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Nambadi, Aaron Haufiku. "The Kavango Legislative Council 1970-1979: a critical analysis." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2007. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_4885_1257926790.
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Namibia was under South African rule until March 1990. On 11 September 1962, the Odendaal Commission was set up by the State President of South Africa to enquire into the welfare and progress of all the inhabitants of South West Africa, particularly the African people. The Commission was required to make recommendations for the development of the various African people inside and outside their designated areas. The outcome of the Commission was the division of South West Africa into ten designated areas for the various native nations. These areas later became the homelands for the Africans in South West Africa. This thesis was concerned with examining the Kavango Legislative Council, its constitution, its powers, the role of the traditional authorities within the body, and the legislation passed by the Council.
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Hoffman, Charles. "The abolition of the legislative council of Nova Scotia, 1925-1928." Thesis, McGill University, 2012. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=106615.
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From 1758 to 1928, Nova Scotia had a bicameral Legislature made up of the House of Assembly and the Legislative Council. In the period following Confederation, the Legislative Council came under increasing fire as unnecessary, expensive, and anachronistic. Yet, for a period of half a century, all efforts to abolish it failed. Following the landslide Conservative victory in the provincial election of 1925, however, incoming Premier Edgar Nelson Rhodes led a crusade to abolish the Legislative Council once and for all, a crusade that ultimately led to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council in Westminster. Armed with a Privy Council opinion permitting him to dismiss existing members of the Legislative Council and appoint an unlimited number of replacements, on February 24, 1928, Rhodes was able to push through an abolition bill. At the end of the 1928 session, the Legislative Council ceased to exist, its powers devolved upon the House of Assembly and Lieutenant-Governor. This thesis examines the history of this battle, including the nature of the Nova Scotia constitution, Rhodes' initial push for abolition, his appeal to Ottawa when that proved unsuccessful, the litigation before the Supreme Court of Nova Scotia and the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, and the final abolition of the Legislative Council.De 1758 à 1928, la Nouvelle-Écosse a eu une législature bicamérale constituée de la Chambre d'assemblée et du Conseil législatif. Au cours de la période suivant la Confédération, le Conseil législatif fut incessamment attaqué, accusé d'être inutile, coûteux et anachronique. Cela étant, durant une période d'un demi-siècle, tous les efforts pour l'abolir faillirent. Suite à l'écrasante victoire des Conservateurs aux élections provinciales de 1925, cependant, le Premier Ministre entrant Edgar Nelson Rhodes lança une croisade pour abolir définitivement le Conseil législatif, qui arriva jusqu'au comité judiciaire du Conseil privé à Westminster. Armé d'une opinion du Conseil privé lui permettant de démettre les membres existants du Conseil législatif et de nommer un nombre illimité de remplaçants, Rhodes put faire voter un projet de loi d'abolition le 24 février 1928. A la fin de la session législative de 1928, le Conseil législatif cessa d'exister, et ses pouvoirs furent dévolus à la Chambre d'assemblée et au lieutenant-gouverneur. Ce mémoire étudie l'histoire de cette bataille et se penche notamment sur la nature de la constitution de Nouvelle-Écosse, l'impulsion initiale donnée par Rhodes à la bataille pour l'abolition, son appel à Ottawa lorsque l'impulsion initiale fut infructueuse, le litige à la Cour suprême de Nouvelle-Écosse et au comité judiciaire du Conseil privé, et enfin sur l'abolition finale du Conseil législatif.
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何潔雲 and Kit-wan Ho. "The role of the Legislative Council in the Daya Bay controversy." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1988. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31975367.
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Ho, Kit-wan. "The role of the Legislative Council in the Daya Bay controversy." [Hong Kong] : University of Hong Kong, 1988. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B1235532X.
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Cheng, Ying-fat, and 鄭英發. "A study of election survey results of 1991 Legislative Council Direct Election." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1993. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31977285.
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Chung, Lung-shan Peter, and 鍾龍山. "Official language policy in Hong Kong: with particular reference to the Legislative Council." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2003. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B26765743.
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Pang, Wai-lan Joice, and 彭慧蘭. "A study of the accountability of the government to the legislative council in Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1996. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31965040.
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Ip, Sum-ming, and 葉深銘. "Sir G.F. Bowen and the reform of the Hong Kong Legislative Council, 1883-1885 =." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2007. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B38642414.
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Daneels, Isabelle. "Democracy in Palestine? : an evaluation of the experience of the Legislative Council 1996-1998." Thesis, Durham University, 1999. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/1529/.
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Pang, Wai-lan Joice. "A study of the accountability of the government to the legislative council in Hong Kong." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1996. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B17507960.
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Warntjen, Andreas. "Through the needle's eye : the Council presidency and legislative decision-making in the European Union." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2007. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/57/.
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The thesis scrutinizes the effects of the Council Presidency on legislative decision making in the European Union Council of Ministers. The rotating Council Presidency has been one of most prominent topics of discussion in the debate on institutional reform. So far, however, a comprehensive evaluation of the effects of the Presidency is missing. The thesis addresses two questions: 1. Does the Council presidency have an impact on legislative activity in the Council? 2. Does the Council presidency gain disproportional benefits from the policies agreed upon during its term in office? The methodology used in the thesis consists of an exploratory case study, secondary analysis of the Decision-making in the European Union (DEU) data set, and statistical analysis of an original data set covering legislative activity from 1984-2003. It presents evidence for an effect of the Presidency on both legislative activity and decision outcomes.
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Chung, Ting-yiu Robert, and 鍾庭耀. "Traditionality amidst modernity: a study of two Legislative Council by-elections in New Territories west (1991-1992)." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1999. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31240094.
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Chung, Ting-yiu Robert. "Traditionality amidst modernity : a study of two Legislative Council by-elections in New Territories west (1991-1992) /." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1999. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B21543641.
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Chung, Shui Chun. "Functional constituencies rationales for and against their abolition from the Legislative Council elections in the Hong Kong SAR /." access abstract and table of contents access full-text, 2009. http://libweb.cityu.edu.hk/cgi-bin/ezdb/dissert.pl?ma-sa-b2363781xa.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A.)--City University of Hong Kong, 2009."A dissertation undertaken in partial fulfillment of the requirements fo the M.A. in Public Policy & Management, City University of Hong Kong." Title from PDF t.p. (viewed on Sept. 21, 2009) Includes bibliographical references.
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O'Brien, Antony, and antony obrien@deakin edu au. "The 1859 election on the Ovens." Deakin University. School of Social and International Studies, 2004. http://tux.lib.deakin.edu.au./adt-VDU/public/adt-VDU20080808.120248.
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The Victorian general election of 1859 occurred during a time of social transition and electoral reformation, which extended the vote to previously unrepresented adult males. Gold discoveries, including those on the Ovens, triggered the miners insistent demands for access to land and participation in the political process.
The thesis identifies issues, which emerged during the election campaign on the Ovens goldfields, surrounding Beechworth. The struggle centred on the two Legislative Assembly seats for the Ovens and the one Legislative Council seat for the Murray District. Though the declared election issue was land reform, it concealed a range of underlying tensions, which divided the electorate along lines of nationality and religion. Complicating these tensions within the European community was the Chinese presence throughout the Ovens. The thesis suggests the historical memory of the French Revolution, the European Revolutions of 1848 and the Catholic versus Protestant revivals divided the Ovens goldfield community. The competing groups formed alliances; a Beechworth-centred grouping of traders, merchants and the Constitutions editor, ensured the existing conservative agenda triumphed over those perceived radicals who sought reform. In the process the land hungry miners did not gain any political representation in the Legislative Assembly, while a prominent Catholic squatter who advocated limited land reform was defeated for the Legislative Council seat.
Two daily Beechworth papers, Ovens and Murray Advertiser and its fierce competitor, the Constitution and Ovens Mining Intelligencer are the major primary sources for the thesis.
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Gu, Yu, and 顾瑜. "The Legislative Council of the Hong Kong Special AdministrativeRegion: a study of its role, powers andfunctions in Hong Kong's political system." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2013. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B50534129.
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The dissertation assesses the level of autonomy of the Legislative Council (Legco) of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) and examines how the Legco exercises its legislative power, scrutinizes public finance and checks the executive in Hong Kong’s changing political system. After the return of sovereignty over Hong Kong to China, the initiation power of the legislature of the HKSAR receives more extensive restrictions under the Basic Law than the colonial time. The idea of an executive-led system becomes an official statement in Hong Kong’s political system, by stressing which the executive intends to strengthen its authority and to achieve its dominance over the legislature.
