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1

Moore, James D. "Judeans in Elephantine and Babylonia: A Case Study on Rights and Tenancy Status." Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft 132, no. 1 (March 3, 2020): 40–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zaw-2020-0006.

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AbstractThis paper is a case study that discusses Judean rights and tenancy in Egypt under the Persian administration. It uses TAD A6.11, a Persian Aramaic decree about farmland rights in Egypt, as an example of an imperial document to mediate a comparison between the Babylonian Judean experience in farmlands and Egyptian Judean experience on the (sub-)urban island of Elephantine under Persian rule. First a Babylonian Judean document, CUSAS 28 no. 69 is used to interpret the enigmatic, yet central legal claim about crushing the ilku-tax in TAD A6.11. The two sources are then compared, and the implications of the findings are studied by referring to documents of Elephantine Judeans regarding tenancy rights (mhḥsn-status). The findings demonstrate that the two communities are socially comparable, so long as the Persian administrative system is considered in a comparison of the communities’ surviving documents.
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2

van Blerk, Nico. "The Ancient Egyptian Testamentary Disposition." Fundamina 27, no. 1 (2021): 199–231. http://dx.doi.org/10.47348/fund/v27/i1a5.

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This contribution discusses the ancient Egyptian testamentary disposition document as an arrangement made prior to death. It discusses from a legal perspective different documents used for this purpose. The purpose of a testamentary disposition was to make decisions about one’s assets before death. An attempt is made to indicate that the testamentary disposition document was used from very early in ancient Egyptian history and different documents were used as a will by the testator/testatrix. The purpose of the testamentary disposition was, essentially, to alter the customary intestate succession law. The initial emphasis and connection with religion diminished as different documents were used to make provision prior to death of what was to become of one’s estate. Studying these different testamentary dispositions, we may learn more about testate succession law in ancient Egypt.
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3

Skalec, Aneta. "Norms and Legal Practice in Ancient Egypt: A Case Study of Irrigation System Management." Studia Iuridica 80 (September 17, 2019): 375–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.4819.

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The prosperity of Egyptian civilization has depended on the efficient use of water deriving from the Nile throughout its recorded history. Despite the importance of water and irrigation in ancient Egypt, very little is known of its water regulations. The only known legal source related directly to the maintenance of canals that has been preserved is a section of the Dikaiomata – the Alexandrian city law dealing with the construction and improvement of irrigation channels in the surrounding countryside. However, being Greek in origin, it does not seem to correspond to the legal practice that has been in use in Egypt since the earliest times. How water regulations looked like in practice can therefore only be observed by means of practice documents, i.e. papyri from Ptolemaic period. Such papyri recorded the law in action, both in relation to individuals as well as the whole society in the context of water management. These documents and their similarities and differences to the rules contained in Dikaiomata are the subject of the paper.
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4

Fischer-Bovet, Christelle. "Official Identity and Ethnicity: Comparing Ptolemaic and Early Roman Egypt." Journal of Egyptian History 11, no. 1-2 (October 8, 2018): 208–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18741665-12340048.

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Abstract The study of ancient states brings a historical perspective to the creation of official identities. By looking at legal and fiscal documents preserved on papyri from Hellenistic and Early Roman Egypt (323 BCE to c. 70 CE), this study compares how the Ptolemies and then the Romans established official identities, that is, what priorities they gave to occupation, social status, citizenship, and/or ethnicity in order to construct legal and fiscal identities. It explores how these different priorities created overlaps between the categories, for instance, by an occupation permitting some flexibility with ethnicity, in order to include those in service of the state into privileged official categories. First, it shows that the fiscal and cleruchic policies of the Ptolemies partially reshaped societies so that social status became preeminent and ethnicity did no longer matter to the state already before the Roman annexation. Second, it compares how the demographic and social configuration in Egypt at the time of each conquest stimulated slightly different priorities when constructing official identities.
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Bruning, Jelle. "Slave Trade Dynamics in Abbasid Egypt: The Papyrological Evidence." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 63, no. 5-6 (November 11, 2020): 682–742. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341524.

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Abstract This article discusses the commercial, socio-economic and legal dynamics of slave trading in Egypt on the basis of papyri from the AH third-fourth/ninth-tenth centuries CE. Particular focus is given to the activities of slavers, the networks of professional slave traders, the socio-economics of slave acquisition, and commercial dynamics at slave markets. Much of the discussion draws on the contents of five contemporary papyrus documents that are presented, translated and annotated in the appendix.
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6

Lewis, Naphtali. "The Demise of the Demotic Document: When and why." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 79, no. 1 (October 1993): 276–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030751339307900127.

