Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Law (International), 1914-'
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Russell, Bruce. "International law at sea, economic warfare, and Britain's response to the German U-boat campaign during the First World War." Thesis, n.p, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/.
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Keefer, Scott Andrew. "Great Britain and naval arms control : international law and security 1898-1914." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2011. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/319/.
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This thesis traces the British role in the evolution of international law prior to 1914, utilizing naval arms control as a case study. In the thesis, I argue that the Foreign Office adopted a pragmatic approach towards international law, emphasizing what was possible within the existing system of law rather than attempting to create radically new and powerful international institutions. The thesis challenges standard perceptions of the Hague Peace Conferences of 1899 and 1907 which interpreted these gatherings as unrealistic efforts at general disarmament through world government, positing instead that legalized arms control provided a realistic means of limiting armaments. This thesis explores how a great power employed treaties to complement maritime security strategies. A powerful world government was not advocated and was unnecessary for the management of naval arms control. While law could not guarantee state compliance, the framework of the international legal system provided a buffer, increasing predictability in interstate relations. This thesis begins with an account of how international law functioned in the nineteenth century, and how states employed international law in limiting armaments. With this framework, a legal analysis is provided for exploring the negotiations at the Hague Conferences of 1899 and 1907, and in the subsequent Anglo-German naval arms race. What emerges is how international law functioned by setting expectations for future behaviour, while raising the political cost of violations. Naval arms control provided a unique opportunity for legal regulation, as the lengthy building time and easily verifiable construction enabled inspections by naval attachés, a traditional diplomatic practice. Existing practices of international law provided a workable method of managing arms competition, without the necessity for unworkable projects of world government. Thus failure to resolve the arms race before 1914 must be attributed to other causes besides the lack of legal precedents.
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Frei, Gabriela A. "Great Britain, international law, and the evolution of maritime strategic thought, 1856-1914." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:306f9554-9b0a-4d0e-938e-9a5b515d7c6e.
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Siegert, Philipp. "Staatshaftung im Ausnahmezustand : doktrin und Rechtspraxis im Deutschen Reich und Frankreich, 1914-1919." Thesis, Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PSLEH041/document.
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L'« expérience originelle » de l'État de droit moderne avec un état d'exception prolongé fut la Première Guerre mondiale. L'étude ici proposée porte sur cette « expérience originelle » et sa gestion en France et en Allemagne pendant l'état d'exception de 1914/18, ainsi que sur son règlement envisagé en 1918/19. Le but de l'étude est d'identifier, dans un premier temps, les origines des différents projets d'ordre international pour l'après-guerre conçus en 1918 (traités de paix à l'Est) et 1919/20 (traités issus de la conférence de paix de Paris). Ces origines sont recherchées non pas dans le droit international d'avant-guerre, mais dans le droit interne des belligérants pendant la guerre ; la partie majeure de l'étude y est consacrée. Dans un deuxième temps, seront à discerner les catégories du juste et de l’injuste, du comportement étatique légitime ou illégitime, qui sont à la base du règlement de la responsabilité de l'État dans les traités de paix. L'« expérience originelle » de nos sociétés contemporaines lié à ce problème fut la Première Guerre mondiale. L'étude ici proposée porte sur cette « expérience originelle » et sa gestion en France et en Allemagne pendant l'état d'exception de 1914/18, ainsi que sur son règlement envisagé en 1918/19. Le but de l'étude est d'identifier, dans un premier temps, les origines des différents projets d'ordre international pour l'après-guerre conçus en 1918 (traités de paix à l'Est) et 1919/20 (traités issus de la conférence de paix de Paris). Ces origines sont recherchées non pas dans le droit international d'avant-guerre, mais dans le droit interne des belligérants pendant la guerre ; la partie majeure de l'étude y est consacrée. Dans un deuxième temps, seront à discerner les catégories du juste et de l’injuste, du comportement étatique légitime ou illégitime, qui sont à la base du règlement de la responsabilité de l'État dans les traités de paix. En dépit des deux autres ruptures du 20ème siècle (1945 et 1989), un grand nombre d'éléments-clés sur lesquels notre ordre international actuel est fondé date de 1919 – notamment celles concernant la responsabilité de l'État envers les individus et vice versa (responsabilisation du citoyen pour le comportement de son gouvernement). Cela constitue l'intérêt historico-politique de cette étude qui porte sur un objet relevant de l'histoire du droit : dans le corpus de règles établi pour mettre fin à l'état d'exception généralisé après quatre ans, peuvent être identifiés des conceptions de l'État et de l'ordre international qui ont eu un impact perceptible sur la longue durée, en partie jusqu'à nos joursThis work explores the state's legal responsibility for the expropriation or destruction of property in wartime. This responsibility is analysed in a two-fold manner: First, regarding its evolution at the national level (government liability, "Staatshaftung"), and second regarding its evolution within internaional law (state responsibility, "Staatenverantwortlichkeit"). With respect to the first aspect, wartime laws and judgements are taken into account (1914-1918), while with respect to the second, the elaboration of the treaties of Bucarest, Berlin and Brest-Litovsk (1918) and Versailles (1919) is analysed. By considering these aspects, the work aims to establish whether there was a provable link between the evolution of national and international law, and to what extent there has been a “spill-over” from the national into the international legal sphere. The primary research question is thus: To what extent did German and French government liability before 1918 shape these states' concept of state responsibility after 1918? This dissertation aims to contribute to the understanding of the relationship between state and the individual in modern society, as it was conceived in domestic and international law. Legal norms in these two realms existed before, throughout and after the war; however, there is a “before” and an “after” in the sense that the war brought about some major shifts in the legal convictions held by the authorities. The war has led to both securitisation and juridification, depending on the issue, and certain decisions – especially in juridification – from the years of 1914-1919 still shape our (international) legal order today. This is particularly true regarding sanctions directed against non-state entities
Die „Urerfahrung“ des modernen Rechtsstaats mit dem Ausnahmezustand war der Erste Weltkrieg. Geleitet von der Frage nach der rechtlichen Verantwortung des Staates während des Ausnahmezustandes (1914-1918) und bei der Abwicklung desselben (1918/19) soll dieser „Urerfahrung“ und ihrer Handhabung in Deutschland und Frankreich nachgegangen werden. Ziel der Untersuchung ist zunächst die Identifikation der Wurzeln der verschiedenen internationalen Rechtsordnungsentwürfe von 1918 (Ostfriedensverträge) und 1919/20 (Pariser Vorortverträge). Diese Wurzeln werden weniger im Völkerrecht der Vorkriegszeit als vielmehr in der Entwicklung des Staatsrechts während des Krieges vermutet, welcher der Hauptteil der Arbeit gewidmet ist. Darauf aufbauend soll dargelegt werden, welche Kategorien von Recht und Unrecht, von legitimem und illegitimem Staatshandeln den einzelnen Leitsätzen zur rechtlichen Verantwortung des Staates zugrunde lagen, die in den Friedensverträgen festgehalten worden sind. Trotz der zwei weiteren großen Zensuren des 20. Jahrhunderts – 1945 und 1989 – lassen sich mehrere Grundelemente unserer gegenwärtigen internationalen Ordnung gerade auf diejenigen Entscheidungen zurückführen, die schon um 1919 gefällt worden sind – und hier besonders auf die Entscheidungen zur Verantwortung des Staates vor dem Individuum. Darin liegt die politikhistorische Relevanz des hier bearbeiteten rechtshistorischen Gegenstands: In den Regelwerken, die dem vierjährigen Ausnahmezustand ein Ende setzen sollten, kamen Staats- und Ordnungsvorstellungen zum Tragen, die eine langfristige Wirkung entfaltet haben, zum Teil bis in unsere Gegenwart
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Wathle, Camille. "Les juristes internationalistes français face à la colonisation entre 1880 et 1914." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016AIXM1066.
