Journal articles: 'Legislative assembly'

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Osayomwanbor, IMUETINYAN Sophia, OGBEIDE Frederick, and ENABUNENE Osazee Israel. "LEGISLATURE AND DEMOCRATIC GOVERNANCE: AN ASSESSMENT OF THE 9th NATIONAL ASSEMBLY IN NIGERIA." International Journal of Education Humanities and Social Science 06, no. 05 (2023): 107–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.54922/ijehss.2023.0580.

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The 9th National Assembly in Nigeria was elected in 2015 and represents the most extensive democratic period of legislative governance in the country’s history. This study examines the performance of the National Assembly as a mechanism of democratic governance in Nigeria. Specifically, we explore the legislative processes used by the Assembly, the extent of its accountability to the electorate, and the way it has impacted Nigerian democracy and development. Structural functionalism was adopted as the theoretical framework on the function of the Legislature, we employed qualitative methods to explain the Legislature and good governance, and evaluate the performance of the ninth assembly of the Nigerian State. The analysis of its roles in the creation of laws revealed a sizable disparity in terms of public involvement and consultation. Findings also revealed that the poor relationship between the executive and the legislative branch of government has slowed the development of democratic governance. It is recommended that Nigerian Legislators should prioritize legislative productivity and concentrate on passing legislation that will directly benefit society. In conclusion it was deduced that there is a substantial disparity between legislators and their constituents, according to the appraisal of legislators' performance in the Ninth Assembly in terms of representation as most law makers are perceived to be self-serving.

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Lee, Ho Seong. "Legislative Impact Analysis and Improvement Plan in the Government Legislative Process." Center for Legislative Studies, Gyeongin National University of Education 3 (June 30, 2023): 59–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.58555/li.2023.3.59.

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A “legislative flood” can lead to inefficiencies in the operation of acountry and increase the complexity of the legal system. As a countermeasure against this phenomenon, legislative impact analysis is gaining attention. Despite the various efforts that have been made to institutionalize legislative impact analysis, gaps remain. The bill cost estimation system, which is part of legislative impact analysis, is required by Article 79(2) of the National Assembly Act to attach a cost estimate to any bill that involves budgetary or funding measures, regardless of whether it is a parliamentary or government bill. However, the preliminary impact assessment report prepared during the government legislation process is not attached to the bill when it is submitted to the National Assembly. This article proposes that Article 79(4) of the National Assembly Act be amended to make it mandatory for the government to attach its own preliminary impact as sessment report to bills submitted to the National Assembly. For the sake of the structural delicacy of the legislative evaluation system, operational inefficiencies that occur in the government legislative process are presented and solutions are sought.

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Choi, Yong Jeon, and Do Hyub Kim. "A Comparative Study of the Korean-German Legislative Support System." National Public Law Review 18, no. 3 (August 31, 2022): 189–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.46751/nplak.2022.18.3.189.

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Although there are differences according to the characteristics of each country or the constitution of each country, the principle of parliamentary legislation is the most important element in most constitutionalist countries' constitutions. And legislative power is an essential and inherent power of Parliament. Nevertheless, the diversification, specialization, and diversity of legislative forms in modern society are weakening the position of the National Assembly as a legislative body. In other words, the legislative expertise of the current National Assembly has reached its limit. In the case of local councils, such a realistic problem can be said to be more serious. In this reality, we analyze and compare the legislative support systems of Korea and Germany to obtain implications. Analyzing the legislative support system of the German Bundestag and the House of Representatives and the Hessischer Landtag in comparison with the Korean National Assembly and the Gyeonggi Provincial Assembly, and comparatively examining the results, I think that it will make an academic contribution to enhancing the value of constitutionalism.…

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Lailiyah, Risaatul. "Peranan Badan Permusyawaratan Desa dalam Pemberdayaan Masyarakat di Sidoarjo." al-Daulah: Jurnal Hukum dan Perundangan Islam 3, no. 1 (April 1, 2013): 57–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.15642/ad.2013.3.1.57-76.

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Abstract: This paper describes about the role of the Village Consultative Assembly in village of Jati, Banjar Bendo, and Sumput of Sidoarjo regency in empowering the community. Village Consultative Assembly is an institution that is the embodiment of democracy in a village’s governance as an administrative element of the village. It functionates to set rules together with the Head of the village and accommodates the aspirations of the people. Village Consultative Assembly’s role in empowering the community in the village of Jati and Sumput are less active. While, the Village Consultative Assembly in Banjar Bendo is very active. Beeing active or not active in carrying out their role lies on the implementation of the legislative’s function that has been defined by Peraturan Pemerintah No. 72 year 2005 article 35 Juncto PERDA (Regional Legislation) of Sidoarjo No. 07 year 2006 article 12. The legislative duties and functions of the Village Consultative Assembly in Sidoarjo can not run optimally. This is indicated by the Village Consultative Assembly’s less comprehensive in Jati and Sumput in framing the conventional regulations into the written rules. It is so since they got less technical assistance from the local government, especially in the field of legislation.Keywords: Role, village consultative assembly, Sidoarjo

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Ellickson, Mark C., and Donald E. Whistler. "Legislative Success in the Arkansas General Assembly: A Causal Perspective." American Review of Politics 12 (July 1, 1991): 62–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1991.12.0.62-76.

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This study employs recursive path analysis techniques to develop a causal model of legislative success in the “one party-no party” state legislature of Arkansas. Utilizing a unique five-step process to measure bill-passage through the Arkansas House, four direct paths to legislative success were identified: educational level, age, race, and seniority. The final model suggests a legislative body in transition from amateur status and exclusivity to one more autonomous and competitive.

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Ryu, Ji Woong. "A Study on the Legislative Participation of Local Governments in Switzerland and Germany." European Constitutional Law Association 41 (April 30, 2023): 567–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.21592/eucj.2023.41.567.