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7

Zinger, Oded. "“She Aims to Harass Him”: Jewish Women in Muslim Legal Venues in Medieval Egypt." AJS Review 42, no. 1 (April 2018): 159–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009418000107.

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Jewish women in medieval Egypt made extensive use of Muslim legal venues. By amassing and analyzing a sizable corpus of Geniza documents and contemporary responsa, this study explores how women accessed these venues, why they did so, and the response of the Jewish community. Complementing the traditional explanations given to Jewish use of Muslim legal venues, such as legal difference and greater enforceability, I argue that Muslim legal forums offered Jewish women a way of resisting the pressures they often faced in Jewish communal institutions and at home. For its part, the Jewish leadership used a variety of measures to prevent women from using Muslim legal venues; women who persisted were castigated more harshly than men were. This study also sheds light on Jewish women's points of contact with broader Islamic society and the relationship between Jews and the Islamic state.
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8

Wickham, Chris. "The Power of Property: Land Tenure in Fāṭimid Egypt." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 62, no. 1 (December 5, 2019): 67–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341475.

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AbstractEgyptian land tenure in the Fāṭimid period (969-1171) is often assumed to have been based on state ownership of agricultural land and tax-farming, as was in general the case in the Mamlūk period which followed it, and as many Islamic legal theorists rather schematically thought. This article aims to show that this was not the case; Arabic paper and parchment documents show that private landowning was normal in Egypt into the late eleventh century and later. Egypt emerges as more similar to other Mediterranean regions than is sometimes thought. The article discusses the evidence for this, and the evidence for what changed after 1100 or so, and, more tentatively, why it changed.
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9

Markiewicz, Tomasz. "Bocchoris the Lawgiver—or was He Really?" Journal of Egyptian History 1, no. 2 (2008): 309–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187416608786121293.

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AbstractThe author revises the Classical tradition on pharaoh Bocchoris (Wahkare Bakenranef of the XIVth dynasty) as the most accomplished Egyptian lawgiver. The evidence of Diodorus, on which this tradition mostly rests, is scrutinized and compared with Egyptian sources. It is argued that Egyptian legal documents do not confirm, and occasionally contradict, Diodorus' account, which should be thus treated with care. The author suggests that Bocchoris' codification may have never taken place and the tradition of his alleged accomplishments can be explained in terms of political propaganda of the early XXVIth dynasty rulers. This tradition was subsequently used by the Greeks to explain Solonic reform as borrowed from or inspired by “the wisdom of Egypt.”
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10

Mikhail, Alan. "Animals as Property in Early Modern Ottoman Egypt." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 53, no. 4 (2010): 621–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852010x529132.

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AbstractThrough an examination of the role of domesticated animals as forms of property in rural Ottoman Egypt, this article argues that historians of the early modern Muslim world must pay greater attention to the economic and social importance of animals. Based on the sharīa court records of multiple cities in both the Nile Delta and Upper Egypt, this study documents the role of animals as agricultural laborers, as means of transport, and as sources of food. It then analyzes several court cases in which the abilities of animals to move, die, and procreate serve to challenge notions of property and legal ownership in Ottoman Egypt.À travers l’examen du rôle que jouaient les animaux domestiques, en tant qu’objets de propriété, dans les campagnes de l’Égypte ottomane, cet article propose qu’une attention accrue devrait être prêtée à l’importance économique et sociale des animaux à l’époque moderne. Basée sur les registres de tribunaux religieux de nombreuses villes du Delta et de Haute Égypte, cette étude révèle le rôle des animaux en tant qu’ouvriers agricoles, moyens de transport et sources d’alimentation. Une série de procès menés devant ces tribunaux montre que la capacité des animaux à se déplacer, à mourir et à procréer servait à remettre en cause les notions de propriété et de possession légale dans l’Égypte ottomane.
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11

Halla-Aho, Hilla, and Martti Leiwo. "A Marriage Contract: Aspects of Latin-Greek Language Contact (P. Mich. VII 434 and P. Ryl. IV 612 = ChLA IV 249)." Mnemosyne 55, no. 5 (2002): 560–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852502760347441.