To provide the basic framework for answering the “how” question, this dissertation first assesses the potential of the Legco by structuring indicators for autonomy of the Legco in two dimensions: external environment and internal characteristics. This dissertation argues that the Legco has structured the institutional framework to underpin legislative autonomy, particulary in the aspects of exclusive authority over internal rules and committee autonomy. In the context, despite the restrictions on its initiation power and stricter agenda control by the executive over time, the Legco since 1998 has played a more active role over time and developed a variety of means by which it can make a difference in public policy and checking the executive. Based on its power to veto or amend legislation and financial proposals, the Legco follows a bargaining model of “anticipated reactions”, that is, forcing the executive to proactively make concessions in order to avoid anticipated opposition in the Legco. The Legco also acts as a deterrent body when performing functions without legislative effects. Thus, an accurate description of the executive-legislative relation in the HKSAR is that there are a proactive executive and a reactive legislature, with their relationship oscillating between conflict and cooperation, rather than an executive-led system.
In its concluding section, this study suggests that on one hand the representation system and the partisan factor are the most influential indicators which affect the way the Legco makes a difference in public policy and exercises scrutiny of the executive, on the other hand the actual impact of the Legco depends on the development of party politics and whether the Legco can shape clear public expectations and build up effective communication with the citizens. The components unfavourable to these purposes, such as the Functional Constituencies, need to be reformed or dismantled.
This study structures the indicators for autonomy of the Legco based on the comparative legislative studies. To assess the actual impact of the Legco, this study uses a mixture of several methods, including quantitative analysis of Hansard and other documents regarding the Legco, case studies of major bills and events, and qualitative interviews with legislators. Using these methods, this dissertation portrays the real picture of the executive-legislative relation in Hong Kong’s political system and characterizes the trend of the impact of the Legco from a longitudinal dimension.published_or_final_version
Law
Master
Doctor of Legal Studies
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Marques, F. M. D. "The impact of the electoral connection in the Rio de Janeiro City Council : policy orientation, executive-legislative relations and interlegislator interaction." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2014. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1418413/.
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This thesis investigates how the incentives stemming from the electoral arena influence the behaviour of legislators in Brazil. Or, to put it differently, resorting to the now classic expression first popularised by Mayhew, the purpose of this research is to tease out the effects of the electoral connection on Brazilian legislators’ behaviour. Legislative elections in Brazil are held under an open-list proportional representation system. Theoretically, such a set of rules leads to intraparty competition and therefore campaigns heavily centred on individual candidates. A strong electoral connection, then, would come as a consequence. How, though, this electoral connection affects the behaviour of legislators has seldom been tested. The general contention guiding this inquiry consists in considering that the Brazilian OLPR system allows for the creation of several different incentives that impact how legislators behave. Overall, three essential dimensions of the legislative behaviour are studied: the stance towards the executive, policy orientation and interlegislator cooperative relationship. The task of testing this hypothesis is carried out by looking at the Rio de Janeiro City Council (RJCC). The focus, then, is on the local, municipal level – a subject hitherto largely overlooked, in contrast with the Brazilian National Congress, which has been the topic of numerous works in the past two decades. The analysis, based on multiple regressions, covers the fourteen-year period between 1997 and 2010.
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Mu, Yang. "Political forces of party elites on nationalism and democratization in Hong Kong : a case study on the electoral reforms of the Legislative Council in 1984-2004 /." access abstract and table of contents access full-text, 2006. http://libweb.cityu.edu.hk/cgi-bin/ezdb/thesis.pl?mphil-ss-b21471502a.pdf.
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Thesis (M.Phil.)--City University of Hong Kong, 2006."Submitted to Department of Applied Social Studies in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Philosophy" Includes bibliographical references (leaves 113-133)
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Towongo, Oba Cicilia Tito. "Examining the role of local government County legislative council in promoting service delivery in South Sudan, case of Yei River County, Central Equatoria State." Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/d1007097.
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This Study was conducted in Yei River County, Central Equatoria State the Republic of South Sudan from July-December/2012 under the topic: Examining the role of Local Government County Legislative Council in promoting service delivery. The Legislative Council in Yei was established since 2007 inaccordance with the provisions of the Transition Constitution of the Republic of South Sudan, 2011:166, LG Act, 2009:8-29 and Governors’ Decree dated 25/August/2007 with the mandate to enact laws and policies and supervise the Executive to implement its decisions. The study investigated into why there was under performance of Legislative Council in promoting service delivery in Yei River County (YRC) and how can service delivery be improved in YRC. The findings revealed that, the capacity of the Council is low in making appropriate decisions and supervising the Executive to implement its decisions, it lacks the necessary working requirements to facilitate its duties, some of its directives are not implemented by the Executive and negative attitudes towards the work of the Council by some members of the Executive. Despite the difficulties encountered, the Council was able to enact 31 laws, conducted some joint consultative meetings on County projects and the study recommended that, the relevant institutions of Local Government to review the irregularities in the Local Government Act of 2009 to regulate the duties of the Council and to guide the recruitment of the future Councillors, training of the Councillors to improve performance, improve the working conditions of the Council, conduct public awareness on the role of the Council and promotion of exchange programs for further learning purposes. The significance of this study is that, the topic was good according to the participants, the recommendations of the study may be adopted by the Local Government Authorities to address the identified gaps and challenges facing the Council not only in Yei River County but also in other parts of the Country and finally, the report may be used by the University of Fort Hare for further Academic purposes and/or other interested individuals/institutions or organizations of the same or similar objectives.
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Leung, Man-kit, and 梁文傑. "The office of the ombudsman of Hong Kong: an evaluation from the perspectives of street-level bureaucrats, thepublic and members of the Legislative Council." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1998. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31965465.
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Miso, Fundiswa Thelma. "The role of council committees in promoting financial accountability: A case study of Stellenbosch municipality." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2011. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_4038_1363691629.
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Municipal councils are vested with the legal authority to promote financial accountability in their respective municipalities. To accomplish this responsibility, municipal council establishes committees to enable a structured and coordinated mechanism through which it can promote financial accountability effectively. However and despite the available legal and institutional mechanisms established to enable council committees to promote financial accountability, the lack of effective financial accountability in municipalities has persisted. This study focused on the role of council committees in ensuring financial accountability. It was guided by the following research questions: What are the major factors that contribute to financial accountability at local level, what is the role of council committees in promoting financial accountability and how can council committees be strengthened to play an effective role in Stellenbosch municipality&rsquo
s municipal financial accountability. Stellenbosch Local Municipality was used as a case study for this research. The data was collected from primary and secondary sources. Primary data was sourced from members of relevant council committees through structured and unstructured interviews. Secondary data was obtained from relevant municipal reports, internet sources, government department publications, journals and Auditor - General&rsquo
s reports which contributed to the reliability, validity and objectivity of the findings. The findings showed that political instability, a lack of a culture of accountability, lack of clearly defined authority for accountability, lack of relevant capacity and willingness are some of the major factors that have impacted negatively on council committees from promoting effective financial accountability. The study opens up the possibility of future research to include a wider number of municipalities.
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Ip, Sum-ming. "Sir G.F. Bowen and the reform of the Hong Kong Legislative Council, 1883-1885 Bao Yun yu Xianggang Li fa ju gai ge, 1883-1885 /." Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 2007. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B38642414.
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Leung, Man-kit. "The office of the ombudsman of Hong Kong : an evaluation from the perspectives of street-level bureaucrats, the public and members of the Legislative Council /." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1998. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B19709481.
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Leone, Tadeu José Facchinetti. "Disseminação da informação no poder legislativo / câmara municipal de Salvador." Instituto de Ciência da Informação da Universidade Federal da Bahia, 2006. http://repositorio.ufba.br/ri/handle/ri/18377.
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A disseminação da informação do Poder Legislativo da Câmara Municipal de Salvador - CMS. O objetivo é acompanhar a modernização dos processos legislativos, tendo em vista a importância do uso da informação para a tomada de decisão. Aborda as diferenças do valor agregado da informação no cenário público e privado. Evidencia o Poder Legislativo como uma organização aberta, acometido pela reconversão social no momento pós Constituinte de 1988, retratando a relação entre a cultura e a organização hierárquica, destacando como a disseminação se processa na instituição tornando possível levantar o que muda com o uso das tecnologias que são introduzidas e modernizando os serviços, influenciando de forma positiva a Instituição.
ABSTRACT- The dissemination of legislative information of Câmara Municipal de Salvador-CMS. The obbjective is to follow lesgilative processes modernization, evidencing the importance of the information's use for decision taking.It approaches the differences of aggregate value of information at the public scene and the private-one.It evidences the legislative as an opened organizations,attacked by the social reconverse at the post-constituent moment of 1988,portraying the relation between culture and hierarchic organization, detaching as the dissemination is processed in the institution becoming possible to raise what changes wilh the use for technologias wich are introduced and modernizing the services influencing in positive way the istitution.
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Ribeiro, José Roberto Ferreir. "O conselho da comunidade na execução penal: ampliação de suas atribuições para maior participação social na prestação jurisdicional à luz da dignidade da pessoa humana." Universidade Federal do Tocantins, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11612/1040.
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A ressocialização dos condenados é uma das finalidades mais importantes da pena.