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The purpose of this study is to compare the legal systems of Switzerland and Germany to expand the participation of local governments in legislation in Korea. Today, opinions and participation of local governments are expanding through the strengthening of local autonomy and the expansion of decentralization. Currently, in Korea, local governments can indirectly present their opinions, participate in public hearings, hearings, etc. through the Local Autonomy Act, the National Assembly Act, and the legislative operation regulations, and these procedures remain objects, not subjects. In order to improve this, it is necessary to analyze the legal systems of Switzerland and Germany, where local governments and local government associations are actively participating as legislators and related parties in relation to autonomy, and review their implications for Korea. In the case of Switzerland, Kenton is widely recognized for his participation in legislation. To this end, the federal constitution stipulates in detail. Legislative participation is also recognized by expanding diplomatic affairs, and strong legislative participation is promoted through the right to request a referendum, and similar to Germany, federal senators can be formed as representatives of Canton to participate in parliamentary legislation. Looking at the characteristics of the legislative participation systems of Swiss and German local governments, the following characteristics are shown. First, legislative participation in the central government and the National Assembly is very actively recognized. On the other hand, in Germany, local governments and associations of local governments generally recognize limited and passive participation in legislation in the National Assembly. However, as a supplement to this, local governments are actively realizing legislative participation in the National Assembly through the exercise of members of the Federal Council or the right to vote. In Switzerland and Germany, the scope of affairs related to local governments is widely recognized for the scope of legislation that local governments and local government councils can participate in, but legislative participation is not limited to legislation, but even zero, rules, and plans are recognized. In order for local governments and local government councils to actively present their opinions on local autonomy and improve the legal system, including legislative participation by local governments It is thought that allowing the heads of local governments at the same national level to participate in actual state legislation and policies as State Council members could be a way to expand the institutional guarantees of local governments guaranteed under the constitution.

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Gáva, Krisztián, and András Téglási. "The Role of the Branches of Powers in Law-Making in Hungary." Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego 67, no. 3 (June 30, 2022): 293–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2022.03.22.

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In Hungary legislative power rests with the National Assembly. According to the Fundamental Law of Hungary the authority to pass legislation is vested in the National Assembly, the supreme body of popular representation. This paper gives a general overview of the role of the branches of powers in law-making in Hungary. We introduce the role of the legislative power in law-making, the role of the executive power, the role of the judicial power in law-making, and finally the role of the President of the Republic in legislation.

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Greenberg, Daniel. "Welsh Devolution." Legal Information Management 13, no. 3 (September 2013): 134–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1472669613000364.

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AbstractThe emergence of the National Assembly for Wales as a devolved legislature producing first Measures and now Acts, together with the establishment of a Welsh Government with a range of powers to make secondary legislation, has added a new layer of complication to the already over-complicated legislative landscape of the United Kingdom. This article, written by Daniel Greenberg, examines briefly some of the resulting complications.

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Miruka, Simon Okumba, Grace Wamue Ngare, and Pacificah Okemwa. "METHODS USED BY WOMEN PARLIAMENTARIANS TO INFLUENCE LEGISLATIVE PROCESSES AND OUTCOMES IN KENYA’S NATIONAL ASSEMBLY OF THE 11TH PARLIAMENT (2013 -2017)." International Journal of Gender Studies 6, no. 1 (February 5, 2021): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.47604/ijgs.1215.

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Purpose: The study examined the legislative influence of women in the context of gender quotas in Kenya’s National Assembly of the 11th parliament (2013-207). This article focuses on the methods women parliamentarians used to assert legislative influence. Methodology: This was a descriptive case study which focused on all 68 women in the National Assembly. Respondents were identified through stratified sampling based on: pathway to parliament; membership and leadership of parliamentary structures; contribution to debate; and sponsorship of Bills enacted. A total of 11 women were interviewed, derived from four of the seven parliamentary political parties, specifically the two largest political coalitions which contributed 94% of the legislature. The study also interviewed four purposively sampled key informants (KIs) - three male and one female. The data was processed manually, analysed and presented under each study objective. Sources of primary data were coded as follows: WL (Woman Legislator), ML (Male Legislator) and KI (Key Informant). All respondents were allocated specific numbers for identification and acknowledgement. Findings: The study established that women legislators used the following methods to influence legislation: mobilisation of male colleagues; solidarity across political parties; activism; leveraging committee positions; reliance on the National Assembly leadership; and compromise and conciliation. It notes that the methods were effective in some circumstances but failed in others. Unique contribution to theory, practice and policy: The study outlines how various methods were applied by women legislators in Kenya’s National Assembly 2013-2017, the first time quotas were applied in Kenyan elections. It fills the gap in earlier studies that did not document these methods. The study notes that the methods were not intrinsically weak but their effectiveness was limited by circumstances, especially the attitude of male legislators. It illustrates the importance of diversifying approaches to influence legislation. The study recommends that women legislators should: work with supportive male legislators and other pressure groups in the legislature; introduce Bills early in the legislative calendar to improve chances of success; receive training on parliamentary work; and occupy influential parliamentary leadership positions.

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Hyunwook Cho. "Assembly members Initiative Criminal legislation and Role of Legislative Counselling Office." Korean Journal Of Criminology 27, no. 1 (April 2015): 83–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.36999/kjc.2015.27.1.83.

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Beck, Thomas, and C. J. Mitchell. "The French Legislative Assembly of 1791." American Historical Review 95, no. 4 (October 1990): 1211. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2163581.

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Valentini, Chiara. "The Legislative Assembly and Representative Deliberation." American Journal of Jurisprudence 64, no. 1 (April 27, 2019): 105–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ajj/auz004.

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GRAHAM, AARON. "JAMAICAN LEGISLATION AND THE TRANSATLANTIC CONSTITUTION, 1664–1839." Historical Journal 61, no. 2 (October 17, 2017): 327–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x1700022x.