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In this paper we approach a Latin marriage contract from Philadelphia, Egypt, taking into account various viewpoints. The document is written in Latin, a language that was not commonly used in the community. As a result of the language choice the contract offers a possibility for a contact linguistic analysis. The names of the father of the bride and the future husband, Nomissianus and M. Petronius Servillius respectively, are Roman, so there probably was some connection with the Roman army. The contact between Latin and Greek is studied from social, philological and linguistic perspectives. We suggest that together with some other known persons with Roman nomina from Philadelphia Nomissianus and M. Petronius Servillius belonged to a social network where Latin was the prestige language. This was the reason for choosing to write the marriage contract in Latin, which otherwise was minimally used in the Philadelphian documents. Greek was used normally, so that interference from Greek can be expected. The language of the contract is, however, clearly Latin, not Greek flavoured with Latin legal idioms. It is noteworthy that all Latin legal formulae and phrasing were composed correctly and the scribe definitely knew enough of the morphophonological correspondence between Latin and Greek to be able to latinize a majority of the original Greek words (which are mainly technical terms for objects given as dowry or part of the parapherna ).
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12

Livingston, Daisy. "Documentary Constellations in Late-Mamlūk Cairo: Property- and Waqf-Related Archiving on the Eve of the Ottoman Conquest of Egypt." Itinerario 44, no. 3 (December 2020): 528–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115320000315.

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AbstractThe scholarly discussion of archives in the premodern Islamicate world is beset by problematic generalisations. Such a view to some degree stems from a top-down view of archiving that focuses on state archives at the expense of practices of archiving occurring outside a chancery context. This article challenges the assumptions that support an enduring narrative of paucity, by examining non-chancery archival practices in Mamlūk Cairo on the eve of the Ottoman conquest in 922/1517. In doing this, it looks to some of the surviving original documentary material: legal property deeds with connections to waqf endowments whose potential to shed light on archival history has largely remained untapped. Surviving in large numbers in modern collections in Cairo, these documents contain abundant traces of their own archival histories. By presenting a micro-scale case study drawn from this material, this article shows the energetic and meticulous documentary and archival practices that surrounded property transactions in late-Mamlūk Cairo.
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13

Marinič, Dr Milena. "Comparison of Arrangements Manually Operated Health Records California and the Republic of Slovenia." Research in Health Science 1, no. 1 (April 27, 2016): 22. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/rhs.v1n1p22.

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<p><em>Theoretical<strong> </strong>background</em><em>:</em><em> </em><em>h</em><em>ealth documentation has since its beginnings in ancient Egypt, that 3000 years BC, a very varied. Even the ancient Greeks were writing the symptoms and treatments. After the year 1750 were in European hospitals to develop a systematic and objective records of diseases. The expansion of science is meant better value accurate medical records that are already in the sixteenth century as a result of the book cases, called Casebook, following the example of the legal profession. Methods</em><em>:</em><em> </em><em>b</em><em>ased on the analysis of foreign and domestic law have devised a comparison of Slovenian legal system for health records and the California legal act and seek deficiencies in domestic legislation in the field of management of health records. Results</em><em>:</em><em> </em><em>c</em><em>omparison of domestic laws and foreign legal act, says the legal void in domestic law and hence disorderly conduct medical documentation. Discussion</em><em>:</em><em> keeping health records throughout history, with the development of science and research is changing. For the exercise of patients’ rights and their security, based on the health resords, managers need accurate guidance.</em><em> </em><em>Conclusion</em><em>:</em><em> </em><em>t</em><em>o realization the patient’s rights and the rights of the operator documentation is very important. Important is also a record and storage of documents, which allows you to search documents</em>.</p>
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14

DADABOYEV, Hamidulla. "NAMES OF TAXES AND DUTIES IN THE OLD TURKIC WRITTEN MONUMENTS OF THE XI-XIV CENTURIES." Zeitschrift für die Welt der Türken / Journal of World of Turks 14, no. 2 (August 15, 2022): 155–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.46291/zfwt/140208.

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The article discusses the semantic and etymological names of taxes and duties recorded in the Turkic-language written monuments of the 11-14th centuries, created on the vast territory of Central Asia, the Volga region, Crimea and mamluk Egypt. Moreover, in this paper analyzed a small number of terms belonging to socio-economic terminology of the thematic group in the dictionary “Divan” by Mahmud Kashgari, and tribute and duties are noted in the Uyghur legal documents of the XII-XIV centuries. Obviously, different type of terminology system in communication in historical epoch, they were used in different names as an impact of political and social position of human language. Moreover, a number of scholars who investigated in different scientific objects are comparatively studies in this article. Accordingly, the fact that the results of a diachronic analysis of socio-economic terminology recorded in old Turkic monuments of the XI-XIV centuries provide useful information for periodizing the history of Turkic language development and identifying periods of evolution, as well as the creation of historical lexicology and etymological and terminological dictionaries for related Turkic languages. Key words: socio-economic terminology, the Uzbek language, Turkic monuments, borrowing words, historical linguistics, Turkic languages
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15

Menu, Bernadette. "Les Actes de Vente en Egypte Ancienne, Particulièrement Sous les Rois Kouchites et Saïtes." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 74, no. 1 (August 1988): 165–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030751338807400113.

