina, Nadezhda, Anatolijs Zabasta, Tatjana Konjic, Maja Delibasic, Anastasia Zhiravetska, and Jelena Caiko. "Experience of Capacity Building in Higher Education Institutions in the Partner Countries from European Union Neighborhood region." In 2021 IEEE 62nd International Scientific Conference on Power and Electrical Engineering of Riga Technical University (RTUCON). IEEE, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/rtucon53541.2021.9711732.
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Urbane, Marta. "The Future of the Employee’s Right to Disconnect in the European Union and Latvia." In 13th International Conference on Applied Human Factors and Ergonomics (AHFE 2022). AHFE International, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe1002285.
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The right to disconnect refers to a worker's right to be able to disconnect from work and refrain from engaging in work-related electronic communication, like emails and other messages, during non-work hours and holidays. The Latvian Labor Law does not directly determine the right to disconnect from digital devices, however, such rights arise from certain legal norms. Examples of the provisions of the Labor Law relate to the general rules on rest periods and breaks in work. The recent research results of remote work during Covid-19 pandemic conducted by the author show that for 69.3% of respondents working remotely possibility to disconnect from digital devices outside working hours (when the assigned work tasks have been completed) is extremely crucial. If the rights to disconnect are not explicitly regulated, the risk of disbalance between work and private life is at stake. The increase in workload during the emergency caused by COVID-19 was indicated by 42.7% of respondents in Latvia. That shows that another problem of lack of regulation of rights to disconnect could be unpaid overtime. The research shows that 14.7% of respondents were not paid for overtime work when working from home. The practice shows a critical need for sustainable and predictable changes in the legal system to protect employees’ rights and thus ensure stable employment in general in Latvia. It was also recently decided by Employment Committee MEPs that EU countries must ensure that workers are able to exercise the right to disconnect effectively. Some of the member states in the European Union have recently implemented the right into their legal system (Portugal, Spain, France), but each member state takes a different approach. That means that discussion is no longer if there is a need to implement the “right to disconnect” in national legal acts, but how to implement the right efficiently not only at a national level but at the EU level as well.The goal of the research is to provide an in-depth analysis of the legal status of the “right to disconnect” in the legal system of the European Union and Latvia. In order to reach the goal, the author is using various scientific research methods. The paper is based on a quantitative research method and analytical, comparative, case law analysis method to provide valid conclusions on the current role of the “right to disconnect” in Latvia and the European Union. The author also offers recommendations on how to implement the “right to disconnect” efficiently to avoid violation of employees’ rights and ensure a sustainable work environment.In the result, the author has concluded that the biggest impediment of the employee's right to disconnect is the lack of clear legislative preconditions that would encourage businesses to preserve employees' freedom to disconnect, resulting in a more sustainable working environment - both in the office and remotely.Finally, the author concludes that there is a need to adjust regulation in Latvia to meet the needs of widespread use of remote work. The author also concludes that a significant role to protect employees’ right to disconnect is for governmental authorities to explain the right to disconnect to employees and employers.
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Martin, Oliver, Antonio Ballesteros, Christiane Bruynooghe, and Michel Bie`th. "Research Activities in the European Union on Ageing Management for Long Term Operation of Nuclear Power Plants." In ASME 2010 Pressure Vessels and Piping Division/K-PVP Conference. ASMEDC, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/pvp2010-25678.
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The energy supply of the future in the EU will be a mix of renewable, fossil and nuclear. There are 145 nuclear power reactors in operation in 15 out of the 27 EU countries, with installed power ∼132 GWe. The age distribution of current nuclear power plants in EU is such that in 2010 most of them will have passed 20-years and approximately 25% of them 30 years of age. The decrease of energy supply from nuclear generated electricity can not always be compensated in a reliable and economical way within a short time span. For this situation utilities may be keen to upgrade the reactor output and /or to ask their regulatory bodies for longer term operation. Under the research financed in the Euratom part of the Research Directorate (RTD) of the European Commission several projects explicitly address the safe long term operation of nuclear power plants (NULIFE, LONGLIFE) and the topics proposed in the 2010 call explicitly address issues concerning component ageing, in particular non metallic components, i.e. instrumentation and cables (I&C) and concrete ageing. This paper presents an overview of the plans for long term operation (LTO) of nuclear power plants in the EU. Special emphasis is given on research activities on component ageing management and long term operation issues related to safety.