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AbstractBetween its first meeting in January 1664 and the final session held under unfree labour in December 1838, the volume of legislation passed by the house of assembly in Jamaica increased exponentially. As in Britain and Ireland, this reflected the growing administrative capacity and political power of the legislature and also the enormous demand for laws and law-making among local interest groups. The rise and fall of slavery and the slave society in the island was therefore underpinned in a large part by the power of its colonial legislature, which also operated within the broader transatlantic constitution structured by imperial politics and law. There was very little though to distinguish the house of assembly from others in British North America, at least in legislative terms, and even after the traumatic imperial disjuncture of 1783 the reformed transatlantic constitution continued to provide a supportive environment for the expansion of legislation within the island of Jamaica.

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M Sangma Ph.D., Bijime, and S. Suchitra Varma. "Political Participation of Garo Women in Legislative Assembly Elections in Meghalaya." International Journal of Science and Research (IJSR) 12, no. 9 (September 5, 2023): 1775–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.21275/sr23922152805.

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Roshanzadeh, Javad, and Seyed Ahmad Habibnejad. "LEGISLATIVE RESTRICTIONS OF THE ISLAMIC CONSULTATIVE ASSEMBLY DUE TO THE LEGISLATIVE JURISDICTION OF OTHER AUTHORITIES IN THE PROCEDURE OF THE GUARDIAN COUNCIL." Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews 7, no. 6 (December 19, 2019): 813–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2019.76123.

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Purposes: In the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran, in accordance with Article 71, legislation is the responsibility of the Islamic Consultative Assembly and has general jurisdiction which does not mean that the Islamic Consultative Assembly has no restrictions on legislation, but has limitations in terms of the various Constitutional principles including, the exclusive and particular jurisdiction of other authorities to legislate the law. The Islamic Consultative Assembly cannot legislate in the jurisdiction of these institutions. In the Constitution, a series of authorities have got the right to legislate. Methodology: Using an analytical descriptive method, the present article seeks to examine the question of what are the legislative constraints of the Islamic Republic Consultative Assembly in the Guardian Council's procedure. Results: In the procedure of the Guardian Council, other authorities, such as the Assembly of Experts of the Leadership, the Expediency Discernment Council of the system, the Supreme National Security Council, the Supreme Council of the Cultural Revolution, etc. have found the right to legislate. In other words, this general jurisdiction has been assigned in a way. Implications/Applications: The application of this study is to introduce the laws of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The exercise of this jurisdiction by the Islamic Consultative Assembly has a framework that cannot be explained except by referring to the Constitutional principles Novelty/Originality: In the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran, due to the nature and type of government and the particular aspirations pursued, other legislative authorities include the Assembly of Experts, the Expediency Council, the Supreme National Security Council. It is accepted that by referring to the views of the Guardian Council as the Constitutional body, they have protected them in cases where the jurisdiction of these authorities has been invaded.

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Savelchev, L. A. "The Legal and Normative Framework of International Activities of Subnational Parliaments: a Case of St. Petersburg Parliament." Administrative Consulting, no. 2 (April 26, 2024): 215–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/1726-1139-2024-2-215-229.

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Purpose. The article engages in a comprehensive analysis of the legal and normative foundations of international activities of the Russian sub-state regions with an emphasis on regional parliaments.Methods. In order to compile the study, the author draws upon a case-oriented research design and engages in two approaches namely comparative and political-legal. The case of the study is St. Petersburg, a Russian region, and its supreme legislative body namely the Legislative Assembly of Saint Petersburg.Results. The author has defined the general normative-legal foundations of the international activity of the Russian regions, outlined the general normative-legal foundations of the international activity of the legislative authorities of the Russian regions and analysed the normative-legal foundations of the international activity of the representative authority of the Russian regions and their proportion with the executive branch of power in the case of the Legislative Assembly of St. Petersburg and the system of executive authorities of St. Petersburg. In addition, the author outlined the problems of legal regulation of international activities of Russian regions.Conclusions. Firstly, in terms of legal basis, the regions of the Russian Federation have a limited range of freedom in the sphere of international relations, consisting in the maintenance of cultural and economic ties, and the international activity of the regions itself is under the control of the federal authorities. Secondly, the federal legislation of Russia contains legal uncertainties regarding the interpretation of concepts and the definition of specific mechanisms and forms of international activities of the regions. Thirdly, federal legislation, while not defining the clear competences of regional parliaments, provides the Russian regions to independently determine the specific powers of their authorities within the framework of federal and regional legislation. Fourthly, the competences of international activities of the Legislative Assembly of St. Petersburg are limited to the status-value, normative-recommendary and advisory-expert nature. Fifthly, the structure of the powers of public authorities in St. Petersburg shows a prevalence in the powers of international activities between the legislative and executive authorities in favour of the second one

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De Almeida Vasconcelos, Taise, Neiara De Morais Bezerra, and Samuel Leite Castelo. "Controle interno e o Parlamento Estadual: uma análise da controladoria da Assembleia Legislativa do Ceará." Revista Controle - Doutrina e Artigos 22, no. 1 (December 11, 2023): 362–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.32586/rcda.v22i1.876.

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This paper analyzes the Comptroller of the Legislative Assembly of Ceará in the light of the evolution of internal control. The area of knowledge on internal control applied to the public sector is thriving, but little is known about the scientific contributions developed in this branch of knowledge in the context of the Legislative Power. It used a documentary and bibliographic analysis of internal control as a methodology, with an approach on the legislation and good practices on the subject. Interviews were conducted with managers of the controllership areas. The joint use of these techniques allows us to characterize this research as a case study. The results express that the Legislative Assembly of Ceará (Alece) was administratively restructured, adapting to good practices and international and national legal proposals in activities and mechanisms aimed at preventive internal control, internal audit, transparency, risk management, integrity, and management quality.