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This is a brief exposition of (I) the characteristic features of sale in Egyptian law, especially of the fundamental distinction, which appeared very early, between reciprocal contracts intended for immediate execution, for which the model is sale, and unilateral contracts with an implicit delay, such as loans, and of (2) the main lines of evolution of sale contracts. To a basically oral law was added the practice of documents, which developed from the New Kingdom, but especially with the notarized acts of the Kushite and Saite periods. If the notion of consensual sale existed in germ from the Old Kingdom onwards, it was in the Twenty-fifth and Twenty-sixth Dynasties that a conscious conceptualization of legal relations and the identification of different juridical strains associated with agreement between parties appeared. This brought radical modifications in the redaction of formulae, between those of the Twenty-fifth Dynasty and the early years of Psammetichus I, and those of the following reigns. This major development, underlined by the change in script, became apparent in the course of Psammetichus I's reign, spreading gradually from north to south, from Year 8 at Memphis to Year 21 at El-Hibeh, but much later at Thebes: P. Vienna 12002 (cow sale, Year 25) and P. Turin 2120 (sale of land, Year 45), for example, still belong to the earlier group, and are still in abnormal hieratic. Appendices list the documents on which the study is based, and classify the diagnostic formulae.
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16

Cotton, H. M., W. E. H. Cockle, and F. G. B. Millar. "The Papyrology of the Roman Near East: A Survey." Journal of Roman Studies 85 (November 1995): 214–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/301063.

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Not all students of the Roman world may have realized that, following extensive discoveries in the last few years, Egypt has ceased to be the only part of the Empire from which there are now substantial numbers of documentary texts written on perishable materials. This article is intended as a survey and hand-list of the rapidly-growing ‘papyrological’ material from the Roman Near East. As is normal, ‘papyrology’ is taken to include also any writing in ink on portable, and normally perishable, materials: parchment, wood, and leather, as well as on fragments of pottery (ostraka). The area concerned is that covered by the Roman provinces of Syria (divided in the 190s into ‘Syria Coele’ and ‘Syria Phoenice’); Mesopotamia (also created, by conquest, in the 190s); Arabia; and Judaea, which in the 130s became ‘Syria Palaestina’. These administrative divisions are valid for the majority of the material, which belongs to the first, second and third centuries. For the earlier part of the period we include also papyri from Dura under the Parthian kings (Nos 34, 36–43, and 166), since they belong to the century before the Roman conquest and illustrate the continuity of legal and administrative forms; and five papyri from the kingdom of Nabataea, which after its ‘acquisition’ in 106 was to form the bulk of the new province of Arabia, on the grounds that in some sense dependent kingdoms were part of the Empire (Nos 180–184). Both groups are listed in brackets. We also include the extensive material from the first Jewish revolt (Nos 230–256) and from the Bar Kochba war of 132–5 (Nos 293–331), even though it derives from regimes in revolt against Rome. The private-law procedures visible in the Bar Kochba documents are continuous with those from the immediately preceding ‘provincial’ period (that of the later items in the ‘archive of Babatha’ and other documents). What changes dramatically after the outbreak of the revolt is language use: Hebrew now appears alongside Aramaic and Greek. But even as late as the third year of the revolt we find contracts in Aramaic. Our list at this point will supplement and correct that given by Millar in The Roman Near East, App. B.
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17

Peters, Rudolph. "The Legal History of Ottoman Egypt." Islamic Law and Society 6, no. 2 (1999): 129–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568519991208691.

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18

Kwasman, T. "Two Aramaic legal documents." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 63, no. 2 (January 2000): 274–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00007230.

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The Aramaic clay tablets presented here are legal documents with Neo-Assyrian formularies. These texts are important as they attest to an Akkadian legal tradition and its adaptation to an Aramaic context. The fact that the writing material is clay is exceptional since one would expect an Aramaic document to be written on parchment or papyrus. Published examples of Aramaic documents on clay are relatively uncommon although more are surfacing.
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19

Coles, Revel, and C. A. Nelson. "Financial and Administrative Documents from Roman Egypt." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 73 (1987): 253. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3821552.