Todavia, o oferecimento de condições para que o preso seja reintegrado
adequadamente à sociedade depende de diversos fatores externos. Como
instrumento para a concretização do resgate social de reeducandos, a Lei de
Execução Penal cria os Conselhos da Comunidade, cuja função fiscalizatória e de
assistência ao detento e seus familiares garante a aplicação humanitária da pena.
Contudo, a atuação do órgão enfrenta dificuldades causadas por lacunas legislativas
capazes de limitar suas ações e reduzir sua eficácia. A aprovação de emendas à
norma ampliou o alcance do serviço assistencial prestado, otimizando o processo de
ressocialização dentro das unidades prisionais. Projeto de lei sugere alterações aos
artigos 80 e 81 da Lei de Execução Penal promovendo a ampliação das ações do
Conselho e concedendo a autonomia necessária para sua manutenção
orçamentária.The resocialization of the condemned is one of the most important purposes of the penalty. However, providing conditions for the detainee to be properly reintegrated into society depends on a number of external factors. As an instrument for the realization of the social redemption of reeducators, the Criminal Enforcement Law establishes the Councils of the Community, whose supervisory function and assistance to the detainee and their families, guarantees the humanitarian application of the penalty. However, the agency's actions face difficulties caused by legislative gaps that may limit its actions and reduce its effectiveness. The approval of amendments to the standard would broaden the scope of the service provided, optimizing the process of resocialization within the prison units. The bill suggests amendments to Articles 80 and 81 of the Criminal Enforcement Act, promoting the expansion of the Council's actions and granting the autonomy necessary for its budgetary maintenance.
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Barcellos, Jorge Alberto Soares. "Educação e poder legislativo : a contribuição da Câmara Municipal na formulação de políticas públicas de educação no município de Porto Alegre (2001-2008)." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/70605.
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A pesquisa enfoca a contribuição da Câmara Municipal na formulação de políticas públicas de educação no município de Porto Alegre, no período de 2001 a 2008, que abrange o último governo da coligação liderada pelo Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) e o primeiro governo da coligação liderada pelo Partido do Movimento Democrático Brasileiro (PMDB). O processo da produção legal é analisado com apoio na abordagem do ciclo de políticas públicas, considerando três etapas: a justificação do problema, a agenda governamental e a tomada de decisão. O foco da análise recai sobre o teor dos projetos de lei, com a descrição das preferências dos vereadores em relação aos temas educacionais e das intervenções de atores diretos e indiretos nos processos de tramitação. Além disso, o estudo mostra como os atores usam os recursos disponíveis para afetar o processo de tramitação de proposições na esfera legislativa. Foram observadas semelhanças e diferenças na produção legislativa de cada legislatura, com base na elaboração de categorizações de temas, de justificativas e de argumentos, o que permitiu também reconstruir o movimento textual sofrido pelas disposições normativas sobre educação. A análise evidencia dissensos entre os atores no que diz respeito às propostas de lei e às estratégias de obstaculização impostas pelos diversos atores aos projetos. Discute também a função simbólica de parte das proposições legislativas no campo educacional e a contribuição do legislador no campo das condições da oferta educacional por meio da edição dos pedidos de providência. O debate sobre as competências do Legislativo local no campo educacional, delimitadas pelo ordenamento legal nacional e municipal, é central para problematizar a contribuição do Legislativo no campo de formulação de políticas públicas de educação, já que os vereadores sofrem limitações em seu poder de legislar nesse campo, decorrentes da relação com o Poder Executivo. O trabalho sugere a adoção de uma política colaborativa no jogo político, capaz de superar a luta partidária, bem como uma reforma da Lei Orgânica no que se refere às competências legislativas no campo educacional. Há um potencial represado de contribuição do Legislativo no ordenamento legal da educação, em função das proposições em condições de entrar na pauta que se encontram arquivadas, razão pela qual são sugeridas providências a tomar por parte das lideranças políticas com a finalidade de otimizar a produção legislativa.The research focuses on the contribution of the City Council in the formulation of public policies for education in the city of Porto Alegre, from 2001 to 2008, covering the last government coalition led by the Workers Party (PT) and the first coalition government led by Brazilian Democratic Movement Party (PMDB). The process of legal production is analyzed based in the policy cycle approach, considering three stages: the justification of the problem, the government agenda and the decision making. The focus is on the bills‟ content, with the description of councilors‟ preferences related to educational issues and interventions of direct and indirect actors in the reviewing processes. Furthermore, the study shows how actors use available resources to affect the reviewing process of proposals in the legislative scope. Similarities and differences were observed in the legislative production of each legislature, based on the elaboration of theme categorizations, justifications and allegations, which also led to reconstruct the textual movement sustained by normative provisions on education. The analysis highlights disagreements among actors regarding to the bills and the hinder strategies imposed by various actors to projects. It also discusses the symbolic function of part of legislative proposals in the educational field and the contribution of councilmen in the conditions of educational offer by editing providences requests. The debate over the jurisdictions of the local legislatives in educational field, bounded national and municipal legal systems, is central to discuss the contribution of the legislature in formulating public policies in education since the councilmen are limited in their power to legislate in this field arising from the relationship with the executive power. The work suggests the adoption of a collaborative policy on the political game, able to overcome the party struggle, as well as a reform of the Organic Law with regard to the legislative competence in the educational field. There is a dammed contribution potential of the legislature in legal system of education, due to the propositions able to get on the agenda that are archived, and because of that providences are suggested to be taken by political leaderships in order to optimize legislative production.
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Dladla, Kwazikwenkosi Frank. "The Impact of the Legal Framework for Local Government on Building and Sustaining Coalitions in Municipal Councils." University of the Western Cape, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/6401.
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Magister Legum - LLM (Public Law and Jurisprudence)In any democratic society, elections are a significant mechanism for citizens to communicate with their representatives. As a result, elections provide a window of opportunity to every voter to hire or fire any political party or independent representative. As an aggregated measure of popular preference, elections constitute an important means to affirm that people in any society should be free to choose their own government based on the parties political beliefs and policies that appeal to the needs of the electorates. Powell sums up this perspective in two points; first, the voter must be able to identify the prospective future governors and have some idea of what they will do if elected. Secondly, the outcome of the elections should bring into office a coherent government whose inherent powers are clearly defined and limited. However, elections sometimes do not produce a single party with an absolute majority to form a government. In such an instance, a coalition or minority government becomes inevitable. It has been argued that coalitions are formed for two different yet interrelated reasons; first to pursue common goals among coalition partners. Secondly, to enable the coalition partners to share the benefits related with being in power. No matter what the intentions are for forming a coalition by the political parties, coalition governments are bound to encounter challenges. One of the challenges is the need to consult and reach consensus among coalition partners, which may not only result in government decision-making being slower but also more complex. Secondly, conflicts within a ruling coalition can make a government unstable and weak due to conflicting ideologies.
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Kloka-Kohnen, Marzena Verfasser], Susanne K. [Akademischer Betreuer] [Schmidt, and Philipp [Akademischer Betreuer] Genschel. "Business as Usual? Negotiation Dynamics and Legislative Performance in the Council of the European Union after the Eastern Enlargement / Marzena Kloka-Kohnen. Gutachter: Susanne K. Schmidt ; Philipp Genschel. Betreuer: Susanne K. Schmidt." Bremen : Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Bremen, 2014. http://d-nb.info/1072303507/34.
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Hamane, Gouraya. "Le rôle des acteurs législatifs dans la fonction de production de la loi à la lumière de la révision constitutionnelle de 2016 : Approche comparée : droit algérien et droit français." Thesis, Perpignan, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PERP0051.
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En droit algérien, comme en droit français, la Production de la norme juridique passe par plusieurs étapes, depuis la phase de préparation jusqu’a l’ application, elle subit l’intervention de plusieurs acteurs législatifs qui créent un déséquilibre des pouvoirs en matière d’initiative entre les deux chambres du parlement , que vient atténuer la révision constitutionnelle algérienne de 2016, ensuite entre le parlement et le pouvoir exécutif, ce dernier a la maitrise sur toute la procédure législative en matière de débat législatif jusqu’a son adoption, le texte reste toujours au stade de projet tant que le veto du président de la république par la demande d’une seconde lecture ou pour retard de promulgation n’est pas levé. Ce n’est pas pour autant que le texte devient applicable, car en dernière étape le texte demeure tributaire du conseil constitutionnel qui, une fois saisi, peut modifier, ou tout simplement rejeter tout le texte pour une inconstitutionnalité. Est-il pour autant vrai qu’en Algérie, le parlement est dépossédé de sa fonction initiale, qui est la production de la norme juridique. Quid du parlement français?In Algerian law, as in French law, the production of the legal standard goes through several stages, from the preparation phase to the implementation, it undergoes the intervention of several legislative actors that create an imbalance of powers within the lawabout the legislative initiative between the two chambers of parliament that enhances the Algerian Constitutional Review of 2016 and then between the Parliament and the Executive, the latter has control over the entire legislative procedure in terms of legislative debate until its adoption, the text is still in the draft stage as long as the veto of the President of the Republic,by the request for a second reading or for the delay of promulgation, is not lifted. This does not mean that the text becomes applicable because in the last step, the text depends on the constitutional council which, once entered, can correct, remove, reshape, a part or reject all the text for an unconstitutionality. Is it nevertheless true that in Algeria, the parliament is dispossessed of its original function, which is the production of the legal norm. Quid of the French parliament?