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Siregar, Lisdhani Hamdan. "Implikasi Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi dalam Pemakzulan Presiden dan/atau Wakil Presiden di Indonesia." Jurnal Konstitusi 9, no. 2 (May 20, 2016): 287. http://dx.doi.org/10.31078/jk923.

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The one of Constitutional Court authority, commonly it called as a duty, has gived a verdict for Indonesian Legislative Assembly opinion about guess of inlegallity by doing President and or without Vice President. The characteristic of Constitutional Court’s verdict has been juridical final. As relative character of verdict, Constitutionan Court’s Verdict has not had a strength binding for The People Advisory Assembly as the last institution in settlement process for dismissal President and or without Vice President in their period to follow the Constitutional Court’s verdict, except to held plenary session like Indonesian Legislative Assembly’s opinion. It was a consequency of Article 7B Paragraph (6) Indonesian Constitution of 1945.

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Chin, Jae Hoon. "A study on the legislative process of the Republic of Korea." Korean Journal of Policy Studies 1 (December 31, 1986): 181–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps01014.

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In view of the importance of Parliamentary System and legislation, this paper tries to examine the formal legislative procedure and its actual workings in the National Assembly of the Republic of Korea in order to find out some characteristic features of the legislative process and to suggest some improvements of the current practices. We found that the characteristic features of legislative procedure in the Korean National Assembly are as follows; First, deliberations at the standing committees occupy the central importance in the entire legislative process. Second, those legislative procedures which require open-door sessions have usually been inaccessible by the public due to short notice and lack of practice of public hearings. And thus the sub-committees have been held either at a closed-session, or at a corner of the lobby, excluding many aspirants of observers. Third, judicial review and presidential veto as a check and controlling mechanism on the law making process have played very insignificant role. Fourth, the Executive Branch has the superior position in the legislative process compared with the Legislative Branch; that is, the Executive Branch can exert greater influence in the submission, deliberation, and passage of the bills. Finally, the 38.1% 1,467 laws of the total 3,853 laws promulgated by the president have been propose by non-representatives. This may be one of the reasons why the general public has low respect and trust in the legislative process and the parliamentary democracy.

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Grist, Deirdre. "Indexing legislative text: Alberta Hansard." Indexer: The International Journal of Indexing: Volume 23, Issue 3 23, no. 3 (April 1, 2003): 138–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/indexer.2003.23.3.7.

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Morina, Visar. "THE LEGISLATIVE VETO FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF THE KOSOVO CONSTITUTION." Denning Law Journal 26 (September 24, 2014): 19–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.5750/dlj.v26i0.877.

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The Constitution of Kosovo has established a number of mechanisms for the separation of powers and reciprocal checks and balances among which is the President’s authority to return legislation for reconsideration. However, the interaction between the President and the Assembly on matters confronting the legislative veto has unveiled a number of constitutional ambiguities and inconsistencies which rendered involvement of the Constitutional Court necessary to define further the constitutionally-contemplated powers of the President for returning legislation for reconsideration. The article analyses the Presidential legislative veto from the prospect of the 2008 Kosovo Constitution. Through constitutional interpretation and practical cases this article seeks to examine more closely the structural and the functional aspect of the Presidential legislative return statements in post-status Kosovo.

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Okafor, Obiora Chinedu. "Remarkable returns: the influence of a labour-led socio-economic rights movement on legislative reasoning, process and action in Nigeria, 1999–2007." Journal of Modern African Studies 47, no. 2 (May 12, 2009): 241–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x09003826.

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ABSTRACTDuring 1999–2007, a labour-led but broad-based socio-economic rights movement, which focused on a pro-poor (and therefore highly popular) anti-fuel price hike message, persuaded and/or pressured Nigeria's federal legislature, the National Assembly, to: mediate between it and the Executive Branch of Government; take it seriously enough to lobby it repeatedly; re-orient its legislative processes; explicitly oppose virtually all of the Executive Branch's fuel price hikes; and reject key anti-labour provisions in a government bill. Yet the movement did not always succeed in its efforts to influence the National Assembly. This article maps, discusses, contextualises and analyses these generally remarkable developments. It also argues that while many factors combined to facilitate or militate against the movement's impact on legislative reasoning, process and action during the relevant period, this movement's ‘mass social movement’ character was the pivotal factor that afforded it the necessary leverage to exert considerable, if limited, influence on the National Assembly.

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Radko, Timofey N., and Varvara A. Nazaykinskaya. "Review on the book: Bondarchuk, I. V., Butkevich, O. V., Rudenko, A. V. et al. (2020) Rule-making process in the Republic of Crimea and Sevastopol (based on materials of 2019): a textbook for masters. Simferopol, Arial publishing house." RUDN Journal of Law 26, no. 1 (March 24, 2022): 236–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2337-2022-26-1-236-243.

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The review analyzes the content of the textbook Rule-making process in the Republic of Crimea and Sevastopol, prepared by a team of authors representing not only Crimean universities that provide training in the areas 40.04.01 Jurisprudence and 38.04.04 State and municipal government, but also directly involved in the legislative process. It is emphasized that this is the third book in a series of publications based on the annual reports of the State Council of the Republic of Crimea and reports of the Legislative Assembly of the city of Sevastopol on the state of regional legislation. The authors point to a well-grounded combination of theoretical and practical foundations of rule-making activity in the constiuents of the Russian Federation under study. It is noted that the cycle of publications based on legal monitoring of the legislative activities of the State Council of the Republic of Crimea and the Legislative Assembly of the city of Sevastopol is successfully combined with a theoretical review of issues related to the preparation of draft laws. These facts make the manual a useful source not only for undergraduate students, but also for all specialists working in the field of regulatory activity.

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Lim, Jibong. "A Legislative Review of National Assembly Act Bill to Control the Administrative Legislation." Journal of Legislative Studies 19, no. 2 (August 31, 2022): 59–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.31536/jols.2022.19.2.003.