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20

Bruning, J. "A Legal Sunna in Dhikr Ḥaqqs from Sufyanid Egypt." Islamic Law and Society 22, no. 4 (November 24, 2015): 352–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685195-00224p02.

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This article presents the edition of a legal document from c. 44/664–5, written in Arabic, that records a woman’s debt of a third of a dinar. It is the oldest preserved original of its kind. A study of the formulary of this document and contemporary copies of similar documents reveals a hitherto overlooked validity clause which states that the recorded financial transactions are in accordance with ‘the normative procedure of the believers’ (sunnat qaḍāʾ al-muʾminīn). This clause gives documentary evidence for the existence of ideas about legal identity among the Muslim community in Egypt as early as the beginning of Umayyad rule.
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21

Hegel-Cantarella, Christine. "Kin-to-Be: Betrothal, Legal Documents, and Reconfiguring Relational Obligations in Egypt." Law, Culture and the Humanities 7, no. 3 (March 18, 2011): 377–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1743872110383354.

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22

Aydin, Murat Burak. "Legal Receptions, Legal Academia and Islamic Legal Thinking in 19th- and 20th-century Egypt." Rechtsgeschichte - Legal History 2018, no. 26 (2018): 457–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.12946/rg26/457-459.

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23

Thung, Michael. "Written Obligations from the 2nd/8th to the 4th/10th Century." Islamic Law and Society 3, no. 1 (1996): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568519962599177.

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AbstractIn this article, based on recent research undertaken in the collection of Arabic papyri of the Austrian National Library in Vienna (Papyrus Erzherzog Rainer), I discuss four unpublished documents discovered in Egypt, all written obligations (adhkār ḥuqūq) dating from the second half of the 2nd/8th century to the first half of the 4th/10th century. These documents provide important documentary evidence for early Islamic legal practice. By comparing the legal content of the documents with the contract formularies used by the ḥanafī jurist al-Ṭaḥāwī (d. 321/933) in his Kitāb adhkār al-ḥuqūq, I investigate the relationship between theory and practice in Islamic Law.
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24

Bates, Ulku U. "Two Ottoman Documents on Architects in Egypt." Muqarnas 3 (1985): 121. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1523088.

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Bates, Ülkü Ü. "TWO OTTOMAN DOCUMENTS ON ARCHITECTS IN EGYPT." Muqarnas Online 3, no. 1 (1985): 121–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22118993-90000200.

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26

Vlassopoulos, Kostas. "Greek History." Greece and Rome 62, no. 2 (September 10, 2015): 231–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383515000108.

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Four volumes in this review constitute important contributions to the study of ancient documents and their employment in antiquity, as well as their value for modern historical research. Paola Ceccarelli has written a monumental study of letter-writing and the use of writing for long-distance communication in Ancient Greece; Karen Radner has edited a volume on state correspondence in ancient empires; Christopher Eyre's book concerns documents in Pharaonic Egypt; and Peter Liddel and Polly Low have edited a brilliant collection on the uses of inscriptions in Greek and Latin literature. The first three volumes have major consequences for the study of the workings of ancient state systems, while those by Ceccarelli, Eyre, and Liddel and Low open new avenues into the study of the interrelationship between written documents and literature.
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Segal, J. B., B. Porten, and A. Yardeni. "Textbook of Aramaic Documents from Ancient Egypt, II, Contracts." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 78 (1992): 344. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3822102.

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28

Coles, Revel. "Book Review: Financial and Administrative Documents from Roman Egypt." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 73, no. 1 (August 1987): 253–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030751338707300137.

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29

Capponi, Livia. "Violence in Roman Egypt. A Study in Legal Interpretation." Social History 39, no. 2 (April 3, 2014): 267–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071022.2014.896518.

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30

Foss, Clive. "Egypt under Muʿāwiya Part I: Flavius Papas and Upper Egypt." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 72, no. 1 (February 2009): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x09000019.