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Licite, Ieva, and Dina Popluga. "THE MAPPING OF CLIMATE AND AGRICULTURAL POLICIES TARGETING ORGANIC SOIL MANAGEMENT: CASE STUDY FROM LATVIA." In 22nd SGEM International Multidisciplinary Scientific GeoConference 2022. STEF92 Technology, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgem2022/5.1/s23.099.
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Organic soil management and related climate and agriculture policy planning is emerging issue globally, at European Union (EU) level and nationally, especially for organic soil rich countries like Latvia and in a light of movement towards climate neutrality by 2050. Relatively small proportion of these soils by area significantly impact greenhouse gas (GHG) emission balance of many European countries including Latvia where organic soil management related GHG emissions make up to one third of GHG emissions associated with agriculture land management. Organic soil can act either as an effective carbon storage or as considerable source of greenhouse gas emissions. The effect achieved largely depends on the management practices applied and considering importance of agriculture support system - also on agriculture and climate policy planning. In this study we analyze top-down policy and legislative framework of organic soil management in Latvia to detect development pattern of the political importance of organic soil and to map normative and policy framework around this issue. We found that international policies, i.e. United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change and related European level agriculture and Climate policies i.e. European Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) and Climate policy are drivers of organic soil management at national level. Study results show genesis of the organic soil issue, map political time frame and suggest further development needs.
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Nazlıoğlu, Şaban, Çağın Karul, Ahmet Koncak, and İlhan Küçükkaplan. "On The Purchasing Power Parity in Turkey: The Role of Structural Changes." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c09.02008.
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Turkey as an emerging country and one of the fastest growing economies during the last decade has been implementing the trade-oriented growth model since 1980. The exchange rate policy in that respect is at the center of trade and monetary policies. Given the importance of constructing fundamental equilibrium exchange rates, the long-run PPP hypothesis has been empirically investigated during the last decade. We re-examine the purchasing power parity (PPP) hypothesis for Turkey with her ten major trading partners and find out that when the structural shifts are taken into account, there is a strong evidence in favor of the validity of PPP hypothesis. An interesting finding also is that the PPP hypothesis seems to hold for the European Union countries.
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Beder, Burak, and Sunay Çıralı. "The Relationship of Renewable Energy with Foreign Trade Balance and The Economic Growth: An Analysis in the Context of Turkey and The European Union." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c14.02680.
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Historically, most of the energy need is provided by carbon-intensive primary energy sources. Especially, since the 1970s, this circumstance has exposed two major issues. Firstly, primary energy sources are one of the most significant contributors to climate change since they significantly increase greenhouse gas emissions. Secondly, the fact that primary energy sources are non-renewable, and their limited reserves have recently caused unexpected price movements in energy prices. This situation creates conditions that cause crises, jeopardizes the security of energy supply, and threatens production and social living. In this context, the increased awareness of climate change and the energy shocks experienced put renewable energy sources instead of primary energy sources on the agenda.
Renewable energy sources are particularly substantial for Turkey and the European Union (EU). Because Turkey and the EU meet most of their energy needs through imports. By being directly affected by rapid fluctuations in the pricing of energy resources, this circumstance can cause countries to experience issues such as foreign trade imbalance, energy supply security, inflation, and economic slowdown. In this scenario, it is crucial for Turkey and the EU to adopt renewable energy sources to continue economic growth. The purpose of this study is to determine the relationship between the installed renewable energy power capacity of electricity generation with foreign trade balance and the economic growth of Turkey and EU countries from 2000 to 2020. In this context, it is intended to conduct a Panel Granger Causality test using data gathered from the IRENA and World Bank databases.
Reports on the topic "Legislative power – European Union countries"
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Bourrier, Mathilde, Michael Deml, and Farnaz Mahdavian. Comparative report of the COVID-19 Pandemic Responses in Norway, Sweden, Germany, Switzerland and the United Kingdom. University of Stavanger, November 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31265/usps.254.