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Lalremruata, Joseph C. "A Brief Analysis of First Time Winners in Mizoram State Legislative Assembly Polls (2003 To 2018)." Senhri Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 5, no. 1 (July 20, 2020): 51–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.36110/sjms.2020.05.01.006.

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It is interesting to state that half of the elected MLAs (20 out of 40) in the 2018-Mizoram State Legislative Assembly election were the candidates who got victory in their first time. This paper analyses the first time winners of MLA candidates in Mizoram particularly from the Fifth to Eight State Legislative Assembly polls (2003 to 2018). It also analyses Mizoram Assembly elections and political parties in brief.

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Pal Deka, Pranjal Kumar Chakravartty, and Kakumoni Borah. "Political representation of women in legislative assembly elections of Assam." World Journal of Advanced Research and Reviews 14, no. 2 (May 30, 2022): 559–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.30574/wjarr.2022.14.2.0461.

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The representation of women in legislative assembly elections of Assam have not improved since independence. Although Assam has a dignified history of women but they are not included in decision making and party politics of the state. Assam had witnessed a decline of percentage of women elected members of legislative assembly (MLA). In 2021 lowest number of women MLA’s are elected in comparison to other consecutive years. Here in this study, an attempt is made to observe political party-wise change in percentage of elected women MLA’s of Assam from 2001 to 2021. Moreover, the study had tried to bring percentage comparison between elected male and female MLA’s of Assam. Further, the study had also observed difference between contested and won women candidates in Assam legislative assembly elections. The result of the study shows that there is need of further improvement in representation of women in Assam politics. The study also shows huge difference between male and female elected MLA’s in legislative assembly elections of Assam. Regional political parties of Assam should give more candidature to women candidates in legislative elections in comparison to national political parties of the country.

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Baba, Yahaya T. "Power Sharing and the Implications for Democratic Governance in Nigeria: The Case of National Assembly (1999–2011)." Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 8, no. 4 (July 27, 2017): 111–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mjss-2017-0010.

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AbstractGiven the diverse nature of the Nigerian society and the tension associated with political contestations, particularly elective positions at various levels of government, some power sharing frameworks evolved in both formal and informal contexts. The ‘Federal Character Principle’ for instance, which is a constitutional provision that requires the sharing of major political and bureaucratic positions among the diverse people of Nigeria is meant to ensure fair representation, equitable distribution of political incentives and sense of belonging. This principle is also internalized by the major political parties in Nigeria in their candidates′ selection procedures and indeed by the legislature in determination of candidates for legislative leadership positions. Thus using the National Assembly of Nigeria from 1999-2011, the paper examined the extent to which formal and informal power sharing arrangements affects democratic governance in the country. The paper relied on secondary sources of data, which include official documents such as the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, constitutions of various political parties, newspaper and bulletins and some extant literature. Theoretically, Lijphart’s (1968; 1977; and 1990) consociational model of Proportional Representation (PR) provided the guide to understanding the power sharing arrangement in Nigeria’s democracy and particularly the informal arrangement within the National Assembly. This theoretical stance, though contradicts the broader theory of legislative institutionalization, is seen as an effective strategy for dousing tensions, curtailing upheavals and ensuring mutual trust among the diverse groups of Nigeria for democratic stability. The paper, however, argues that the informal power sharing arrangement in the Nigeria’s National Assembly undermines its autonomy, complexity and the principle of universal procedure of conducting legislative business. Essentially, the power sharing arrangement affects the stability of legislative leadership which is central to legislative autonomy and its institutionalization as well. The paper concluded that while the National Assembly in Nigeria is unlikely to institutionalize conventionally, the fragile nature of the informal arrangements of power sharing may also be a source of tension and conflict once it is obstructed.

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Gilani, Syed Raza Shah, Zahid Ullah, and Shehla Zahoor. "Democracy, Economic Development, and the Separation of Powers in the 1973 Constitution Pakistan: A Critical Analysis." Summer 2023 4, no. 3 (September 30, 2023): 150–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.55737/qjssh.401499812.

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This article examines the links between democracy, economic development, and the separation of powers-with a focus on the 1973 Constitution of Pakistan. Under the 1973 Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, there is a separation between the judicial, legislative, and executive organs of the state, yet there is evidence that the separation exists more on paper and less in reality. The interference of one institution in another’s functions is not only constitutionally unwarranted but is also against the essence of democracy. The prime minister of Pakistan is allowed by the constitution to exercise all executive powers in the name of the president and to oversee legislation in the country. Due to political party discipline, legislative assembly members cannot delay any legislation proposed by their party leader. It shows there is a close link between the executive and the legislature that seemingly goes against the theory and practice of the strict separation of powers. The judicial history of Pakistan shows the paramountcy of the executive over the judiciary. Nevertheless, the judiciary, through judicial activism, including judicial review and suo moto measures of the Supreme Court, has also affected the distribution of powers between the executive, legislature, and judiciary in Pakistan.

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Gastorn, Kennedy. "The Inevitable Reforms of the Legislative Competencies of the East African Legislative Assembly." Verfassung in Recht und Übersee 48, no. 1 (2015): 28–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0506-7286-2015-1-28.

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Смирнов, Е., and E. Smirnov. "Changes in Financial Legislation on Credit." Auditor 5, no. 8 (September 3, 2019): 3–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/article_5d6615628e7417.94234951.

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In Russia, the improvement of fi nancial legislation governing the sphere of lending continues. In line with such legislative work of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation, signifi cant events were the adoption of federal laws of May 1, 2019 No. 76-FZ and August 3, 2018 No. 327-FZ.

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Aligbe, Bendrix Abdullah, and Mariam Millie Momoh. "The National Assembly, Good Governance and Nation-Building in Nigeria." African Journal of Humanities and Contemporary Education Research 14, no. 1 (March 31, 2024): 221–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.62154/7y3w2p12.