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AbstractPapyri from Egypt constitute the largest body of contemporary documentary evidence for the reign of Muʿāwiya. Most notable among them are the 107 texts in the archive of Flavius Papas, a local official of Upper Egypt in the 670s. Most are in Greek and provide insight into the administration, society and economy of a provincial centre. Since many deal with taxes and requisitions, they illustrate the incessant demands of the Islamic regime in Fusṭāṭ and the way local officials dealt with them. In particular, the archive shows the importance of Egypt for providing the men, materials and supplies essential for the war fleet of the caliphate. A few other documents from Upper Egypt hint at the economic role of the Church. This is the first of two parts, the second dealing with Middle Egypt, Fusṭāṭ and Alexandria.
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Foss, Clive. "Egypt under Muʿāwiya Part II: Middle Egypt, Fusṭāṭ and Alexandria." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 72, no. 2 (May 28, 2009): 259–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x09000512.

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AbstractThe first part of this paper discussed a large collection of documents from Upper Egypt illustrative of society and economy in the time of Muʿāwiya. Here, further papyri, of pagarchs of Arsinoe, present supplementary information about grain production, taxation, great estates, the postal service and the role of the church in the local economy. Information about Fusṭāṭ and Alexandria depends on literary sources and archaeology. Fusṭāṭ, which started as a camp, became more organized and controlled under Muʿāwiya's governors when the main shipyard was moved there. Alexandria, despite romantic descriptions, was at least partly ruined. Like Fusṭāṭ, it was the seat of a major garrison. Taken together, the evidence from Egypt shows much administrative continuity from Byzantine times, but with important new taxes and requisitions and a tighter central control. It suggests that Muʿāwiya ran a sophisticated and effective state.
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Ashur, Amir. "Legal Documents: How to Identify Prenuptial Agreements." Jewish History 32, no. 2-4 (August 29, 2019): 441–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10835-019-09321-7.

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33

Boast, Richard P. "Bringing the New Philology to Pacific Legal History." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 42, no. 2 (August 1, 2011): 399. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v42i2.5124.

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This article is a study of the main features of the so-called new philology, a school of historians based mainly in the United States who have pioneered a novel approach to the history of indigenous societies under colonial rule by focusing on day-to-day "mundane" texts, typically legal documents or documents preserved in legal records, written in indigenous languages. It is suggested that New Zealand provides a unique opportunity to experiment with the approaches of the new philology outside Latin America as it meets the basic requirement of having preserved a significant amount of written documentation recorded in an indigenous language. What such a study might reveal is unclear, but the overall conclusion is that it should certainly be attempted. One weakness of the new philology, however, is that while it is based strongly on legal documents, it does not engage with law or with legal processes as such.
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Samir Abdelhafiz, Ahmed, Calvin W. L. Ho, and Teck Chuan Voo. "Recommendations for the development of Egyptian human biobanking ethical guidelines." Wellcome Open Research 6 (January 13, 2021): 4. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/wellcomeopenres.16556.1.

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Background: The development of biobanks is associated with the emergence of new ethical challenges. In Egypt, several biobanks have been established, but there are no specific local ethical guidelines to guide their work. The aim of this study is to develop recommendations for the Egyptian human biobanking ethical guidelines, which take into consideration the specific cultural and legal framework in Egypt. Methods: We searched the literature for available biobanking ethical guidelines. Six themes were the concern of search, namely; informed consent, data protection, return of results, sharing of samples and data, community engagement, and stakeholder engagement. If a document refers to another guideline, the new source is identified and the previous step is repeated. Results: Ten documents were identified, which were analyzed for the themes mentioned above. Guidelines and best practices were identified, and then compared with the published documents about ethical, legal and social issues (ELSI) related to biomedical research in Egypt to reach best recommendations. Conclusions: We have proposed, by way of recommendations, key characteristics that a national ethics framework in Egypt could have. On informed consent, the practice of broad consent may be harmonized among biobanks in Egypt. Clear policies on return of research results, training requirements and availability of genetic counseling could also be instituted through the national framework. Additionally, such a framework should facilitate community and stakeholders engagement, which is important to secure trust and build consensus on contentious issues arising from sample and data sharing across borders and commercialization, among other concerns.
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Samir Abdelhafiz, Ahmed, Calvin W. L. Ho, and Teck Chuan Voo. "Recommendations for the development of Egyptian human biobanking ethical guidelines." Wellcome Open Research 6 (March 19, 2021): 4. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/wellcomeopenres.16556.2.