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A l’aube du XXe siècle, les juristes internationalistes français, promoteurs d’une discipline tendant à s’affirmer dans le paysage doctrinal national et international, entendent systématiser le fait colonial. Phénomène emblématique, la colonisation monopolise les relations interétatiques de l’époque et offre autant d’avantages économiques, politiques et humanitaires aux peuples civilisés et colonisés, qu’elle accroît les risques de conflits entre ces derniers. Saisissant l’opportunité de défendre les valeurs et actions de la France sur la scène internationale tout en confortant leur rôle de maîtres à penser de la colonisation, les membres de la jeune École française de droit international public théorisent alors un projet entremêlant intimement les concepts de « droit international », « colonisation » et « civilisation » : la colonisation a vocation à étendre la civilisation sur l’ensemble des territoires garantissant alors le développement du droit international dont la mission est de préserver le bien-être de l’humanitéAt the dawn of the XXth century, the French Internationalist jurists, promoters of a discipline aiming at establishing itself in the international and national doctrinal landscape, intend to systematize the colonial phenomenon. Colonization is a symbolic phenomenon which monopolizes interstate relationships of the era. It offers as many economic, politic and humanitarian advantages to civilized and colonized peoples, as it increases the risks of conflicts between them. The members of the new French school of public international law have seized the opportunity to defend the values and actions of France on the international scene while reinforcing their roles of intellectual leaders of colonization. They then have set out a project which deeply mingles “international laws”, “colonization” and “civilization” concepts : colonization has authority to extend civilization on all the territories that guarantee the development of international law, whose mission is to preserve mankind well-being
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McCaig, Robin John. "The legality of unrestricted submarine warfare in the First World War." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/283911.
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Vick, Alison Marie. "A Catalyst for the Development of Human Rights: German Internment Practices in the First World War,1914-1929." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/23242.
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This thesis is a transnational study of the military actions and responses related to prisoners of war in World War I. Building on the works human rights scholars, I explore the how the collective rights afforded to prisoners of war under the 1906 Geneva Convention and 1907 Hague Convention served as a precursor to the concept of human rights that emerged after World War II. I argue that German military treated prisoners of war according to national interest, rather than international law. Specifically, I explore how the concepts of "military necessity" and "reciprocity" drove German internment practices, and how German internment practices escalated in violence during the last two years of the war. The violent practices committed by the Germans against prisoners of war produced an international demand to hold the perpetrators of wartime atrocities accountable for their actions in the postwar period.Master of Arts
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Delaroche, Jean-Marie. "Droit d'ingérence et concurrence militaire internationale en Méditerranée orientale : les puissances européennes et le maintien de l'ordre dans les Balkans, du traité de Berlin (1878) à la Première Guerre mondiale." Thesis, Lille 3, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016LIL30043/document.
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Entre le traité de Berlin de 1878 et le déclenchement de la Première Guerre mondiale, les puissances européennes tentent d'empêcher les désordres balkaniques de compromettre la paix continentale et mondiale. Pour cette raison, et parce que leurs diplomates interprètent les violences balkaniques essentiellement comme des faits de brigandage et non comme l'expression de mouvements politiques indépendantistes, les puissances européennes vont imposer à l'empire ottoman de réformer les gendarmeries de ses provinces de Roumélie orientale, de Crète, de Macédoine et d'Albanie par le truchement de leurs propres officiers. Cette thèse d'histoire militaire se veut tout à la fois une histoire institutionnelle et une histoire des acteurs. Il s'agit en effet de savoir dans quelles conditions le modèle gendarmique occidental a pu être greffé et adapté aux réalités sociales et culturelles orientales au travers de l'action de quelques officiers européens chargés de collaborer les uns avec les autres et de se confronter à une réalité balkanique qui leur était souvent étrangère. Cette approche permet de renouveler l'étude du concert européen et de son grippage progressif en soulignant la méfiance réciproque des puissances les unes vis-à-vis des autres et l’ambiguïté des ordres que chacune d'elle donne à ses propres officiers. Elle permet également de saisir la dynamique des opérations d'ingérence internationale et la façon dont l’État cible peut chercher à s'y soustraire. Elle donne enfin à voir la difficulté d'une institution de maintien de l'ordre, dont les traditions administratives sont issues du modèle de l’État-nation français, à s'adapter à des sociétés politiques fragmentées et en construction afin d'assurer la protection de toutes les minoritésBetween the Treaty of Berlin of 1878 and the outbreak of the First World War, the European powers tried to prevent the Balkan disorders from compromising continental and world peace. For this reason, and because their diplomats interpreted the Balkan violences essentially as acts of brigandage and not as the expression of independentist political movements, the European powers imposed on the Ottoman Empire reforms of the gendarmeries of its provinces of Eastern Rumelia, Crete, Macedonia and Albania implemented by their own officers.This thesis of military history is both an institutional history and a history of the actors. One has tried to determin under what conditions the western gendarmic model could be grafted and adapted to the Eastern social and cultural realities through the action of a few European officers in charge of collaborating with each other and confronting the Balkan reality that was often foreign to them. This approach makes it possible to renew the study of the European concert and its progressive seizure by highlighting the mutual mistrust of the powers one against the other and the ambiguity of the orders that each one gave to its own officers.It also captures the dynamics of international interference and how the target state can seek to escape from it. Finally, it reveals the difficulty of an institution of policing, whose administrative traditions stem from the model of the French nation-state, to adapt to fragmented political societies under construction in order to ensure the protection of all minorities
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Fleury, Thibaut Charles. "La question du territoire aux Etats-Unis de 1789 à 1914 : apports pour la construction du droit international." Thesis, Paris 2, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA020018/document.