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The legislature is an institution which represents the common and collective interests of the citizens through the enactment of laws and the exercise of oversight functions on the activities of the executive arm of government. For stable and sustainable international peace, nation-building and good governance require building effective societal, economic and political structures that meet the needs of the people. In the quest for nation-building in a democratic state like Nigeria, the exercise of effective legislative oversight function is crucial. It acts to provide checks and balances in cases when the executive branch operates unconstitutionally. It also aims to ensure that all relevant societal groups are included in and benefit from the nation-building and development exercise and that government policies and budgets are implemented in an effective, efficient, transparent and accountable manner. The power of oversight is constitutionally provided to the Nigerian legislature to enable the National Assembly to curtail corruption, inefficiency, or embezzlement in the executive or administration of laws within its legislative right and in the disbursement and administration of funds appropriated by the Acts. Unfortunately, the Nigerian legislature’s capacity to carry out its oversight functions remains ineffective because the legislature and culture are in their infancy and often confronted by many challenges. The focus of this paper is to examine the roles of the national assembly in promoting good governance and nation-building. This paper further recommends that the citizens elect upstanding individuals with no histories of corruption and greed.

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Woodman, George. "The Legislative Process in the Northern Ireland Assembly." Legal Information Management 1, no. 1 (2001): 43–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1472669600000268.

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These are divided into three categories: Excepted Reserved and Transferred Matters. Excepted Matters are those which are always the responsibility of the United Kingdom Government. They include such matters as external defence, foreign policy and coinage and are listed in full in Sch 2 to the Northern Ireland Act 1998. Reserved Matters are those which, while remaining the responsibility of Westminster, could be devolved in the future. They include taxation and policing and Sch 3 to the 1998 Act lists them in full. Transferred Matters are all other functions of Government which are devolved to an Assembly.

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Bilash, O. "Legislative regulation issues of peaceful assemblies in Ukraine." Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series: Law, no. 71 (August 25, 2022): 216–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2022.71.36.

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The article examines the issues of possible settlement of peaceful assemblies by law in Ukraine and attempts to answer the question of the need and necessity of adopting a special law. The constitutional provisions and provisions of the acts of interpretation of the norms of the constitution, as well as legislative acts of various branches of law, which indirectly regulate the organization and holding of peaceful assemblies, have been studied. Despite the lack of a special law, a number of aspects of the exercise of this right are regulated in separate and unsystematized acts. In particular, limiting the terms of notification of a peaceful assembly (Law “On the Procedure for Resolving Collective Labor Disputes (Conflicts)”); identification of bodies to be contacted for notification of a peaceful assembly (Laws “On Local Self-Government in Ukraine” and “On Local State Administrations”); restrictions on the time of peaceful assemblies (Electoral Code of Ukraine); establishing the possibility to prohibit peaceful assemblies, rallies, marches and demonstrations, other mass events in the establishment of special legal regimes (Laws “On the legal regime of the state of emergency” and “On the legal regime of martial law”); the procedure for prohibiting peaceful assembly in court by an administrative court (Code of Administrative Procedure). The study proved that the adoption of a systematic legislative act that will regulate the conceptual and procedural issues of notification of the meeting, the powers of the relevant authorities in the event of such notification, the rights and responsibilities of participants is timely. Similarly, the normative definition of the concept of “peaceful assembly”, the forms in which it can be carried out, the distinction from other similar measures that do not fall under the signs of “peaceful assembly”, etc. is required to develop good jurisprudence and protect the rights of citizens.

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Onyeaku, Chukwuka, and Tonye Clinton Jaja. "Teaching Constitutional Law Using Real-life Examples: An Example from the Practice of Assent to Bills Passed by the National Assembly After the Tenure of Office of the President and the Assembly." Asian Journal of Legal Education 7, no. 2 (April 9, 2020): 140–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2322005820914567.

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As a matter of tradition and necessity, teachers of constitutional law within Nigeria (and elsewhere) are often compelled to refer to case law to provide illustrations of principles of constitutional law as enshrined in the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended). However, in some instances, where the said constitution does not provide explicit provisions, teachers of constitutional law are compelled to cite foreign case law as persuasive precedents. Still there are instances wherein there are neither foreign case law nor indigenous case law as precedents. In such situations, teachers of constitutional law are compelled to examine existing case law and relevant legislation until there is a pronouncement from either the Supreme Court or an alteration of the constitution by the National Assembly. One such situation is the subject of the analysis in this article: the situation whereby a president provides assent to bills after the expiration of the tenure of the National Assembly. As legislative tradition, the last session of each Chambers of the Nigeria’s National Assembly culminating each legislative term is usually a valedictory Session. Accordingly, Thursday, 6 June 2019 witnessed the last Session of the eighth National Assembly. As the president transmitted a Proclamation letter terminating the term of the eighth National Assembly inaugurated on 9 June 2015, it becomes paramount to examine the legal and constitutional implications of bills passed by the eighth National Assembly between 2016 and 2018 and up to 5 June 2019, which were assented to by the president after the tenure of the Assembly and office of the president. Thus, this article examines the constitutionality or otherwise of assenting to bills passed by the National Assembly and assented to by the president after the expiration of tenure of their offices. The article argues that the provisions of the 1999 Constitution had been violated when the president signed into law bills passed by the eighth National Assembly after the tenure of office of the president and the eighth National Assembly. It concludes that bills rejected by the president will require another legislative process of being passed into law again by the same Assembly or subsequent one before it can be assented to by the president. Failure to follow this constitutional process will render the assent unconstitutional.

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Kwon, Cherry. "Developments of Legislative Impact Analysis in France: with reference to “Youth Impact Clause”." European Constitutional Law Association 40 (December 30, 2022): 1–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.21592/eucj.2022.40.1.