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Background: The development of biobanks is associated with the emergence of new ethical challenges. In Egypt, several biobanks have been established, but there are no specific local ethical guidelines to guide their work. The aim of this study is to develop recommendations for the Egyptian human biobanking ethical guidelines, which take into consideration the specific cultural and legal framework in Egypt. Methods: We searched the literature for available biobanking ethical guidelines. Six themes were the concern of search, namely; informed consent, data protection, return of results, sharing of samples and data, community engagement, and stakeholder engagement. If a document refers to another guideline, the new source is identified and the previous step is repeated. Results: Ten documents were identified, which were analyzed for the themes mentioned above. Guidelines and best practices were identified, and then compared with the published documents about ethical, legal and social issues (ELSI) related to biomedical research in Egypt to reach best recommendations. Conclusions: We have proposed, by way of recommendations, key characteristics that a national ethics framework in Egypt could have. On informed consent, the practice of broad consent may be harmonized among biobanks in Egypt. Clear policies on return of research results, training requirements and availability of genetic counseling could also be instituted through the national framework. Additionally, such a framework should facilitate community and stakeholders engagement, which is important to secure trust and build consensus on contentious issues arising from sample and data sharing across borders and commercialization, among other concerns.
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36

Weitz, Lev. "Islamic Law on the Provincial Margins: Christian Patrons and Muslim Notaries in Upper Egypt, 2nd-5th/8th-11th Centuries." Islamic Law and Society 27, no. 1-2 (February 20, 2020): 5–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685195-00260a07.

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Abstract This article examines the interaction of Coptic Christians with Islamic legal institutions in provincial Egypt on the basis of a corpus of 193 Arabic legal documents, as well as relevant Coptic ones, dating to the 2nd-5th/8th-11th centuries. I argue that around the 3rd/9th century Islamic Egypt’s Christian subjects began to make routine use of Islamic legal institutions to organize their economic affairs, including especially inheritance and related matters internal to Christian families. They did so in preference to the Christian authorities and Coptic deeds that had been their standard resource in the first two centuries of Muslim rule. The changing character of the Egyptian judiciary encouraged this shift in practice, as qāḍīs who adhered to fiqh procedural rules increasingly filled judicial roles formerly held by administrative officials. By eschewing and nudging into disuse a previously vital Coptic legal tradition, Christian provincials participated in the Islamization of ʿAbbāsid and Fāṭimid Egypt.
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37

Gesink, Indira Falk. "Islamic Reformation: A History ofMadrasaReform and Legal Change in Egypt." Comparative Education Review 50, no. 3 (August 2006): 325–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/503878.

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38

Sela, Shulamit. "The head of the Rabbanite, Karaite and Samaritan Jews: on the history of a title." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 57, no. 2 (June 1994): 255–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00024848.

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For over a hundred years, scholars of medieval Jewish history have been interested in the history of the headship of the Jews in Egypt. The first among them, relying mostly on literary documents, believed that the ancient accounts about the establishment of the office of the head of the Jews (Nagid) could be traced back to the Fātimid occupation of Egypt (A.D. 969), while recent scholars—having at their disposal a growing stream of historical data from the Cairo Geniza—have ruled out the early establishment of the headship of the Jews (Negidut) because of the silence about this function in the Geniza documents of the first half of the eleventh century.With the rejection of the early establishment of the headship of the Jews in Egypt, an approach developed which attempted to view the Gaon, head of the Palestinian academy, as the head of the Jews in the Fātimid empire. Now, the rise of the headship of the Jews in Egypt was seen in conjunction with the decline of the Yeshiva of Eretz Israel, at the close of the eleventh century. Lately, scholarship has been enriched by the deciphering of two new Geniza documents related to the office of the headship of the Jews which provide an opportunity for a renewed discussion of two central problems. The first touches upon the old question of putting a date to the establishment of the headship of the Jews in Egypt, and the second, following on from the first, concerns the issue of the status of the Gaon of Eretz Israel during the Fatimid administration.
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39

O'Connell, Elisabeth R. "Transforming Monumental Landscapes in Late Antique Egypt: Monastic Dwellings in Legal Documents from Western Thebes." Journal of Early Christian Studies 15, no. 2 (2007): 239–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/earl.2007.0036.

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40

O'Sullivan, Neil. "The Future Optative in Greek Documentary and Grammatical Papyri." Journal of Hellenic Studies 133 (2013): 93–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426913000062.