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Boskati, Nzwana Eric. "Promoting provincial interests : the role of the NCOP in the national legislature." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/50430.
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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2005.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The study's investigation focuses on the role played by the NCOP in the national legislature as the second chamber of parliament. It looks in particular at how the NCOP has managed in its deliberations, and as mandated by the Constitution to represent provinces. Subsection 42 (4) of the Constitution stipulates that; " The NCOP represent the provinces to ensure that provincial interests are taken into account in the national sphere of government" (RSA Act 108, 1996). The question that the study seeks to answer IS: does the National Council of Provinces in its deliberations work to represent the interests of provinces in the national legislature rather than those of the party in control of the province? In answering the research question the study's approach is qualitative in nature. In other words, data collection methods were confined to documents and other important sources such as NCOP Publications namely, the NCOP News and the NCOP Review. Looking at the literature on second chambers, the study found that for second chambers to play an effective role in the legislature, the Constitution must equip them with adequate legislative powers. This means that the Constitution must give second chambers a veto on all Bills affecting their jurisdictions. Where a veto is non existent, irrespective of what legislative powers a second chamber may posses, if not elected directly by the electorate, it will suffer the accusations of rubber stamping Bills passed by the first house. The NCOP falls in the same category of second houses with no veto over Bills affecting provinces. Its legislative powers on these Bills are blunted by the NA's twothirds majority in the legislature and as a result remain a subordinate of the first house and that of the ruling party. Furthermore, administrative and communication problems experienced by the institution hinder it in its role of representing provinces. Equally so, the dominance of the ruling ANC in the provinces makes it difficult to determine whether mandates delivered by provincial legislatures carry the interests of provinces or those of the party in power.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die studie-ondersoek is gerig op die rol wat die NRVP (Nasionale Raad Van Provinsies), as die tweede huis van die Parlement. Die werk is spesifiek gerig op die manier hoe die NRVP vaar in hul debatvoerings, asook in hul verteenwoordiging van provinsies soos voorgeskryf in die Grondwet. Sub-artikel 42 (4) van die grondwet stipuleer dat "die NRVP verteenwoordig die provinsies om te verseker dat provinsiale belange in ag geneem word op die nasionale sfeer van die regering." (RSA Wet 108 van 1996). Die vraag wat hierdie studie poog om te antwoord, is die volgende: werk die NRVP in hul debatsvoerings om die belange van die provinsies in die nasionale wetgewer te verteenwoordig inplaas van die belange van die party in beheer van 'n spesifieke provinsie? In die beantwoording van hierdie navorsings-vraag, is die studie benadering kwalitatief in aard. Met ander woorde - data invorderings metodes was beperk tot dokumente en ander belangrike bronne soos NRVP publikasies, naamlik die "NCOP News" en die "NCOP Review". Na 'n bestudering van literatuur rondom die tweede huis van Parlement, het hierdie studie bevind dat vir die tweede huis om 'n effektiewe rol te speel in die wetgewer, die Grondwet dit moet toerus met genoegsame wetgewende magte. Dit beteken onder andere dat die grondwet die tweede huis 'n veto-reg gee oor alle wetsontwerpe wat hulle jurisdiksie raak. Waar 'n veto-reg nie bestaan nie, ongeag die wetgewende mag wat die NRVP mag hê, sal dit bieg gebuk gaan onder die beskuldiging dat dit 'n rubberstempel plaas op wetsontwerpe uitgevaardig deur die Nasionale Vergadering. Die NRVP val in dieselfde katagorie van tweede huise wat nie 'n veto-reg het oor wetsontwerpe wat provinsies raak. Die NRVP se wetgewende mag oor hierdie wetsonwerpe word geskoei op die Nasionale Vergadering se twee-derde meerderheid en gevolglik bly dit ondergeskik aan die Nasionale Vergadering. Verder, administratiewe-en kommunikasie-probleme wat ondervind word deur die liggaam, hinder dit in die rol van verteenwoordiger van die provinsies. Gelykstaande hieraan, is die dominering van die bewindvoerende party - die ANC. In die provinsies is dit moeilik om vas te stel of die voorskrifte van die provinsiale wetgewer werklik handel oor die belange van die provinsies self of die is van die party in die meerderheid.
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GANARIN, MANUEL. "L'INTERPRETAZIONE AUTENTICA DELLE LEGGI UNIVERSALI DELLA CHIESA. LA COMPETENZA DEL PONTIFICIO CONSIGLIO PER I TESTI LEGISLATIVI." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/254241.
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This work illustrates the institution of the authentic interpretations of the universal laws of the Church, currently under the responsability of the Pontifical Council for Legislative Texts. After analysis of the function of the interpretative law, the elaborate ranks the twenty-nine authentic interpretation dates following the promulgation of the Code of Canon Law of 1983 within the specified category mentioned in can. 16, § 2 (declaratio, explicatio, coarctatio and extensio legis). The method that inspires the attempt to classify the responses is that of the so-called "legal realism", which leads to overcoming the positivist view of canon law and sees in the solution of an doubt of law the ideal remedy to protect, rediscover and strenghten the "rationabilitas" of the law interpreted.
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Almeida, Thomas Augusto Ferreira de. "Imunidade material do vereador: simetria federativa e o posicionamento do Supremo Tribunal Federal." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2019. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/22005.
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One of the dimensions of the existing asymmetry in Brazilian federalism concerns the parliamentary material immunity embodied in the freedom to express opinions and criticisms in the exercise of the parliamentary function. In view of the peculiar stature of federated entity attributed to the municipalities in the Federal Constitution of 1988, it is questioned whether its parliamentarians should have identical or less guarantees in relation to those of the parliamentarians of other federated entities. In other words, despite the similar nature of the exercise of parliamentary activity, one wonders whether the asymmetry of structures, powers and functions of the federated entities would imply a difference of content in parliamentary material immunity. For this investigation it is essential to analyze the jurisprudence of the Federal Supreme Court of Brazil in view of the jurisprudential nature of the principle of symmetry, guiding the organization of state entities based on an interpretation of the applicability of the federal model to other federative entities. We will argue that the city councilor's material immunity is symmetrical in Brazilian federalism, even though the constitutional text apparently points to a differentiation, proposing at the end of the thesis a method to identify the parliamentary speech immunized
Uma das dimensões da assimetria existente no federalismo brasileiro diz respeito à imunidade material parlamentar consubstanciada na liberdade de expressar opiniões e críticas no exercício da função parlamentar. Diante da peculiar estatura de ente federado atribuída aos Municípios inovadoramente na Constituição Federal de 1988, questiona-se se os seus parlamentares devem ter garantias idênticas ou menos abrangentes em relação às dos parlamentares dos demais entes federados. Em outras palavras, apesar da natureza semelhante do exercício da atividade parlamentar, pergunta-se se a assimetria de estruturas, competências e funções dos entes federados implicaria em uma diferença de conteúdo na imunidade material parlamentar. Para esta investigação mostra-se essencial a análise da jurisprudência do Supremo Tribunal Federal tendo em vista a natureza jurisprudencial do princípio da simetria, norteador da organização dos entes estatais a partir de uma interpretação da aplicabilidade do modelo federal aos demais entes federativos. Sustentaremos que a imunidade material do vereador é simétrica no federalismo brasileiro, ainda que o texto constitucional aparentemente aponte uma diferenciação, propondo ao final um método de identificação do discurso parlamentar imune
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Lam, Ka-pik. "Police complaints system and the proposed legislation : Independent Police Complaints Council Bill /." View the Table of Contents & Abstract, 2007. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B38838503.
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Lam, Ka-pik, and 林家碧. "Police complaints system and the proposed legislation: Independent Police Complaints Council Bill." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2007. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B39312422.
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Pinto, Danilo César Souza. "Homenagens do legislativo : uma etnografia dos processos simbólicos do estado." Universidade Federal de São Carlos, 2013. https://repositorio.ufscar.br/handle/ufscar/244.
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Previous issue date: 2013-01-17Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais
This thesis approaches an ordinary practice by the State: public homages, like medals of honor, honorific titles and denomination of public areas. From an ethnographic research of three municipal Legislative Councils, the dynamics of these homages, the actors and factors involved were investigated. It was observed both the bureaucratic and "political" aspects of such homages. An important characteristic of these processes is that they are treated by the politicians themselves as an irrelevant assignment. However, the ethnographical data shows that these activities constitute the majority of projects presented by the council-men. In the interviews granted by council-men, officers and NGO´s members that "observe" the politicians, central terms to think about these practices, such as agreement and blandishment were noted. These terms seem to show a way of interpretation for the high number of homages. There is a pre-established agreement in the Councils to let the homages pass, because they are usually approved as blandishments to a potential or actual electorate. This thesis tries to show the subtleness and the details involved in such cases of public homag.