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The present paper attempts to deal with the effects of a given legislation in practical as well as academic perspectives, commonly called as legislative impact analysis, or legislative assessment as in case of pilot works in Korea. Yet the law and practice in this particular area differs from nation to nation, as the case of France exemplifies in this article. It is to be noted that various works on the works relating to the legislative impacts were largely incorporated in an act of the National Assembly in March 2021. That is the Framework Act on Administration which targets the current laws and regulations if necessary to improve the legal system in the administrative field, obviously including the subject matter. On the other hand, France has been conducting legislative evaluation in a reserved manner by stipulating the subject in a broad way, that is in the revised constitution in 2008. Thus the writer proposes in the present paper to focus on the following two points : First, considering French legislation, legislative procedures, and the relationship between the government and the National Assembly, attempts were made to pinpoint the characteristics and meaning of the impact analysis system and the possible significance. The French impact analysis is limited to the government-submitted legislation. Therefore it is characterized by the fact that it is prepared directly by the relevant department of the Government that submitted the bill. Criticism has always been targeted for lack of fairness. However, the impact analysis system should be understood not only in the form of government but also in the context of legal system and legislative procedures. In other words, horizontal comparison of the two systems, France and Korea for that matter, is difficult because it has a structural difference from the post-legislative impact analysis, as specified in the Framework Act on Administration in case of Korea. Second, among the points raised in the discussions on the French impact analysis, frequently pointed areas concern the so-called “Youth Impact Clause” introduced in 2016. In addition to the existing impact analysis method, special attentions were given to young people, and to the basis of the legislative analysis. At the beginning of the implementation of the Youth Impact Assessment System, the Ministry of Youth Affairs did not put forward active an opinion as expected. Above all, the issue was preempted rather by the general observation, such as “today’s youth-future generation” than the specific and technical points in legislation.

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Spirou, Mary Eve. "The challenges of political representation: gender in a US State legislature." International Journal of Public Leadership 13, no. 1 (February 13, 2017): 13–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijpl-10-2016-0037.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to investigate the role of women in the Georgia General Assembly and determines the impact of gender on the activities of state legislators, specifically in the areas of committee assignments and sponsored legislation from 2003 to 2014. Design/methodology/approach The approach set forth in this analysis seeks to answer four research questions employing quantitative data regarding female legislator involvement in activities of the state legislature and compare these findings with their male colleagues over a ten-year period. Findings Some of the key findings include that female representative sponsor fewer bills and participate in fewer committees than their male counterparts. The only legislative area female representatives exercise greater involvement is in government committees. The paper concludes with policy recommendations on how to address the current standing of women in the Georgia General Assembly. Originality/value A value of this analysis is that its content can support comparative work that can prove helpful to future research goals. As the most comprehensive analysis of its kind in Georgia, this paper contributes to a better understanding of the state legislature.

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Yun, Changgeun, and Jinmo An. "Legislative Impact of the National Assembly Advancement Act and Legislative Productivity Analysis by Initiative Subject: Focusing on the 19th National Assembly." Korean Journal of Local Government Studies 22, no. 1 (May 31, 2018): 373–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.20484/klog.22.1.15.

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Jombo, O. Celestine. "Executive-Legislative Conflicts and The Quest for Accountability in Nigeria’s Presidential Democracy: A Case of the 8th National Assembly." International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science 06, no. 11 (2022): 665–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.47772/ijriss.2022.61130.

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This paper examines the seemingly intractable tensions and frictions between the executive and legislative branches in Nigeria. Specifically, it interrogates the intricate political and personality issues that surrounded the recurring tension and open confrontation between the presidency and the 8th National Assembly between 2015 and 2019. Using a combination of both descriptive and analytical methods and through a review of the extant literature, the paper reaffirmed and established the primacy of the legislature as an institution of accountability under the Nigeria’s presidential system. The paper discovered that persistent conflicts and contradictions between the executive and legislative actors in Nigeria have made effective budget formulation and implementation a difficult task with far-reaching political and socio-economic consequences for the nation’s body politic. The rifts breed suspicion and hostility between the two branches of government, creates division in the legislature, brings distraction to the governance process and, ultimately, propels the resort to the culture of impunity and total disregard to the rule of law by the governing elites. The paper concludes that the constitutional provisions defining the interface between the executive and legislative branches are adequate to engender stable and accountable government. Nevertheless, the political actors across the executive-legislative divide must be ready to embrace the dictates of separation of powers as enshrined in the 1999 constitution, abide by the rules of democratic game, and collaborate to work for the interests of the Nigerian people.

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Silva Teixeira, Erica, and Alexandre Douglas Zaidan de Carvalho. "MULHERES NA ASSEMBLEIA LEGISLATIVA DA BAHIA NO PÓS-1988." Revista Eletrônica Direito e Política 16, no. 1 (May 4, 2021): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.14210/rdp.v16n1.p1-29.

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RESUMOO presente trabalho se propõe a analisar, sob a perspectiva da garantia constitucional da igualdade de gênero, a participação das mulheres na Assembleia Legislativa do Estado da Bahia - ALBA. Através de uma abordagem empírica fundada no levantamento quantitativo dos mandatos parlamentares exercidos por mulheres em cada legislatura da ALBA após 1988, pretende-se demonstrar como a participação feminina naquela instituição representativa ainda é incipiente e enfrenta uma série de obstáculos. Tal constatação confirma algumas das hipóteses da literatura feminista sobre gênero e política e também da teoria democrática contemporânea sobre a baixa representatividade feminina nos órgãos legislativos. Ao final, apresentam-se indicativos a serem avaliados como alternativas inclusivas enquanto as estruturas partidárias não conseguem promover maior equilíbrio de gênero na representação política. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Igualdade de gênero; Democracia; Representatividade Política Feminina. ABSTRACTThis paper analyses the female political representation in the Legislative Assembly in the State of Bahia - ALBA, under a perspective of the constitutional guarantee of gender equality. Through an empirical approach stablished in a quantitative research on parliamentary mandates from women in each legislature since 1988 it is intended to show how female participation in that institution is still incipient and faces several obstacles. The evidence confirms some of the hypotheses of feminist literature on gender and politics and also from contemporary democratic theory on low female representation in legislative bodies. In the end, there are suggestions to be evaluated as inclusive alternatives as long as party structures cannot promote greater gender balance in political representation. KEY WORDS: Gender equality; Democracy; Female Political Representation.