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Cette étude repose sur l’hypothèse selon laquelle, de l’adoption de la constitution fédérale à la Première Guerre Mondiale, l’expansion territoriale des États-Unis d’Amérique, de même que le projet fédéral, ont appelé une « construction » des règles et principes du droit international au sein même des frontières américaines. Car, en 1789 déjà, tant les États-Unis,que les États membres de la Fédération ou les Nations indiennes, revendiquent sur tout ou partie de cet espace la souveraineté que reconnaît le droit international à tout « État ». C’est alors en définissant, en aménageant, en repensant, les notions d’ « État » ou de « souveraineté » sur un territoire, les conditions de détention et de formation d’un titre territorial, ou encore en fixant la valeur juridique interne du droit international, que ces revendications seront – ou non –satisfaites. Fondé sur l’analyse de la pratique, de la doctrine et de la jurisprudence américaines durant le « long XIXe siècle », ce travail a ainsi pour objet d’interroger la question du territoire telle qu’elle se pose au sein de cet « État fédéral » territorialement souverain que constitueraient les États-Unis. Il espère ce faisant mettre au jour des constructions du droit international dont l’actualité tient à leur objet : la question du territoire aux États-Unis entre 1789 et 1914interroge en effet les principales notions et problématiques de ce droit – au premier rang desquelles celle de l’articulation spatiale des compétencesThis study is based upon the hypothesis that, from the entry into force of the federal constitution to the First World War, the United States territorial expansion, as well as the federal project, called for a « construction » of international law’s rules and principles within the American boundaries. It is to be remembered that, in 1789, the United States, the member States and the Indian Nations claimed for themselves, on parts or the whole of that space, the sovereignty that every « State » is entitled to according to international law. It is therefore by defining, adapting, or rethinking the notions of « State » or « territorial sovereignty », the conditions required for a territorial title to be held or formed, and by setting the legal status of international law, that those claims have been enforced – or not. Grounded upon the analysis of the American doctrine, practice and case law, the purpose of this study is thus to inquire about territorial issues as raised within what is usually described as a « federal State », sovereign on its territory. Because those issues, and mainly jurisdictional ones, are fundamental to international law, this work hopes to bring to light constructions of international law which are still relevant today
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Ruano, de la Haza Jonathan C. "The Good Neighbor Policy in a geopolitical context: 1934--1941." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/27914.
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Since his first term, Franklin D. Roosevelt presented the Good Neighbor Policy as a remedy for past wrongs (such as military intervention) done to Latin America. After 1935, however, Roosevelt used the Good Neighbor Policy to achieve his internationalist goals in the realm of economic and military cooperation. Part I, dealing with economics, shows that the Roosevelt administration began waging economic warfare in Europe, the Far East and the Americas against the revisionist powers as early as 1934 and that the trade offensive in Latin America was part of a wider policy of economic aggression.
Part II argues that the Roosevelt administration actively sought Latin America's cooperation in military matters after 1935. As this thesis will show, the Roosevelt administration was interested in Latin America's strategic location because of its close proximity to the West African coast and as producer of strategic raw materials. Therefore, Roosevelt's Good Neighbor Policy sought to establish bases in Latin America to secure supply routes to Africa and to integrate Latin America's primary economy into the U.S. war economy.
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Wabafiyebazu, Ngoma G. "Répartition des bénéfices et d'industrualisation dans les regroupements économiques africains : le cas de la CEAO (1974-1984)." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/7840.
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Vogt, Gilles. "Neutres face à la guerre franco-allemande (1870-1871) ? : diplomatie et dynamiques d'opinions dans les Etats de Suisse, de Belgique et du Danemark." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018STRAG010/document.
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Remarquant la nature transfrontalière des défis politiques et culturels soulevés par la guerre franco-allemande de 1870-1871, cette thèse propose d’interroger l’expérience de la neutralité dans les sociétés de trois États – le Danemark, la Suisse et la Belgique – choisis pour leur complémentarité en matière de stratégie, de géographie, d’institutions et d’organisation constitutionnelle. Documents diplomatiques, archives administratives, journaux, publications contemporaines du conflit, témoignages artistiques, correspondances et carnets privés servent une étude transnationale déclinée en trois principales orientations. La première met en lumière l’environnement technique et technologique dans lequel évoluent les neutres, les sentiments que trahissent leurs témoignages ainsi que leurs efforts pour devenir et rester non-belligérants. La deuxième questionne l’engagement des neutres dans la guerre à travers, notamment, le parcours de philanthropes et de soldats volontaires. La troisième orientation pose enfin une question a priori paradoxale : le neutre est-il un vainqueur ou un vaincu du conflit franco-allemand ?Noting the cross-border nature of the political and cultural challenges raised by the Franco-German War of 1870-1871, this doctoral thesis proposes to question the experience of neutrality within the societies of three States – Denmark, Switzerland and Belgium – chosen for their complementarity in terms of strategy, geography, institutions and constitutional organisation. Diplomatic documents, administrative archives, newspapers, publications, artistic works, letters and private documentation serve a transnational study divided into three main directions. The first direction reveals the technical and technological environment in which neutrals operate, the feelings betrayed by their testimonies and their efforts to become and remain non-belligerent. The second direction interrogates the involvement of the neutrals during the war through – among others – the trajectories of philanthropists and volunteer soldiers. The third orientation poses a seemingly paradoxical question: is the neutral a victor or a vanquished of the war of 1870-1871 ?
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Pinchis-Paulsen, Mona. "Fair and equitable treatment in international trade and investment law, 1919-1956." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2017. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/fair-and-equitable-treatment-in-international-trade-and-investment-law-1919--1956(1fd522e3-9a9c-4682-b12e-d164ba1e08f1).html.
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This thesis traces the development of the ‘fair and equitable treatment’ concept in international trade law, first, following its appearance after World War I as a principle for inter-State trade relations, and then, after World War II, its fertilization into international investment law and policy. The thesis is based on extensive research into archived primary materials from 1918 to 1961. It focuses on three ‘moments’ in time: i) the League of Nations’ reliance on equitable treatment to address indirect forms of trade protectionism in the 1930s; ii) the use of the equitable treatment concept in the negotiation of the international investment provisions for the Charter for the post-war International Trade Organization; and iii) the United States Government’s use of the fair and equitable treatment concept to protect US investments in its post-war Friendship, Commerce, and Navigation (FCN) treaties. The thesis argues that certain roles of equitable treatment in the trade context were carried over into subsequent bilateral and multilateral trade treaty practice. These roles in turn influenced the creation of the post-war international investment commitments. The thesis advances five overall findings to clarify what those roles were, and explains how these roles contributed to the formation of the ‘hard’ fair and equitable treatment investment treaty commitment, as contained in the majority of contemporary international investment agreements. In addition, each chapter presents several findings applicable to the ‘moment’ researched, offering explanation as to how each ‘moment’ contributed to the development of fair and equitable treatment or equitable treatment at the time.
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Kareklas, Iacovos. "The Turkish intervention of Cyprus 1974 and its consequences in international law." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2004. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2791/.
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The aim of the present thesis is basically twofold. First, to examine from the International Law viewpoint the 1974 Turkish Intervention of Cyprus; actually whether there are any grounds upon which Turkey may rely in order to establish the legality of intervention. Second, to explore the legal consequences of the intervention. In this way, the dissertation would be forward-looking as prospects for a future settlement of the Cyprus issue would be analysed in the light of Public International Law. Although Turkey's 1974 intervention has been the subject of much comment, a fresh study is warranted. This is so, because the present analysis will take advantage of information not available to many of the earlier commentators. Extensive research has been conducted in the Public Records Office examining available Foreign Office and War Office Files relevant to the study. Greek Cypriot politicians have been interviewed who gave their own exposition of the events surrounding the issue, and will be cited where relevant. Greek as well as Turkish material has been thoroughly studied and shall also be included in the study. Needless to mention that massive International Law works are quoted in detail, thus making possible the application of legal principles to the issue under examination. Furthermore, this new study is distinctive and even imperative, in that it ranges beyond the question whether the intervention was lawful to consider the legal consequences which flowed from it, and looks to the future exploring prospects for a just and viable settlement to the Cyprus Issue.