Esta tese trata de uma prática corriqueira realizada pelo estado: as homenagens públicas, tais como as entregas de honrarias e a denominação de logradouros. A partir de uma etnografia realizada junto a três câmaras legislativas, investigou-se a dinâmica dessas homenagens, os atores e elementos envolvidos. Observou-se desde os trâmites burocráticos até os aspectos entendidos como os mais políticos . Uma característica significat iva desses processos é que eles são tratados pelos próprios políticos como um trabalho irrelevante. Não obstante, os dados etnográficos mostram que essas atividades constituem a maioria dos projetos apresentados pelos parlamentares. Nas entrevistas realizadas com parlamentares, funcionários burocráticos e representantes de ONGs fiscalizadoras dos políticos, nota-se um sobressalto de certas categorias nativas para pensar essas práticas, tais como acordo e agrado. Esses termos parecem mostrar um caminho de interpretação para o elevado número de homenagens. Assim, há um grande acordo pré-estabelecido nas câmaras para que as homenagens sejam aprovadas, por servirem como agrados às bases eleitorais potenciais ou atuais. A tese tenta demonstrar as sutilezas e detalhes inscritos nesses processos de homenagens públicas.
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Regensberg, Deborah Jean. "The implications of legislative changes on bargaining councils and occupational health services : a management consulting case study." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/5040.
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Thesis (MBA (Business Management))--University of Stellenbosch, 1999.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: As part of South Africa's transformation, legislative changes have been introduced to support the Constitutional rights of the people, including the right of access to health care. In restructuring the health services, the redistribution of resources between the private and public sector is addressed through a long-term vision which includes a Social Health Insurance scheme. The focus has been shifted to primary health and prevention, with community based services at the centre. Various Acts and regulations have been introduced to give substance to the transformation, including the Acts affecting medical schemes and the pharmaceutical services, labour legislation, education and training. The Bargaining Councils and Occupational health services have been extended to include primary health care, and in many cases this is extended to the dependents of the workers, bringing them into the ambit of the private sector. The proposed redistribution of resources into the public sector has placed the low-wage earner at risk as the cost of private health care increases. The legislation controlling medical schemes and pharmaceutical services are a threat to the viability of the Health Care Funds, particularly in the short-term until the Social Health Insurance has been established. The restrictions placed on dispensing and the measures which are intended to make drugs more affordable also provide a challenge to the low-cost medical funds. The relevant legislation is being subjected to judicial challenges, and the replacement legislation promulgated prematurely, resulting in confusion and uncertainty. It is within this context that the Funds must prepare for the changes ahead. A management consulting case study is presented using the Clothing Industry Bargaining Council of the Western Cape with the Clothing Industry Health Care Fund which provides comprehensive primary health services in Fund owned clinics, factories and through panel doctors. Because of the complexity of the organisation and the issues surrounding the implementation of changes to the pharmaceutical services, Yolles' viable approach to management systems has been used as a framework for the consultancy intervention. This is a newly published approach grounded in chaos theory, which directs the nature of inquiry according to form and the behaviour of the situation, aiming to maintain viability and adaptability. This case study examines the impact of the legislative changes on the health services which are accessed through the workplace, and tests the applicability of the viable approach to management systems.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: As deel van Suid-Afrika se transformasie is veranderings aangebring aan die wetgewing om die Konstitusionele regte van die mense te ondersteun, insluitend die reg van toegang tot gesondheidsorg. Met die herstrukturering van die gesondheidsdienste, word die verdeling van bronne tussen die privaat en publieke sektor aangespreek deur middel van 'n lang-tenmyn visie wat 'n gemeenskapsgesondheidsversekering insluit. Die lokus het herskuil na primêre gesondheid en voorkoming, met gemeenskapsdienste as sentrum. Verskeie wette en regulasies is voorgestel om as kern van die verandering te dien, insluitende wette wat die mediese skemas en farmaseutiese dienste, asook die werknemer, opleiding en opvoeding beinvloed. Die gesondheidsdienste van die Onderhandelingsrade en die Beroepsgesondheiddienste is uitgebrei om primêre sorg in te sluit. Dit sal ook die afhanklikes van die werkers dek en hulle sodoende binne die privaatsektor betrek. Die voorgestelde herverdeling van bronne in die publieke sekdor veroorsaak dat daar 'n risiko is vir die werker met 'n lae inkomste as gevolg van die stygende koste van gesondheidsorg. Die wetgewing wat mediese skemas en farmaseutiese dienste beheer veroorsaak ook dat die Siekefonds se lewensvatbaarheid bedreig word, veral in die korttenmyn tot tyd en wyl die gemeenskapsgesondheidsversekering gestig word. Die beperkings wat op reseptering geplaas word en die metodes wat beplan word om medisyne meer bekostigbaar te maak, veroorsaak ook 'n uitdaging vir die inkomste mediese fondse. Die relevante wetgewing word tans in die hof betwis, en die plaasvervangende wetgewing is voortydig gepromulgeer, wat verwarring en onsekerheid veroorsaak. Die siekefondse moet hulle binne die konteks voorberei vir die veranderinge wat voorlê. 'n Bestuurskonsultasie gevallestudie is voorgelê, met die hulp van die Klerasienywerheid Gesondheidsorgfonds (Weskaap), wie se siekefonds omvattende primêre gesondheidsdienste lewer binne klinieke, fabrieke en deur gemeenskapsgeneeskundiges. Omdat die organisasie en die omstandighede rondom die veranderings aan die farmaseutiese dienste kompleks is, word Yolles se lewensvatbare benadering (viable approach) as 'n raamwerk gebruik vir die konsultasie. Die model is nuut gepubliseer, en is gebaseer op chaos teorie, wat rigting gee aan die aard van die ondersoek volgens die vorm en die gedrag wat die situasie aanneem. Dit is daarop gemik om lewensvatbaarheid en aanpassingsvermoë te ondersteun. Daar word 'n studie gemaak van die impak wat die veranderings tot wetgewing op gesondheidsdienste wat deur middel van die werksplek bereik word mag hê, en toets die toepaslikheid van Yolles se model in die konteks van bestuurskonsultasie.
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Tolles, Sally J. "The diocesan synod some areas of potential particular legislation /." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1990. http://www.tren.com.
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Fantucci, Simone. "Consultoria técnico-legislativa em políticas sociais no âmbito das Câmaras Municipais." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2013. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/17643.
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Previous issue date: 2013-06-28The central theme of this work is the technical and legislative consulting activity in City Councils. Based on the knowledge of the assignments and work processes of a team of consultants, this study sought to answer what would be the contributions of Social Work in this professional acting space. It is known that advisory and consulting are listed as professional skills of a social worker in the Law that regulates the occupation, which led to the question: For what reasons has the existence of social worker consultant, acting with their technical and scientific knowledge within the scope of the Legislative Power, been rare? Assuming that the social worker has legitimate technical and professional competence to carry out legislative consulting, the following assumptions have been identified: the fact of there being a small number of and/or there being no social worker consultants in the Legislative Power would be associated with the fact that technical and legislative consulting has been consolidated recently and in Legislatives with greater structural complexity; the dilemmas about the meaning of a "highly technical" body of professionals in the Legislative Power are still persistent, such as the Institutional Consulting, due to several political interests; contests for the access to a consultant position are performed in different ways; there is low investment in human resources for the work linked to social areas; the Social Work profession would still be associated only with the Social Assistance area and the final execution of that Policy; and last but not least, the social workers little knowledge or total lack of knowledge of institutional legislative consulting. The research is qualitative and has been carried out through the search of documentary sources, bibliographical survey and gathering and analysis of statements by some legislative consultants who deal with social issues. As a result, we can say that the existence and the activity of Legislative Consulting are still incipient due to countless reasons, the main one being the little appreciation of the technical and scientific work. Moreover, Social Work has wide space for performance in this position, in a critical and relatively autonomous way, according to the ethicalpolitical project of the professional category of social workers, based on the Code of Ethics, which, together with other documents, sets out the principles, values and guidelines of the aforementioned project
O tema central do presente trabalho é o exercício da Consultoria técnico-legislativa nas Câmaras Municipais. A partir do conhecimento das atribuições e processos de trabalho de uma equipe de consultores, procurou-se responder quais seriam as contribuições do Serviço Social nesse espaço de atuação profissional. É sabido que a assessoria e a consultoria estão elencadas como competências profissionais do assistente social na Lei que regulamenta a profissão, o que levou à questão: por quais razões tem sido rara a existência do assistente social consultor, atuante com seu conhecimento técnico-científico no âmbito do Poder Legislativo? Admitindo-se que o assistente social tem legítima competência técnico-profissional para exercer a consultoria legislativa, foram levantadas as seguintes hipóteses: o fato de não se ter conhecimento e/ou de haver reduzido número de assistentes sociais consultores no Poder Legislativo estaria associado ao fato de a Consultoria técnico-legislativa estar se consolidando recentemente e principalmente em Legislativos de maior complexidade estrutural; ainda são persistentes os dilemas no Poder Legislativo sobre o significado de um corpo eminentemente técnico de profissionais, tal como a Consultoria Institucional, em face dos diversos interesses políticos; os concursos de acesso ao cargo de consultor são realizados de diferentes formas; há baixo investimento em recursos humanos para o trabalho afeto às áreas sociais; a profissão de Serviço Social ainda seria associada apenas à área da Assistência Social e à execução terminal dessa Política, e, por último mas não menos importante, o pouco ou total desconhecimento do próprio assistente social quanto à consultoria institucional legislativa. A pesquisa tem caráter qualitativo e foi realizada por meio de consulta a fontes documentais, por levantamento bibliográfico e pela coleta e análise de depoimentos de alguns consultores legislativos que se ocupam de temáticas da área social. Como resultado, podemos dizer que a existência e a atuação da Consultoria Legislativa são ainda incipientes por inúmeras razões, sendo a principal delas a pouca valorização do trabalho técnico-científico no âmbito do Legislativo. Ademais, o Serviço Social tem amplo espaço para uma atuação neste cargo de uma forma crítica e relativamente autônoma, segundo o projeto ético-político da categoria profissional dos assistentes sociais, à luz do Código de Ética que, em conjunto com outros documentos, enuncia os princípios, valores e diretrizes do aludido projeto
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Foca, Nolusindiso Octavia. "The role of the education labour relations council in collective bargaining." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1021054.