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Wickstrom, Ben. "Saved by the Bell: The 2015 Legislative Assembly Rules Changes." Manitoba Law Journal 41, no. 1 (December 27, 2018): 435. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/mlj1079.

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Sambor, M. A. "Place of Executive Authorities in the Realization of the Right to Freedom of Peaceful Assembly." Bulletin of Kharkiv National University of Internal Affairs 87, no. 4 (December 22, 2019): 139–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.32631/v.2019.4.14.

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The issue of realizing the right to freedom of peaceful assembly is one of the most pressing and problematic issues in the development of democratic relations in society. Since the realization of the right to freedom of peaceful assembly implies that the subject of realizing this right has a duty to notify, the purpose of this article is to determine the place of executive authorities while notifying the intention to the realization of the right to freedom of peaceful assembly. The scientific novelty consists in the fact that the article describes the executive agency as the object of notification of the intention to realize the right to freedom of peaceful assembly and the legal regulation of this object in obtaining such notice. In particular, the legal regulation of the powers of executive authorities, as objects of notification of the intention to realize the right to freedom of peaceful assembly and the legislative regulation of the latter to be such objects. The current national legislation of Ukraine does not contain norms that would directly determine the executive authorities as objects of notification of the intention to realize the right to freedom of peaceful assembly. The existing legislative provisions on the object of the notification determine the object in general, using an alternative way of presenting the norm, which does not contribute to legal certainty and predictability. At the same time, this state of affairs, with the definition of the executive authorities as the object of notification, makes it impossible for the timely and complete fulfillment of the obligation of the holder of the right to freedom of peaceful assembly, which may lead to unjustified application of legal liability measures.

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Squire, Peverill. "The Theory of Legislative Institutionalization and the California Assembly." Journal of Politics 54, no. 4 (November 1992): 1026–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2132107.

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Singh, Gurharpal. "India's Akali-BJP Alliance: The 1997 Legislative Assembly Elections." Asian Survey 38, no. 4 (April 1, 1998): 398–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2645414.

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MARTIN, A. W. "The Legislative Assembly of New South Wales, 1856-1900." Australian Journal of Politics & History 2, no. 1 (April 7, 2008): 46–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1956.tb01000.x.

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Singh, Gurharpal. "India's Akali-BJP Alliance: The 1997 Legislative Assembly Elections." Asian Survey 38, no. 4 (April 1998): 398–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.1998.38.4.01p03507.

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Dow, Jay K., and James W. Endersby. "Campaign Contributions and Legislative Voting in the California Assembly." American Politics Quarterly 22, no. 3 (July 1994): 334–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x9402200304.

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Remington, Thomas F., and Steven S. Smith. "The early legislative process in the Russian federal assembly." Journal of Legislative Studies 2, no. 1 (March 1996): 161–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13572339608420463.

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Nosheen, Aisha, and Zahid Anwar. "Provincial Legislation in the Light of the Eighteenth Constitutional Amendment Act: A Case Study of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Assembly." Global Legal Studies Review IX, no. I (April 30, 2023): 55–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/glsr.2024(ix-i).05.

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The 18th Constitutional Amendment Act of 2010 completely changed Pakistan`s federal system when considerable laws and legislative, executive, and authority for budget management were granted and handed over to provinces. This research investigates the effectiveness of provincial laws in the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Assembly through the 18th Amendment. This research also shows the improvement in governance and legislative autonomy and KP's capabilities for managing this devolution of powers. The important laws and legislative measures are highlighted in this research which were carried out after the 18th amendment, with mainly and particular significance on the health care, education system, and local government as well. However, the KP Assembly has significantly exercised its authority and enhanced its legislative power to effectively address regional needs. Despite ongoing challenges and difficulties with interprovincial collaboration, they have managed to achieve this progress.

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OLURO, Mayowa Joseph, and Johnson Olawale BAMIGBOSE. "Legislative Cross-carpeting, Multiparty System and the Challenges of Democratic Good Governance in Nigeria." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 11, no. 1 (January 3, 2021): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v11i1.18151.

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The legislature is unarguably the fulcrum upon which democracy rests. Democracy, in this context, is representative government. Thus, the institution of the legislature as an assembly of elected representatives becomes the engine room of the structural framework upon which democratic governance is built. As history has shown, the beauty of legislature is greatly enhanced by a healthy multi-party system wherein elected representatives from different party backgrounds engage one another alongside party ideological positions with a view to deliberating on issue of governance and socio-economic well-being of the people. Legislative cross-carpeting in Nigeria is becoming a norm rather than exigency, and is taking a negative toll on the capacity of legislatures to fulfill their mandates as against functioning as merely rubber-stamp annexes of the executive/ruling party. This study examines the impacts of the wanton cross-carpeting, often times bereft of any ideological underpinning, that have characterized legislative assemblies in Nigeria and its implications on good governance. Among others, it concludes that concrete legal and political frameworks must be developed to check the direction of cross-carpeting in Nigeria’s legislative houses if good governance is to be entrenched.

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HyunChool Lee and 김준석. "Taking Legislative Time and Legislative Outcomes Seriously : A Competing Risk Analysis of Legislative Process in the 17th Korean National Assembly." Korean Political Science Review 46, no. 5 (December 2012): 121–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.18854/kpsr.2012.46.5.006.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Legislative assembly'

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