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Aumond, Florian. "Unité et diversité : Réflexion sur l'oeuvre de René-Jean Dupuy (1918-1997)." Phd thesis, Université d'Angers, 2010. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00576690.
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Embrassant la quasi-intégralité de la seconde moitié du XXème siècle, traitant de la majorité des domaines couverts par le droit international, et enrichie par de nombreux emprunts à l'histoire des idées politiques, à la philosophie, ou encore, à la sociologie, l'oeuvre de René-Jean Dupuy est d'une remarquable densité et d'une grande diversité. Elle n'en perd pas pour autant son unité, laquelle réside dans la volonté constante de l'auteur de sonder les voies d'un passage du "monde des cités" à la "Cité du monde". Fortement influencé par Georges Scelle, c'est dans une résolution "structurelle" du problème posé par la multiplicité des "pouvoirs" que René-Jean Dupuy cherche dans un premier temps les éléments d'une telle évolution. En percevant toutefois les limites, il se tourne plus résolument vers les "éthiques". Il étudie essentiellement, dans cette perspective, les représentations que se font de la communauté internationale et de l'humanité les différents acteurs de l'ordre juridique international. Il se propose alors de déterminer les moyens à même d'ordonner la pluralité des éthiques dans l'unité que sous-tendent ces deux "englobants" dont les bouleversements survenus au cours du XXème siècle ont précipité l'émergence. Ce glissement, des "pouvoirs" vers les "éthiques", ne dessine pas une rupture dans l'oeuvre d'un auteur qui délaisserait progressivement l'analyse juridique pour verser exclusivement dans la sociologie, voire la philosophie. L'oeuvre de René-Jean Dupuy repose tout entière sur une équation qu'il emprunte à Scelle : le droit est à la conjonction de l'éthique et du pouvoir. Aussi interpelle-t-elle au premier chef le juriste qu'elle convoque à une réflexion sur le rôle de sa discipline face aux défis lancés à la "Cité terrestre" en construction, ce faisant, sur sa place en tant que membre de cette Cité.
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Gilmore, William C. "An examination of the external affairs competence and international law status of Newfoundland : 1855-1934." Thesis, University of London, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.368104.
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Kattan, Victor. "The tyranny of the majority : partition and the evolution of self-determination in international law, 1492-1994." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2011. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/13812/.
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Mahafzah, Qais Ali Mufleh. "Achieving uniform interpretations of uniform rules : a case study of containerisation and carriage of goods by sea." Thesis, Durham University, 2002. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/1248/.
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This thesis explains that the development of the law of the carriage of goods by sea has led to the appearance of the Hague, Hague-Visby and Hamburg Rules. The existence of these different conventions plainly contributes to the breakdown of uniformity. The thesis, nevertheless, argues that international uniformity is still valuable since it reduces the legal costs significantly. However, many conflicts arise among the various countries in interpreting these conventions. Such conflicts lead to uncertainty and unpredictability, and in consequence, to the increase of legal costs. In proving the latter, the thesis examines and evaluates the conflicts of interpretations of these conventions brought on by containerisation. The thesis proves the inadequacy of various propositions on the question of how to avoid such conflicts. It argues, however, that the failure to consider foreign decisions is a significant factor of having such conflicts. In proving the latter, the thesis provides a comparative study in evaluating various courts' decisions that relate to containerisation. The thesis, however, evaluates different measures to achieve international uniform interpretations. Most of these measures are not completely satisfactory solutions to such achievement. Accordingly, the thesis examines the obstacles that may face the applicability of comparative law in practice, and the capability of avoiding these obstacles. The thesis also offers various observations in relation to how the national courts shall consider comparative law. The key point is that the divergence that characterised the interpretation of the existing conventions will reappear unless there is some obligation on national courts to consider and apply comparative law. The thesis therefore proposes that any future convention relating to the law of carriage of goods by sea shall specify that the national courts of every contracting state shall refer to the decisions of the other contracting states when dealing with questions of interpretation.
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Filippi, N. F. "Deviances and the construction of a 'healthy nation' in South Africa : a study of Pollsmoor Prison and Valkenberg Psychiatric Hospital, c. 1964-1994." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:730c12b2-2e52-4290-b5f9-5a5e557f8b45.
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This thesis is a microhistorical investigation of the dynamics of control and resistance in Pollsmoor Prison and Valkenberg Psychiatric Hospital’s Maximum Security section from 1964 to 1994 in South Africa. It examines the evolution of daily life inside these institutions, both situated in the Western Cape, and the extent to which these institutions were part of the security apparatus developed by the apartheid state. The permeability of Pollsmoor and Valkenberg shed light on the connections between repression, resistance, collaboration and survival inside and outside closed institutions. The division of incarcerated populations according to race, gender, age and behaviour reflected wider logics of governance of the South African society. Similarly, the modalities of resistance and collaboration adopted by ‘political’, ‘common law’ and ‘insane’ prisoners on the inside echoed the processes of popular mobilisation on the outside. The construction of a ‘healthy nation’ through the production and control of deviances was hence far from being a smooth process. The thesis is divided into three parts, each composed of three chapters. The first part analyses the way a system of law and order, based on delineation, the bestowal of privileges and violent repression, was imposed in prisons and psychiatric hospitals’ Maximum Security sections and how this evolved according to the changing social and political imperatives of the apartheid state. The second part shifts the gaze to the level of the courts, where psychiatric and criminological discourses became increasingly entangled throughout the period. The operating modalities of the judicial system reflected the fears and expectatives of the white minority, while providing a racialised image of black populations as both dangerous and childlike. Finally, the third part analyses the links between outside and inside resistances and adaptations to the regime of apartheid. It focuses on the 1994 prison revolts as prisms to understand the processes of subjectivation and politicisation which had emerged in closed institutions during apartheid.
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Dahlén, Marianne. "The Negotiable Child : The ILO Child Labour Campaign 1919-1973." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Juridiska institutionen, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-7547.
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This dissertation examines the Conventions and Recommendations to regulate the minimum age for admission to employment between the years 1919 and 1973 – the ILO minimum age campaign. The adoption process has been studied in its chronological and historical context. The dissertation has three points of departure: that childhood is a historical construction and that the legal material is part of that construction; that the minimum age campaign suffered from a ‘hang-over-from-history’, namely, the history of Western industrialisation during the 19th and early 20th centuries; and, finally, that children had a subordinate and weak position in the minimum age campaign. The study was organised around five central themes: (1) the over-all theme of predominant conceptions of children and work; (2) the relationship between industrialised and colonised and developing nations; (3) the relationship between the child, the family and the state; (4) minimum age; and (5) the importance of school. The most important results of the study are that: (1) In view of the revolutionary changes during the 20th century the continuity in the minimum age campaign was remarkable. In 1919, the ‘child labour problem’ was an issue mainly for the Western industrialised word. By the end of the campaign, in 1973, the transformations in societies during the century had made ‘the child labour problem’ an issue mainly for the developing world and with different conditions and implications in many respects. The content and ‘grammar’ of the minimum age campaign was however never really challenged. (2) The study has verified that the minimum age campaign suffered from a ‘hang-over-from history’. The campaign built directly on the Western industrial experience during the 19th and early 20th centuries. The Western dominance in the ILO, the legal transplants, and the roots in the labour movement all contributed to the ‘hang-over’. (3) The minimum age campaign was modelled on the ‘norm of the Western industrialised childhood’. The norms and realities of childhood in other parts of the world were neglected of considered as provisional and inferior phases in relation to the Western ‘norm’. In this way, there were two separate childhoods in the minimum age campaign: ‘the normal’ childhood conceived for Western conditions and ‘the other’ childhood conceived for the ‘imperfect’ conditions of poor children in the colonised and developing nations.(4) In the minimum age campaign the ‘best interests of the child’ was negotiable and was subordinated in case of conflict with other interests.