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AbstractThe neglected area of later Greek syntax is explored here with reference to the future optative. This form of the verb first appeared early in the classical age but virtually disappeared during the Hellenistic era. Under the influence of Atticism it reappeared in later literary texts, and this paper is concerned largely with its revival in late legal and epistolary texts on papyrus from Egypt. It is used mainly in set legal phrases of remote future conditions, but we also see it in letters to express wishes (again, largely formulaic) for the future, both of which uses are foreign to Attic Greek. Finally, the future optative's appearance in conjugations on grammatical papyri from Egypt is used to demonstrate the form's presence in education even at the end of the classical world there, with the archive of Dioscorus of Aphrodito uniquely showing both this theoretical knowledge of it and examples of its application in legal documents.
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41

Berkes, Lajos. "Bemerkungen zu Verwaltungsdokumenten aus dem früharabischen Ägypten." Archiv für Papyrusforschung und verwandte Gebiete 68, no. 2 (December 1, 2022): 366–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/apf-2022-0021.

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42

Segal, J. B. "Book Review: Textbook of Aramaic Documents from Ancient Egypt, II, Contracts." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 78, no. 1 (October 1992): 344. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030751339207800141.

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43

Rupprecht, Hans-Albert. "Financial and administrative documents from roman Egypt, ed. by C. A. Nelson." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Romanistische Abteilung 103, no. 1 (August 1, 1986): 506–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgra.1986.103.1.506.

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44

Choat, Malcolm. "Coptic Legal Documents: Law as Vernacular Text and Experience in Late Antique Egypt (review)." Journal of Early Christian Studies 20, no. 2 (2012): 333–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/earl.2012.0012.

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Williamson, H. G. M., B. Porten, and A. Yardeni. "Textbook of Aramaic Documents from Ancient Egypt 1: Letters." Vetus Testamentum 37, no. 4 (October 1987): 493. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1517566.

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46

Spalinger, Anthony, and Stephen Quirke. "The Administration of Egypt in the Late Middle Kingdom. The Hieratic Documents." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 80 (1994): 240. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3821876.

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Thayer, Jennifer M. "In testimony to a market economy in Mamlūk Egypt: The Qusayr documents." Al-Masāq 8, no. 1 (January 1995): 45–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09503119508577018.

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48

Khan, Geoffrey. "A copy of a decree from the archives of the Fāṭimid Chancery in Egypt." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 49, no. 3 (October 1986): 439–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00045067.

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The medieval registers of the papal Chancery and of the royal Chanceries of Western Europe, which have preserved archival copies of outgoing documents, are an invaluable source for students of medieval European history and diplomatics. Analogous sources from medieval Islamic Chanceries are practically non-existent. We know from literary works, especially the handbooks for government secretaries, that the medieval Islamic Chanceries kept records of the documents they issued by meticulously copying them and filing them in an archive. Some of the surviving documents which emanated from the Egyptian chanceries also attest to this practice. These often contain annotations made by copyists certifying that the document had been copied in the Chancery and/or in other government offices. We also have a report by a clerk of the Ayyūbid Chancery concerning the search in the archives for the copy of a decree which had been issued several years previously. To this report is attached a reproduction of the archival copy. The original contents of the archives of the medieval Egyptian Chanceries, however, have perished almost without a trace.
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Penningroth, Dylan C. "Law as Redemption: A Historical Comparison of the Ways Marginalized People Use Courts." Law & Social Inquiry 40, no. 03 (2015): 793–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lsi.12146.

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This essay reflects on how Bryen's Violence in Roman Egypt (2013), a study of second‐century Roman Egypt, contributes to the study of law and on how legal culture in ancient Egypt relates to law and legal cultures in other times and places. From the perspective of social history, this essay focuses on the connections between the victims of violence who seek redress in local courts in Egypt and more contemporary work on the legacy of slavery in colonial Ghana and the United States. This comparison reveals how law becomes a vehicle for the marginalized to repair and reconstruct their personhood.
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Rogers, J. M. "A new view of medieval Persian history." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 121, no. 1 (January 1989): 113–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0035869x00167905.

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A conspicuous feature of Ottoman history from the sixteenth century onwards, or even of fifteenth-century Mamluk Egypt, is that the mass of surviving administrative documents, well complemented by European sources, makes it possible to apply a range of economic and social concepts to illuminate their economy and society. For Persia the documents are far fewer and, even where, as in seventeenth-century Iṣfahān, the extant Safavid documents are exceptionally well complemented by European source material, doubts, often of a Marxian or Braudelian order, on the legitimacy of applying European concepts to Persian society are often entertained. In other periods the paucity of material is compounded by ethnic diversity – tribal versus settled populations; Turks versus Iranians or Iranians versus Turco-Mongols, all with deeply rooted authentic traditions – which is rarely documented, let alone explained, by the contemporary historians. It is almost as if the right kind of anthropologist could do more than the historian to exploit what material there is.
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