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The purpose of this report is to compare the risk communication strategies and public health mitigation measures implemented by Germany, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom (UK) in 2020 in response to the COVID-19 pandemic based on publicly available documents. The report compares the country responses both in relation to one another and to the recommendations and guidance of the World Health Organization where available. The comparative report is an output of Work Package 1 from the research project PAN-FIGHT (Fighting pandemics with enhanced risk communication: Messages, compliance and vulnerability during the COVID-19 outbreak), which is financially supported by the Norwegian Research Council's extraordinary programme for corona research. PAN-FIGHT adopts a comparative approach which follows a “most different systems” variation as a logic of comparison guiding the research (Przeworski & Teune, 1970). The countries in this study include two EU member States (Sweden, Germany), one which was engaged in an exit process from the EU membership (the UK), and two non-European Union states, but both members of the European Free Trade Association (EFTA): Norway and Switzerland. Furthermore, Germany and Switzerland govern by the Continental European Federal administrative model, with a relatively weak central bureaucracy and strong subnational, decentralised institutions. Norway and Sweden adhere to the Scandinavian model—a unitary but fairly decentralised system with power bestowed to the local authorities. The United Kingdom applies the Anglo-Saxon model, characterized by New Public Management (NPM) and decentralised managerial practices (Einhorn & Logue, 2003; Kuhlmann & Wollmann, 2014; Petridou et al., 2019). In total, PAN-FIGHT is comprised of 5 Work Packages (WPs), which are research-, recommendation-, and practice-oriented. The WPs seek to respond to the following research questions and accomplish the following: WP1: What are the characteristics of governmental and public health authorities’ risk communication strategies in five European countries, both in comparison to each other and in relation to the official strategies proposed by WHO? WP2: To what extent and how does the general public’s understanding, induced by national risk communication, vary across five countries, in relation to factors such as social capital, age, gender, socio-economic status and household composition? WP3: Based on data generated in WP1 and WP2, what is the significance of being male or female in terms of individual susceptibility to risk communication and subsequent vulnerability during the COVID-19 outbreak? WP4: Based on insight and knowledge generated in WPs 1 and 2, what recommendations can we offer national and local governments and health institutions on enhancing their risk communication strategies to curb pandemic outbreaks? WP5: Enhance health risk communication strategies across five European countries based upon the knowledge and recommendations generated by WPs 1-4. Pre-pandemic preparedness characteristics All five countries had pandemic plans developed prior to 2020, which generally were specific to influenza pandemics but not to coronaviruses. All plans had been updated following the H1N1 pandemic (2009-2010). During the SARS (2003) and MERS (2012) outbreaks, both of which are coronaviruses, all five countries experienced few cases, with notably smaller impacts than the H1N1 epidemic (2009-2010). The UK had conducted several exercises (Exercise Cygnet in 2016, Exercise Cygnus in 2016, and Exercise Iris in 2018) to check their preparedness plans; the reports from these exercises concluded that there were gaps in preparedness for epidemic outbreaks. Germany also simulated an influenza pandemic exercise in 2007 called LÜKEX 07, to train cross-state and cross-department crisis management (Bundesanstalt Technisches Hilfswerk, 2007). In 2017 within the context of the G20, Germany ran a health emergency simulation exercise with WHO and World Bank representatives to prepare for potential future pandemics (Federal Ministry of Health et al., 2017). Prior to COVID-19, only the UK had expert groups, notably the Scientific Advisory Group for Emergencies (SAGE), that was tasked with providing advice during emergencies. It had been used in previous emergency events (not exclusively limited to health). In contrast, none of the other countries had a similar expert advisory group in place prior to the pandemic. COVID-19 waves in 2020 All five countries experienced two waves of infection in 2020. The first wave occurred during the first half of the year and peaked after March 2020. The second wave arrived during the final quarter. Norway consistently had the lowest number of SARS-CoV-2 infections per million. Germany’s counts were neither the lowest nor the highest. Sweden, Switzerland and the UK alternated in having the highest numbers per million throughout 2020. Implementation of measures to control the spread of infection In Germany, Switzerland and the UK, health policy is the responsibility of regional states, (Länders, cantons and nations, respectively). However, there was a strong initial centralized response in all five countries to mitigate the spread of infection. Later on, country responses varied in the degree to which they were centralized or decentralized. Risk communication In all countries, a large variety of communication channels were used (press briefings, websites, social media, interviews). Digital communication channels were used extensively. Artificial intelligence was used, for example chatbots and decision support systems. Dashboards were used to provide access to and communicate data.