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Terry, Patrick C. R. "Great power interventions in the middle East since 1917 : the doomed pursuit of national interest in violation of international law." Thesis, University of Kent, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.590062.
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The decision, in 2003, by the United States and the United Kingdom to go to war against Iraq was seen by many as a watershed moment for international law. Operation Iraqi Freedom seemed to herald the ultimate triumph ofthose "realist" critics of international law who had always maintained that powerful states should and did ignore international law when their national interest is at stake. This thesis offers a defence of international law in the face of such criticism. By analysing key Great Power interventions in the Middle East prior to the War on Iraq, it will be shown that international law has always been a minor concern for those leaders who believed their state's national interest would be furthered by intervening in the Middle East. Operation Iraqi Freedom was thus far from being a watershed moment. More importantly, however, the thesis will dispel the notion that international law necessarily conflicts with the national interest of powerful states. A detailed analysis of Great Power interventions in Palestine (1917-1948), at Suez (1956), and in Afghanistan (1979-2011) will demonstrate that in none of these key events did the pursuit of national interest in conscious violation of international law actually benefit the intervenor. Rather, the subsequent "blowback", resulting from these illegal endeavours, was frequently more serious than the danger the intervenor originally sought to combat. Here, too, the Iraq War and its disastrous aftermath seem to have followed the rule, rather than being the exception. The latter conclusion, it will be argued, does allow for some optimism as to the future role of international law. The repeated failure by the Great Powers to obtain their objectives by illegal means evidences that it is not adherence to international law , but rather the conduct of an unrealistic foreign policy in violation of it, that harms a state's national interest. International law, far from being utopian, is grounded in states' past experiences, therefore reflects the realities of international life, and can consequently be a useful guide for a more successful foreign policy.
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Alvarez, Alberto. "Wittgenstein and the panel's and appellate body's activism in United States - Antidumping Act of 1916 : bases for rethinking the conventional wisdom of competition issues under the WTO." Thesis, McGill University, 2001. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=32792.
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This thesis is aimed at challenging the conventional wisdom regarding trade and competition under the World Trade Organization, namely, that the WTO does not deal with competition matters. This thesis shows that this wisdom cannot be upheld when viewed in conjunction with Karl Wittgenstein's theories of language and with the panel and Appellate Body's decisions in United States-Anti-Dumping Act of 1916.These decisions confirm the application of such theories to the WTO and indicate, first, that the WTO limits concerning trade and competition are not as clearly defined as followers of the conventional wisdom suggest, and, second, that the Appellate Body and future panels may be willing to incorporate other competition issues within the realm of the WTO, if they are properly presented before it by Member States.
A description of the existing state of the art concerning competition and international trade is presented.
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Zajácz, Rita. "Technological change, hegemonic transition and communication policy State-MNC relations in the wireless telegraph industry, 1896--1934 /." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2006. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3195577.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, 2006.Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 66-11, Section: A, page: 3852. Adviser: Herbert A. Terry. Title from dissertation home page (viewed Oct. 10, 2006).
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St, John Taylor. "The power of modest multilateralism : the International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes (ICSID), 1964-1980." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:aeca5b93-4493-4b75-9654-182a2c76e62a.
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In 1965, amid antagonism between capital-importing and capital-exporting states over investment protection, the World Bank created ICSID. ICSID facilitates the resolution of disputes between foreign investors and states. Since major initiatives to create investment rules have failed within the UN and OECD, ICSID is the only successful attempt to create a multilateral, inter-state organization dedicated to investment. This thesis probes the intellectual, political, and economic forces behind the creation and early development of ICSID. This study combines archival work, oral histories, and interviews with econometric work. On this basis, it illuminates how ICSID's creators-mainly staff in the World Bank's Legal Department-adapted their ideas to suit the charged political context. When disseminating the idea of ICSID to states, they relied on ambiguity, expertise, and incrementalism. These three characteristics constitute an approach to organization building that I term "modest multilateralism" since the World Bank's President praised ICSID as "a modest proposal." By illustrating how this approach operated in ICSID's case, I generate insights that are applicable to other international organizations. ICSID's creation differs from the expectations of institutionalist IR theory in important ways. First, there was little state leadership, and ICSID's founding Convention is devoid of substance-it merely outlines a procedure. In this way, it takes the idea of ambiguity to its extreme. Second, ICSID's founders took steps to shield the organization from the politics of investment protection: they asked states to send legal experts, not elected representatives, and avoided deliberative debate. Third, ICSID's design was explicitly evolutionary. ICSID can operate alongside changing substantive rules-multilateral, bilateral, or domestic. Finally, contrary to previous accounts, in this thesis the ICSID Secretariat emerges as a dynamic agent. The Secretariat actively pursued ratifications and advance consents to investor-state arbitration. The creation of ICSID fostered a community of practice, which subsequently redefined international investment law through treaty making and arbitral practice.
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Perron, Eric. "Sécurité collective ou le mythe du maintien de la paix?: L'impact de l'opinion publique sur le processus décisionnel du gouvernement canadien lors des engagements internationaux: 1954--1993." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/27647.
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Cette thèse porte sur l'influence de l'opinion publique sur la décision des différents gouvernements canadiens de participer, de demeurer ou de quitter un engagement international dans trois cas: les deux commissions internationales au Viêtnam de 1954 à 1973; l'Opération des Nations Unies au Congo de 1960 à 1964; l'Opération des Nations Unies à Chypre de 1964 à 1993. Dans ces trois cas, l'étude évalue l'impact de l'opinion publique sur les arguments justifiant ces opérations. Les arguments du gouvernement, des médias de masse et des partis de l'opposition à la Chambre des communes sont comparés et catégorises en trois groupes: une argumentation utilisant la sécurite collective, le mythe du maintien de la paix ou bien demandant le retrait. L'opinion publique a influencé la rhétorique du gouvernement durant ces trois engagements internationaux. Dans le cas du Viêtnam, la rhétorique du mythe fut utilisée par le gouvernement fédéral pour répondre aux critiques venant des Canadiens. Le mythe étant répandu dans l'opinion publique réagissant à la guerre américaine. Une situation similaire se produit au Congo lorsque le gouvernement Diefenbaker défendit le bilan de son gouvernement au mois de juillet et au 1960 en utilisant un discours du mythe. Le discours gouvernemental changea une fois la mission amorcée pour se servir des arguments de sécurité collective. La situation de Chypre offre une perspective différente vu la longue durée de la mission. Pourtant, les arguments de sécurité collective dominèrent dans les journaux jusqu'aux années 1980. Les partis de l'opposition se servaient plutôt de la fierté nationale, teintée des valeurs du mythe, pour justifier cette mission. Le discours du gouvernement changea à travers le temps, passant de la sécurité collective durant les années 1960 jusqu'au mythe et la menace de retrait durant les années 1970 et 1980.