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The 1996 Constitution provides workers with the right to form and join trade unions and to participate in the activities and programmes of those trade unions. The organizational and associated rights contained in sections 23(2)-(4) of the Constitution of Republic of South Africa, form the bedrock of a labour-relations system characterized by voluntarist collective bargaining. The constitutional protection that the above section gives to these organisational rights shields the trade unions and employer organisations from legislative and executive interference in their affairs and in turn, inhibits victimisation of and interference in trade unions by employers. One of the expressly stated purposes of the Labour Relations Act of 1995 (hereinafter referred to as the “LRA”) is to promote collective bargaining and to provide a framework within which employers, employers’ organisations, trade unions and employees can bargain collectively to determine wages, terms and conditions of employment, other matters of mutual interest and to formulate industrial policy. Notwithstanding the above purpose, the Act does not compel collective bargaining, with the result that the courts have no role in determining, for example, whether an employer should bargain collectively with a trade, what they should bargain about, at what level they should bargain or how parties to a negotiation should conduct themselves. Despite this, by extending and bolstering the right to strike, the LRA has effectively empowered trade unions to have recourse to the strike as an integral aspect of the collective bargaining process. The LRA provides a framework that is conducive to collective bargaining and thus providing for the establishment of bargaining councils. The purpose of this treatise is to examine the role played by the Education Labour Relations Council (hereinafter referred to as the “ELRC”) as one of the sectoral bargaining councils in the Public Service, in collective bargaining. In order to place this discussion in context, it is valuable to know the history of industrial relations and collective bargaining in South Africa.
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Smith, Michael A. "Closer to home : districts, ambitions, and home styles of state representatives in a U.S. metropolitan area /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p9988701.
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胡楷琦. ""法案" 還是 "議案"? :從澳門特別行政區基本法中葡文版本差異看澳門立法議員的立法提案權 = "Bill" or "motion"? : a study of the proposal rights of the Legislative Council of the Macao Special Administrative Region, based on the difference between the Chinese and the Portuguese version of Macao Basic Law." Thesis, University of Macau, 2018. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3952165.
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Al-Rokn, Mohammed Abdulla Mohammed. "A study of the United Arab Emirates legislature under the 1971 Constitution : with special reference to the Federal National Council (FNC)." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1991. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/36197/.
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This study Is concerned with the Federal National Council (FNC) in the United Arab Emirates (U.A.E.) under the 1971 Constitution. In selecting the U.A.E. as a case study, a historical and socioeconomic perspective is adopted. The thesis analyses the U.A.E. traditional society and the effect of external factor namely its relation with Britain, and internal factor, viz, the advent of oil wealth, on the power structure in the emirates. Both factors increased the concentration of central power and decreased popular participation. The study provides a theoretical appraisal of the role and functions of the legislature in developing countries. It examines the constitutional functions namely legislative, political and financial. The study suggests new roles that the legislatures performs in Third World countries. The thesis examines the historical development of the U.A.E. constitutional system. Such development ended In 1971 when the emirates adopted a "Provisional Constitution" to the requirements of the rulers. The study explores the 1971 constitution with particular emphasis on the role of the National Council. It analyses the composition, functions, role and constitutional arrangements of the National Council In the U.A.E. The study provides an analysis of the major political and constitutional cases, In which the FNC was a part, in order to examine the practical working of the constitutional provisions in reality. Finally, the thesis attempts to explain the limitations, Imposed on the National Council, present in the existing constitutional framework and suggests some improvements to the status quo. The coimnon ground throughout the thesis is that a constitution with a democratic tendency does not necessarily establish democratic institutions and that it would be more acceptable in a developing country to introduce evolutionary rather than radical changes to its constitutional system. However, the study clarifies the difficulties of concentration of central power in developing countries.
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Xie, Aijie. "Changes in social characteristics of former council estates in the City of Canterbury since the introduction of the Right to Buy legislation." Thesis, University of Kent, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.594407.
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The aim of this thesis is to explore changes in social characteristics of former council estates in tbe City of Canterbury, since tbe introduction of the Right to Buy legislation. Researcb on social changes related to the Right to Buy has centred on a series of issues, however, a complete account of the evolution of social characteristics in former council housing areas seems not to have been explored in the literature. For this reason, the thesis intends to trace social cbanges that bave taken place in fonner council estates, and to examine the cbanges against the issues discussed in the literarure. Data has been collected from the 1981, 1991 and 2001 UK censuses, which delineate the social characteristics in former council estates before the changes (1981), during the changes ( 1991) and after the changes (2001). Fifty-one social indicators have been developed to represent the social characteristics being examined. Three data matrices, one for each census,have been constructed to study social change. Multivariate analysis has been applied to the data. First of all, Principal Components Analysis (PCA) was performed to study the dimensionality of the data, which generated consistent results over the three data matrices. Secondly, Multidimensional Scaling (MDS) has been applied to study the similarities berween areas in each data matrix. Property Fitting '(PrOFit) has been used to interpret the MDS configurations, and to help identify former council housing areas. Lastly and most importantly, Three-way Multidimensional Scaling has been adopted to study social change. The model used is INDSCAL by Carroll and Chang (1970), which generates a conunon space where the structure of social indicators remains constant. Areas have been represented into the common space by ProFit, in order to reveal the trend of social change over time. The results show that the changes in social characteristics of these former council housing areas are in line with the social changes discussed in the literature, i.e. the sale of council houses has resulted in the residualisation of tbe council housing sector, the growtb of borne ownership, social mix within former council estates, and gentri fication-induced displacemem. Keywords: council housing, the Right to Buy, social change, multivariate analysis.
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Whittle, Patricia. "The power to negotiate : examining mandating procedures in the National Council of Provinces and their impact on legislation and other parliamentary processes." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/20632.
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This study explores provincial participation and examines (a) how and (b) to what extent negotiating mandates of the respective provinces are taken into account in the legislative processes of Parliament in selected bills in terms of ss 74 and 76 of the Constitution, 1996. It evaluates to what extent current systems, processes, rules and legislation give effect to the will of provinces, as an expression of the views emanating from provincial public participation. The study provides a brief overview of the historic background and evolution of the Parliament of South Africa, followed by a discussion of the constitutional and legislative framework from which the NCOP derives its mandate and a brief comparison of the NCOP to the second chamber of the German Federal Republic, the Bundesrat. The discussion of the Mandating Procedures of Provinces Act, 2008 examines in which ways the Act helps or hinders the mandating processes, drawing on case studies of selected s 76 bills processed before and after the MPPA came into effect. It considers whether the NCOP's public consultation can remedy flawed or inadequate public participation by a department. In the case of constitutional amendment bills that proposes provincial boundary changes, s 74 of the Constitution requires an affected province's approval for such a bill to be passed. It considers whether a constitutional amendment bill can be amended and propose various options for consideration. The conclusion finds that the NCOP gives effect to its constitutional mandate to represent provinces in the legislative and other processes of Parliament with lesser degrees of success in respect of ss74 and 76 bills affecting provinces. It recommends a review and amendment of the MPPA and the NCOP Rules (and where relevant the Joint Rules of Parliament) to enable provinces to have a more meaningful impact on the legislative and other Parliamentary processes involving provinces.
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Maas-Olsen, Marcelle Isabel. "Empowering representative councils of learners through policy-making." Thesis, Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11838/1647.