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Dakessian, Rodney. "Les effets juridiques des massacres commis contre les Armeniens en 1915 et leurs modes de resolutions judiciaires et extrajudiciaires possibles." Thesis, Lyon 3, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012LYO30096/document.
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Ma thèse vise en premier ressort à étudier toutes les questions juridiques concernant la ‘question arménienne’.D’abord, le sujet de l’existence des éléments du crime de génocide en 1915 au niveau du droit international conventionnel a été notre première question à étudier. Ensuite, il était indispensable d’étudier la nature du crime commis envers les Arméniens ottomans en 1915.En plus, est-ce que l’Etat Turc actuel peut-il être responsable d’un crime commis par l’Empire ottoman, selon le principe de la succession d’Etats en droit international, surtout que l’Etat Turc n’était créé qu’en 1923 ? Et en cas de l’existence de cette responsabilité, est-ce que l’Arménie a droit à l’action en responsabilité, surtout qu’au moment de la perpétration du crime, il n’y avait pas un Etat Arménien ? Les victimes étaient des ressortissants de l’Empire ottoman mais d’origine arménienne. Donc il faudra étudier la qualité de l’Arménie pour agir en justice, par des moyens judiciaires ou extrajudiciaires, vis-à-vis surtout du principe de la non-rétroactivité des traités, surtout que dans notre cas, le crime a été perpétré en 1915, alors que la Convention sur le génocide n’a été promulguée qu’en 1948.En fait, notre thèse vise en dernier ressort à rapprocher les deux pays et mettre fin réellement au conflit entre eux, à percevoir ce qui les rassemblent et non ce qui les divisent, et trouver une solution équitable et objective pour les deux pays afin de contribuer à mettre fin à leur litige historique, et cela à travers une étude réaliste, impartiale et basée sur la logique et la nature des choses et des circonstances du fait existantesThe main purpose of my thesis is to study all the legal issues concerning the 'Armenian question'.First, the existence of the elements of the crime of genocide in 1915 at the conventional international law, made our first question to consider. Then, it was necessary to study the nature of the crime committed against the Ottoman Armenians in 1915.In addition, can Turkey be responsible for a crime committed by the Ottoman Empire, according to the principle of succession of States in international law, especially that the Turkish state was created in 1923?And in case of such responsibility, has Armenia the right to maintain a lawsuit against Turkey, especially at the time of the crime, there was no Armenian state?The victims were citizens of the Ottoman Empire but of Armenian descent.Also, the quality of Armenia to take legal action, by judicial or extrajudicial processes, must be studied, regarding especially to the principle of non-retroactivity of treaties, especially that in our case, the crime was committed in 1915, while the Genocide Convention was enacted in 1948.In fact, our thesis aims ultimately to bring the two countries closer and actually try to help reach the end of the conflict between them, perceive what gather them and not what divides them, and find a fair and objective solution for both countries, in order to help put an end to their historic dispute, and that through a realistic and impartial study, based on logic and the nature of things and the circumstances of the existing
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Neira, Pinzon Clara Stella. "La compétence internationale pénale à la lumière du précédent Pinochet." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015STRAA024/document.
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L’application de la compétence internationale pénale dans l'affaire Pinochet à laissé un précédent important dans le domaine de la lutte contre l'impunité, comme le démontre la procédure mise en œuvre par l'Audiencia Nacional d'Espagne, ainsi que par la Cour d'Assises de Paris avec application du principe de la personnalité passive. En effet, avec le mandat d’arrêt international aux fins d'extradition émis par les autorités judiciaires espagnols, qui a permis l'arrestation de Pinochet à Londres, la négation de son immunité par la chambre des Lords et le jugement par défaut en France de son administration militaire, le droit international connait un avant et in après. Le droit international pénal est ainsi mis en exergue en tant que fondement juridique de la compétence extra-territoriale des Etats. Il permet d'utiliser tant le principe de la compétence universelle que celui. Il permet d'utiliser tant le principe de la compétence universelle que celui de la personnalité passive, toutes deux appliquées, dans cette affaire précise, dans le but d'exercer une justice internationaleThe application of the criminal international jurisdiction in the Pinochet case left an important precedent in the area of the fight against impunity, as shown by the procedure brought into play by the Spanish Audiencia Nacional and also by the Cour d'Assises of Paris, with the enforcement of the passive personality principle. Actually, with the international arrest warrant for extradition issued by the Spanish judicial authorities, which made possible the arrest of Pinochet in London; the denial of his immunity by the House of Lords and the judgment in absentia in France of his military organization, the international law has a before and an after. The international criminal law is under lined as the juridical foundation of the extraterritorial jurisdiction of the legal authorities of a state. It allows the application as well of the universal jurisdiction principle as of the passible personality principle, both used, in this precise case, with the objective to exercise an international justice
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Cornilleau, Lise. "Gouverner la faim dans le monde ? : le paradigme de la sécurité alimentaire mondiale, ses instruments et ses critiques (1974-2014)." Thesis, Paris Est, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PESC2048.
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La crise alimentaire mondiale de 2008, caractérisée par une envolée des prix alimentaires mondiaux et des "émeutes de la faim" dans plusieurs pays du Sud, met à l’épreuve les fondements politiques et épistémiques de la gouvernance mondiale de la faim. Cette crise a renforcé le crédit des visions alternatives du problème de la faim dans le monde (droit à l’alimentation, souveraineté alimentaire) qui contestent le paradigme dominant, celui de la sécurité alimentaire mondiale. Né à la suite de la crise alimentaire mondiale de 1974, ce dernier s’est imposé dans les organisations internationales (FAO, Banque mondiale, Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research (CGIAR)) à travers certaines disciplines (économie néo-classique, génétique) et quantifications (statistiques internationales, modèles mondiaux), ainsi qu’une hiérarchisation du droit international de l’agriculture dominée par le GATT.La thèse porte sur les efforts des partisans de la souveraineté alimentaire et du droit à l'alimentation pour transformer le paradigme dominant en coproduisant avec ces organisations internationales – qui s'ouvrent aux acteurs non-étatiques de manière inédite à l'occasion de la crise de 2008 – de nouveaux savoirs et de nouveaux instruments métrologiques et juridiques. A l'issue de ces processus, le paradigme de la sécurité alimentaire mondiale reste défendu par plusieurs diplomaties puissantes, bénéficiant de l'appui renouvelé des entreprises agro-alimentaires et fondations philanthropiques, tout en ayant internalisé une partie des critiques reçues. Il bénéficie aussi des effets d’irréversibilité propres à différents instruments qui sont étudiés dans la thèse (rapports d’experts, quantifications, droit international). En parallèle, le droit à l'alimentation et la souveraineté alimentaire connaissent une institutionnalisation dans ces organisations internationales à travers ces nouveaux instruments, que certains acteurs critiques voient comme les jalons d’un nouveau paradigme « en train de se faire ».La thèse repose sur une enquête ethnographique multi-sites et multi-niveaux menée auprès des experts des organisations internationales (FAO, Rapporteur Spécial pour le Droit à l'Alimentation, Banque mondiale), auprès de la diplomatie française au sein du Comité de la Sécurité Alimentaire mondiale de l’ONU, auprès des mouvements sociaux et ONG internationales et auprès des entreprises multinationales de l’agro-alimentaire et fondations philanthropiques. Elle analyse aussi des sources écrites : base de presse ; archives ; et littérature grise.La thèse mobilise la théorie néo-institutionnaliste des champs, afin de saisir une gouvernance globale controversée au prisme des concurrences entre instruments. Ainsi, elle se distingue des travaux fondés sur la théorie des régimes internationaux, mobilisée à la fois en science politique (avec les communautés épistémiques) et en Science & Technology Studies (à travers la coproduction entre politique et régimes de savoirs). Elle montre l’intérêt d’une approche de la coproduction entre science et politique située à l’échelle des instruments de la gouvernance globale, qui sont les enjeux de luttes pour acquérir une forme de juridiction épistémique. Elle analyse aussi les ressorts de la persistance et du changement des paradigmes internationaux, en complétant l’entrée par les communautés épistémiques par un regard porté sur les instruments en considérant à la fois les effets de verrouillage qu'ils créent, mais aussi les « prises » qu’ils offrent aux acteurs pour institutionnaliser des alternatives. Elle complète enfin le diagnostic de la fragmentation et de la privatisation des politiques agricoles internationales, en montrant le poids croissant des acteurs non-étatiques (société civile, mais aussi firmes, et fondation Gates) dans la fabrique des instruments globaux de la « faim dans le monde »The 2008 global food crisis, characterized by soaring world food prices and "hunger riots" in several countries of the South, is putting the political and epistemic foundations of global hunger governance to the test. This crisis has reinforced the credibility of alternative visions of the world hunger problem (right to food, food sovereignty) that challenge the dominant paradigm, that of global food security. Born following the 1974 world food crisis, the latter has established itself in international organizations (FAO, World Bank, Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research (CGIAR)) through certain disciplines (neoclassical economics, genetics) and quantifications (international statistics, global models), as well as a hierarchy of international agricultural law dominated by the GATT.The thesis focuses on the efforts of advocates of food sovereignty and the right to food to transform the dominant paradigm by co-producing with these international organizations - which are opening up to non-state actors in an unprecedented way during the 2008 crisis - new knowledge and new metrological and legal instruments. At the end of these processes, the global food security paradigm remains defended by several powerful States, benefiting from the renewed support of agri-food companies and philanthropic foundations, while having internalized some of the criticism received. It also benefits from the lock-in of different instruments that are studied in the thesis (expert reports, quantifications, international law). In parallel, the right to food and food sovereignty are being institutionalized in these international organizations through these new instruments, that some critical actors see as the milestones of a new paradigm "in the making".The thesis is based on a multi-site and multi-level ethnographic survey conducted among experts from international organizations (FAO, Special Rapporteur on the Right to Food, World Bank), French diplomacy within the UN Committee on World Food Security, international social movements and NGOs, and multinational agri-food companies and philanthropic foundations. It also analyses written sources: press database; archives; and grey literature.The thesis mobilizes the neo-institutionalist theory of fields, in order to capture a controversial global governance through the prism of competition between instruments. Thus, it differs from work based on the theory of international regimes, mobilized both in political science (with epistemic communities) and in Science & Technology Studies (through the co-production between politics and knowledge regimes). It shows the interest of an approach to co-production between science and politics located at the scale of the instruments of global governance, which are the stakes of struggles to acquire a form of epistemic jurisdiction. It also analyses the drivers of the persistence and change of international paradigms, complementing the entry by epistemic communities with a look at the instruments and the locking effects they produce, but also the "grasps" they offer to institutionalize alternatives. Finally, it completes the diagnosis of the fragmentation and privatization of international agricultural policies, by showing the growing weight of non-state actors (civil society, but also agri-food companies, and the Gates Foundation) in the making of global instruments of "world hunger"
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Ruangvichatron, Jumpita. "Breach of contract in international sale of goods : an evaluation of the 1980 Vienna Sales Convention and the 1994 UNIDROIT principles as compared with English law and the (US) Uniform Commercial Code." Thesis, University of Exeter, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.302569.
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Langetz, Viktor. "Det baltiska problemet : En undersökning av Sveriges erkännanden och relationer till Estland och Lettland år 1918-1925." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för idé- och samhällsstudier, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-125693.
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This paper examines what happened when Sweden recognized Estonia and Latvia as sovereign states. The recognising process was part of what during the time was called "the Baltic problem". The Baltic problem was the new situation that arose around the Baltic Sea after World War I in 1918, where several new states were added. Sweden's geostrategic position was considerably better but the time after the war was a turbulent period in Sweden. Sweden needed to take into account how the victorious powers Britain and France acted in international politics. In this situation Sweden was faced with the decision to recognize the new states. This paper used the theoretical perspectives of "realism" and "idealism". Realism says that states do not respect international law, unless it is in the state's self-interest. Instead realism empathizes that the realpolitik and power politics are the main instruments of the state to achieve security. Idealism emphasizes that states will gladly take into account international law because it is morally right and also emphasizes the democratic institutions and economic cooperation to create an interdependency between states and thus achieve security. Sweden takes into account international law in the sense that Sweden wants to admit the two states when they meet the constitutional criteria. However, Sweden chose to not recognize any of the states before Britain and France had recognized them. Sweden's cautious behaviour towards the recognition and the negative attitude towards closer cooperation on security issues provide support to the realism as the theory that best explains Sweden's actions in their relationship with the newly proclaimed states of Estonia and Latvia.
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ZAMBONI, MATTEO. "LA GIURISPRUDENZA DEL CONSIGLIO DEL CONTENZIOSO DIPLOMATICO DEL MAE SUI RECLAMI PRESENTATI DAGLI ITALIANI ALL'ESTERO (1861-1911)." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/486439.
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The thesis analyses the legal opinions delivered by the Consiglio del contenzioso diplomatico of the Italian ministry of foreign affairs concerning the treatment of Italian nationals living abroad. As a premise, it recollects the different decrees and other pieces of legislation concerning the institution, functioning, assignments of the Consiglio. Having said that, the thesis focus on the opinions delivered in relation with actual disputes over the violation of the international law norms providing protection to foreign national residing abroad (ie. aliens) against their State of residence. That protection was implemented through the intervention of the State of nationality, according to the Vattelian paradigm which gives rise to the doctrine of diplomatic protection. In some cases, the claim was preliminary barred on account of the (purported) loss of Italian citizenship by the part of the emigrants. Accordingly, these disputes turn into disputes of nationality: with both States considering an individual as their subject. On the other hand, when nationality is not an issue, the disputes focus on the existence (or the non-existence) of customary international law norms on the treatment of aliens, their scope and the process through which their violation may be acknowledged and sanctioned.
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Williams, Brett Gerard. "The importance of disciplining the choice of policy instrument to the effectiveness of the GATT as international law disciplining agricultural trade policies /." Title page, contents and abstract only, 1999. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phw72122.pdf.
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Ogbonna, Joseph Ifeanyichukwu. "A legal analysis of the application of Articles I and III of the GATT 1994 on the economic development of ECOWAS member states." Thesis, Brunel University, 2012. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/7253.