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Thesis (MTech (Public Management))--Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2006.The right of learners to participate in decision-making as stakeholders in their own education was a significant area of controversy between learners and education authorities prior to 1994. At the end of the apartheid regime in 1994 the foundation was laid for a South Africa based on democratic values, social justice and fundamental human rights as provided for in the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 (Act 108 of 1996), hereinafter referred to as the Constitution RSA. To give effect to these constitutional rights and to entrench the democratic values in society, a new system of education and training which required the phasing-in of new education legislation had to be created. The National Education Policy Act, 1996 (Act 27 of 1996) [NEPAl was the first comprehensive new act promulgated by the government after 1994. This act mainly provides for the promulgation of education policy by the Minister of Education. The South African Schools Act, 1996 (Act 84 of 1996) [SASAj, as amended, provides a national system of school education that advances democracy, the development of all leamers and the protection of rights, as well as promoting acceptance of responsibility by learners, parents and educators for the organisation of the school, its governance and its funding. The SASA has entrenched the rights of learners to participate as stakeholders in education by affording them representation in school governing bodies which have the status of being the only legitimate bodies representing parents and learners in public schools.
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Pather, Sivalingam. "Workplace forums in terms of the labour relations act 66 of 1995." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/845.
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The promulgation into law of the concept of workplace forums has been beset with immense criticism and opposition from organized labour and some quarters of organized business. Last ditch efforts by the Ministerial Task Team had won the day for the inclusion of this controversial provision in the new Labour Relations Act.1 Commentators on the Act tend to agree that the fallout with organized labour at the negotiations has probably set the scene as to whether the provisions would be widely used or not. History has shown that the establishment of such forums in workplaces has been low. In some situations where workplace forums had been established, their continuous sustainability was put into doubt. This has led to the de-establishment of some of these forums in some workplaces. Various reasons were provided, but the prime factors for its failure could be traced back to the negotiations at NEDLAC. The unions opposed the original proposal by government that minority unions and even non-union employees can trigger the establishment of a workplace forum and insisted that this be restricted to majority unions. The voluntary nature regarding the establishment of a workplace forum and the trigger that only a majority union can invoke the provisions has still seen unions reluctant to utilize the provisions since it did not serve their purpose. The aims of the provisions, namely to increase workplace democracy, was therefore thwarted in favour of more informal procedures. Although the idea is a noble one, it is argued that the introduction of the provisions was ill-timed and inappropriate. The lesson that the legislature can take is that for any provision to be a success, buy-in from all stakeholders is paramount. Research has shown that there was a steady decline in the establishment of workplace forums. Since December 2004 there was not a single application received by the Commission for Conciliation, mediation and Arbitration. There is also doubt as to whether any of the Forums that were previously established are still functional. What is certain is that statutory workplace forums is not at the forefront as a vehicle for change that was envisaged in the Explanatory Memorandum that accompanied the new Labour Relations Act. What is also certain is that employers and employees are utilizing other forums to ensure workplace participation. These forums, however, only provide a voice to unionized workers. The vast majority of non-union workers remain voiceless. The proposed amendments in 2002 that intimated that the trigger be any union and not only majority unions failed to be passed into law. Perhaps it is that type of catalyst that is required to give life to the provisions. The future of workplace forums in South Africa is bleak and will continue to be if there is no intervention by the parties at NEDLAC to revive it. A complete revamp of the legislation would be required for such a revival. Some commentators have made meaningful suggestions on changes that can be made to the legislation to make workplace forums more attractive. Some have suggested it be scrapped altogether and future workplace participatory structures should be left to the parties to embrace voluntarily. Workplace forums are a novel innovation with great potential to encourage workplace democracy. There is nothing wrong with the concept. The application of such forums in the South African context is what is concerning. Perhaps prior experience and experimentation with similar type forums have tarnished workplace participation. The strategies by the previous regime and some employers have caused such participation to equate to co-option. Perhaps not enough spade work was done to ensure that the climate and attitude of the parties was conducive for its introduction. What is paramount no matter the form it takes is that workplace participation is crucial for economic growth and the introduction of new work methods to improve productivity. Without the establishment of such forums, whether voluntary or statutory, the ‘second channel principle’ that promotes non-adversarial workplace joint decision-making would be lost and conflict based participation could spiral leading to economic disaster.
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Cishe, Ayanda Lawrence. "Improving the effectiveness of the Mpumalanga representation in the National Council of Provinces." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52304.
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Thesis (MPA)--Stellenbosch University, 2001.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Aim: To investigate whether Mpumalanga Province's representation in the NCOP can be improved. Problem: The Mpumalanga Provincial Legislature is not performing as expected in the NCOP. The views of Mpumalanga Province are not articulated well in the NCOP. This may be as a result of a lack of research capacity within the Provincial Legislature. The available researchers are not experienced in the political and policy environment. The NCOP meeting cycle or timetable also does not allow enough time for the provinces to adequately prepare for pieces of legislation. There is further little or no interaction between the chairpersons of the Provincial Portfolio Committees and their counterparts in the NCOP. There is poor coordination, planning and communication within the provincial legislature. The Mpumalanga NCOP Liaison Office in Cape Town is not adding value to the information flow from Parliament to the Mpumalanga Provincial Legislature. It is acting as a post box by passing information on without any further research and analysis. The research question is: How to improve the effectiveness of the Mpumalanga representation in the National Council of Provinces? Hypothesis: The role of the Mpumalanga NCOP Liaison Office in Parliament needs to be redefined, and the research capacity of the Mpumalanga Provincial Legislature needs to be enhanced, in order to increase the effectiveness of the representation of Mpumalanga Province in the NCOP. Methodology: The following methods were used in this study; • Face to face interviews with the Chairperson of the NCOP, Ms N Pandor. • A structured questionnaire was sent to the Chief Whip of the NCOP, Mr. E Surty and selected members from the Mpumalanga Provincial Legislature. • Participant observation was used, as the researcher was, at the time of this study, an employee of the Mpumalanga Provincial Legislature stationed at the NCOP. • A literature study was also undertaken. Scope: The study concentrated on the Mpumalanga Provincial Legislature while lessons were drawn from other provinces. There is no universally agreed upon criterion to judge what constitutes organizational effectiveness. Evidence from the literature revealed that in order to improve organizational effectiveness, the Goal Attainment, Systems and Strategic Constituencies Approaches to organizational effectiveness need to be combined. These approaches are not mutually exclusive. The focus of the Goal Attainment Approach is mainly on ends while the Systems Approach concentrates on means to achieve the ends. The Strategic Constituencies Approach seeks to appease those stakeholders, in the environment, with potential to threaten organizational stability. Major Findings: Observation, personal experience and the responses from the informants tended to confirm the hypothesis. This study revealed that the researchers of the Mpumalanga Provincial Legislature were not empowered to deal with legislative matters. Major ConclusionslRecommendations: The most important recommendations are; .:. That Parliament should introduce legislation that will enable Provincial Legislatures to confer authority on their delegations to cast votes uniformly on their behalf in the NCOP . •:. That the brief of the provincial research unit be clearly specified. That a research agenda for each session of Parliament be set. .:. That the role of Regis House staff be expanded to include research, administration and liaison work. .:. That all researchers and senior staff of the organization be re-briefed on the functioning of the Provincial Legislature . •:. That comparative research be conducted on KwaZulu Natal and Western Cape who seemed to produce the best results.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Doelwit: Om ondersoek in te stel of die Mpumalanga Provinsie se verteenwoordiging op die Raad van Provinsies verbeter kan word. Probleem: Die Mpumalanga Wetgewer presteer nie na verwagting in die Nasionale Raad van Provinsies (NRVP) nie. Die sieninge van die Mpumalanga Provinsie word nie goed weergegee in die NRVP nie. Dit mag wees as gevolg van 'n gebrek aan navorsingskapasiteit in die Provinsiale Wetgewer (PW). Die beskikbare navorsers het nie ondervinding in die politieke en beleidsomgewing nie. Die NRVP siklus of tydskedule gee nie genoeg tyd aan provinsies om behoorlik vir wetgewing voor te berei nie. Daar is min of geen interaksie tussen die voorsitters van die Provinsiale Portefeulje Komitees en hul kollegas in die NRVP nie. Daar is ook swak koordinasie, beplanning en kommunikasie in die Provinsiale Wetgewer. Die Mpumalanga NRVP se skakelkantoor in Kaapstad voeg geen waarde toe tot die vloei van inligting van die Parlement na die Mpumalanga Provinsiale Wetgewer nie. Tans dien dit net as 'n posbus, wat inligting deurgee sonder verdere navorsing en analise. Die navorsingsvraag is, hoe kan die verteenwoordiging van die Mpumalanga Provinsie in die NRVP verbeter word? Hipotese: Die rol van die Mpumalanga skakelkantoor in die Parlement moet herdefinieer word en die navorsingskapasiteit van die Provinsiale Wetgewer moet versterk word, om die effektiwiteit van die verteenwoordiging van die Mpumalanga provinsie te verbeter in die NRVP. Metodologie: Die volgende metodes is gebruik in hierdie studie: • Persoonlike onderhoude met die Voorsitter van die NRVP, Me N Pandor. • 'n Gestruktureerde vraelys is gestuur na die Hoofsweep van die NRVP, Mnr E Surty en die teikengroep lede van die Mpumalanga Provinsiale Wetgewer. • Deelnemende waarneming is gebruik, omdat die navorser tydens die studie 'n werknemer van die Mpumalanga Provinsiale Wetgewer was, gestasioneer by die NRVP. • 'n Literatuurstudie is ook onderneem. Omvang: Die studie het gekonsentreer op die Mpumalanga Provinsiale Wetgewer, terwyl lesse geleer is vanaf ander provinsies. Daar is geen universeel ooreengekome kriteria waarop organisasies se effektiwiteit beoordeel kan word nie. Die geraadpleegde literatuur bevestig die hipotese. Die skrywers se gevolgtrekkings toon aan dat die volgende benaderinge tot organisatoriese effektiwiteit gekombineer moet word om 'n organisasie se effektiwiteit te verbeter: die doelwitbereikingsbenadering; sisteem en strategiese kiesafdelingsbenadering. Hierdie benaderings is nie onderling uitsluitend nie. Die fokus van doelwitbereikingsbenadering is hoofsaaklik op resultate terwyl die sisteembenadering konsentreer op maniere om die gevolge te bereik. Die strategiese kiesafdelingsbenadering probeer al die rolspelers met die potensiaal om organisatoriese stabiliteit te bedreig, bevredig,. Hoof Bevindinge: Waarneming, persoonlike ervaring en terugvoering vanaf die respondente het die hipotese deurgaans bevestig. Die studie het getoon dat die navorsers van die Mpumalanga Provinsiale Wetgewer nie wetgewende sake behoorlik kan hanteer nie. Belangrikste Gevolgtrekkings/Aanbevelings: Dit sluit in: ~ Die Parlement moet wetgewing voorlê wat die Provinsiale Wetgewers sal toelaat om hul afgevaardigdes te magtig om hul stemme eenvormig te kan uitbring in die NRVP namens daardie wetgewers. ~ Dat die opdrag van die provinsiale navorsingseenheid duidelik uitgespel word ~ Dat 'n navorsingsagenda bepaal word vir elke sessie van die Parlement ~ Dat die rol van Regis House personeel uitgebrei word om navorsing, administrasie en skakelwerk in te sluit ~ Dat alle navorsers en senior personeel van die organisasie geherorienteer word rakende die werksaamhede van die Provinsiale Wetgewer ~ Dat vergelykende navorsing gedoen word oor KwaZulu Natal en Wes Kaap wat die beste resultate lewer.
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YONKERS, ADAM THOMAS. "A GRAND COUNCIL: THE FORMATION OF A POLITICAL GENERATION AND THE LOWER ASSEMBLY OF THE FIRST CISALPINE REPUBLIC 1796-1799." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/920434.
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In the years of the Republican Triennio (1796-1799), Northern and Central Italy found itself transformed by a new political establishment rooted in the principles of revolution, republicanism, and national identity. These territories came together in 1797 to form the First Cisalpine Republic (1797-1799). Guided by the French Constitution of Year III, The Cisalpine Republic saw the materialization of a new political culture which blended French Revolutionary political practices, Italian political philosophy, and Cisalpine political development. This political culture was formed and developed inside the political and ideological center of the Cisalpine legislative apparatus, the lower house of the Cisalpine Assemblies, the Gran Consiglio. From 2 Frimaire to 14 Fructidor Republican Year VI (22 November 1797 to 31 August 1798), the Gran Consiglio, and the men who served as representatives within its chambers, was the point of legislative and political cultural formation, thanks to its constitutional mandate as the conceptualizer and incubator of legislative resolutions. This period saw the greatest moment of political and constitutional autonomy in Northern Italy during the entire Triennio, allowing for a looser and more progressive blending of Italian and French Revolutionary principles within Cisalpine legislation. This study will look at how the political and legislative culture of the Cisalpine Republic came to be created in the Gran Consiglio by examining the events which took place between 2 Frimaire and 14 Fructidor, and by understanding the personal backgrounds of Gran Consiglio representatives which shaped the way they debated and formed legislation. Through the use of archival resources, published acts of law and the debates recorded in the processi verbali of the Council itself, this thesis aims to provide evidence of the central role the Gran Consiglio played in development of Cisalpine administrative, social and political structures, its interactions with foreign and domestic institutions, and its place as the origins of early nineteenth century Italian political identity.
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VAZNONYTE, AUSTE. "MANY POLICIES, LITTLE TIME: REVISITING THE POWERS OF THE ROTATING PRESIDENCY OF THE COUNCIL OF THE EU." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/627512.
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The rotating Presidency of the Council of the European Union, once a key actor in the European decision-making process, was substantially weakened after the Treaty of Lisbon. Nonetheless, it maintains important competences, characterising the Presidency’s stance in the Council of the EU. Against this background, while focusing on one of the main responsibilities granted to the rotating chair – agenda control of the Council – this dissertation evaluates the extent to which the rotating Presidency is able to leave an imprint on the institution’s agenda, as well as the legislative outputs of the EU. In doing so, the research applies a widespread methodological approach, ranging from statistical analyses, quantitative text-analyses to qualitative comparative case studies.
Throughout its four chapters, this dissertation addresses the key institutional assets possessed by the rotating Presidency: agenda-setting, agenda-structuring and agenda-exclusion powers, as presented by Tallberg (2003). Taking into consideration the lack of longitudinal analyses of rotating Presidency agendas, especially after the Treaty of Lisbon, this dissertation provides several contributions.
First, it presents a novel, hand-coded dataset of 40 rotating Presidency programmes in 1997-2017. Throughout the dissertation, this dataset is employed as a proxy of their manifested agendas. By measuring issue salience across different rotating Presidency programmes, this research reveals attention shifts across different policies, and examines the main determinants (both at the national and supranational levels) influencing such punctuations.
Furthermore, in order to measure the extent to which introducing issues on the agenda or changing their prioritisation can actually influence the legislative outputs, Chapter III explores the legislation adopted throughout the 20 years period under study. By employing a novel text analysis approach – a dynamic topic model – the study looks at the legislative outputs from a punctuated equilibrium perspective. In this regard, the research paves the way for future analyses of the EU legislation, especially aiming to establish a link between the input and output EU agendas, beyond the analysis of the Council Presidency.
Finally, Chapter IV deals with often neglected negative face of power, i.e. agenda-exclusion. The chapter provides a step-by-step analysis of the legislative process to detect strategic delays and explores possible strategic explanations for such rotating Presidency behaviour in the post-Lisbon period.
Overall, the dissertation shows that, despite the Treaty of Lisbon, the rotating Council Presidency has retained a degree of influence. This is expressed both in agenda management powers and chair’s leverage on the legislative outputs. Hereby, this thesis opens up trajectories for new research in the field of the rotating Presidency of the Council of the EU.
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Silva, Thais Lopes. "Entre a ação legislativa e o constrangimento político: o Conselho Municipal do Distrito Federal (1921-1930)." reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/11067.
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This work has as a main objective to analyze the political dynamics of the federal capital, through the performance of the Municipal Council of the Federal District, in the 1920s. Starting from the idea of the decade in question was designated by deep tran sformations and political effervescence, seeks to understand how the Legislative of the Rio de Janeiro was operated, politically, in these years. Beyond elucidating the relationship established between the main municipal powers in the period - the intendan t and mayors - we have identified the political - partisan context of the time; highlight the main positions assumed by the Council forward certain key junctures of national policy and emphasize the heterogeneity of the local legislative in the twenties. To fulfill this purpose, this research structure from the Annals of the Municipal Council, the Bulletin of the town hall, the internal regulation of the Council and of the Press of Rio de Janeiro, through the newspaper Correio da Manhã.
Este trabalho tem como objetivo central analisar a dinâmica política da capital federal, através da atuação do Conselho Municipal do Distrito Federal, nos anos de 1920. Partindo da ideia de que a década em questão foi assinalada por profundas transformaçõe s e efervescência política, busca - se perceber como o Legislativo carioca operou, politicamente, nos anos em tela. Além de elucidar a relação estabelecida entre os principais poderes municipais no período – os intendentes e os prefeitos – identificamos o co ntexto político - partidário da época; destacamos os principais posicionamentos assumidos pelo Conselho frente determinadas conjunturas - chave da política nacional e lançamos luz sobre a heterogeneidade do Legislativo local nos anos vinte. Para cumprir este propósito esta pesquisa se estrutura a partir dos Anais do Conselho Municipal, do Boletim da Prefeitura, do Regimento Interno do Conselho e da Imprensa carioca, através do jornal Correio da Manhã.