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This dissertation examines the tension inherent in the relationship between the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) as Member States Parties of the GATT/WTO and the GATT/WTO regime. It focuses specifically on the tension triggered off by the requirements of Article I – the Most-Favoured-Nation principle (MFN) and Article III – the National Treatment principle (NT) GATT 1994. It shows that while the non-discrimination principles are meant to promote trade liberalisation and economic growth, they produce the opposite effect in developing and least developed countries like ECOWAS and aggravate the tension between those countries and the WTO. It argues that the MFN is used to deny market access to the developing countries by exposing them to stiff but unequal competitive conditions and the NT to deny national governments the policy space to protect and promote national industries, employment and economic growth. It challenges the general assumption that the MFN and the NT are good and in the interest of all the WTO Members and rather identifies them as lynch-pins of economic development in the ECOWAS region. It also shows, contrary to the assumption of non-participation, how the ECOWAS High Contracting Parties are adapting their trading systems and harmonising their laws to the key provisions of Articles I and III of the GATT. It shows that the principles of non-discrimination are the outcome of the standard-setting procedures legally formulated as the SPS and TBT Agreements which favour the developed countries and how the Dispute Settlement Body has rejected the ‘aims-and-effect’ approach, taken a literal approach, overly emphasising trade liberalisation to the neglect of market access and economic development. This dissertation concludes that it is pre-mature for ECOWAS to assume Articles I and III obligations and recommends using the provisions of Article XXIV to build up effective influence through regional organisations and incrementally uniting to transform the GATT.
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Mertala, P. (Petteri). "Kuvalla voi olla merkitystä:Suomen ja Espanjan väliset suhteet vuosina 1917–1946." Doctoral thesis, Oulun yliopisto, 2013. http://urn.fi/urn:isbn:9789526202433.
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Abstract The research observes the relations between Finland and Spain from the Finnish independence until the beginning of the Cold War by using an analysis of images and stereotypes. This era is characterized by the founding of the organization of Finnish foreign affairs, Spain’s transition from a dictatorship to a republic, from the Republic to the Spanish Civil War and the Second World War. During this time, Finland and Spain built their bilateral relations from the recognition of Finland through trade policy to have cordial relations around the Second World War when political conditions were favourable. The main idea of the Finnish foreign policy in Spain was to regain the lost market of timber and paper industry from the autonomous era. Spain was disturbed by the Finnish law of prohibition which prevented the trade within wine industry. Spain’s main focus in Finland was monitoring the foreign policy of Finland, the Soviet Union and the Baltic republics. Spain did fairly well in this task. Both Finland’s and Spain’s image of one another was based on stereotypes. The Finns were forest-living Asians while the Spaniards were lazy, uneducated bullfighters. The Finns had a chance to modify the image of Spain during the Spanish Civil War, but the modification didn’t take place. In Spain the image of the Finns, however, was transformed into a heroic nation defending the western civilization. The images could have affected the foreign policy. The diplomat who disliked and knew the posting country poorly could harm trade negotiations. The stereotype-based images delayed the development of the bilateral relations. On the other hand, an enthusiastic and politically suited person could have a significant positive impact on the relations, especially during the Second World War. The main source material consists of the reports from the Spanish delegation in Helsinki, the Finnish delegation in Madrid and the telegrams and documentation from both foreign ministriesTiivistelmä Tutkimuksessa tarkastellaan Suomen ja Espanjan välisiä suhteita historiallisen kuvatutkimuksen keinoin Suomen itsenäistymisestä kylmän sodan alkuun. Aikakautta leimaavat Suomen itsenäistymisen jälkeen alkanut ulkoasiainhallinnon perustaminen ja kehittyminen, Espanjan muutos diktatuurista tasavallaksi, tasavallasta sisällissotaan sekä toisen maailmansodan aika. Tänä aikana Suomi ja Espanja loivat keskinäiset suhteensa Suomen tunnustamisesta kauppapolitiikan kautta toisilleen ystävällismielisiksi maiksi, kun toisen maailmansodan poliittiset suhdanteet olivat suotuisia. Suomi halusi palauttaa itselleen edulliset puu- ja paperituotteiden markkinat, jotka sillä oli ollut autonomian aikana. Espanjaa haittasi Suomessa ollut kieltolaki, mikä merkitsi erityisesti tärkeiden viinien jäämistä pois maiden välisestä kaupasta. Espanja keskittyi suhteissa pitämään Suomea tarkkailu- ja tiedonkeruupaikkana Suomen, Neuvostoliiton ja Baltian suuntaan. Tässä tehtävässä Espanja onnistui verraten hyvin. Niin suomalaisten kuin espanjalaisten kuvat toisistaan rakentuivat suhteiden alussa stereotypioiden varaan. Suomalaiset olivat metsissä asuvia aasialaisia ja espanjalaiset laiskoja sekä kouluttamattomia härkätaistelijoita. Suomalaisille tarjoutui mahdollisuus korjata Espanja-kuvaa Espanjan sisällissodan julkisuuden vuoksi, mutta kuvassa ei tapahtunut muutosta. Sen sijaan Suomen saama julkisuus talvisodan aikana muutti espanjalaisten Suomi-kuvaa urheaksi läntistä sivistystä puolustaneeksi kansaksi. Mielikuvilla saattoi olla oikeissa olosuhteissa vaikutusta ulkopolitiikkaan. Huonosti asemamaansa tunteva ja kokeva diplomaatti saattoi olla haitaksi kauppaneuvotteluille. Alkuaikojen stereotypioihin nojannut mielikuva hidasti kehitystä. Toisaalta innostunut ja aikakauteen poliittisesti sopiva henkilö saattoi vaikuttaa huomattavasti suhteita edistävästi, kuten toisen maailmansodan aikana tapahtui molemmin puolin. Tutkimuksen keskeisin lähdeaineisto koostuu Espanjan Helsingin-lähetystön ja Suomen Madridin-lähetystön raporteista, sähkeistä sekä kummankin maan ulkoasiainhallinnon dokumenteista
Resumen El studio observa las relaciones entre Finlandía y España por el medio del studio de las imagines históricas desde la proclamación de la independencia de Finlandía hasta el comienzo de la Guerra Fría. La época esta caracterizada por la fundación y evolución del Ministro de Asuntos Exteriores de Finlandía después de la independencia, la transición de la dictatura a la Segunda República, la Guerra Civil Española y la Segunda Guerra Mundial cuando las coyunturas políticas eran favorables. La idea principal de la política exterior de Finlandía en España era volver a crear los mercados perdidos de madera y papelera de la época autónoma finlandesa. España en cambio estaba molesta por la ley seca de Finlandía, lo que bloquea el importante comercio de los vinos españoles. España se concentro en observer y coleccionar información de Finlandía, Unión Soviética y los países Bálticos. España tuvo bastante éxito en esta tarea. La imagen de uno y otro, tanto finlandesa como española estaba basado en los estereotipos. Los finlandeses eran nórdicos que vivían en el bosque y los españoles eran toreros maleducados y perezosos. En la Guerra Civil Española, los finlandeses ofrecen la oportunidad de cambiar su imagen, pero fue desaprovechada. En cambio, la publicidad de Finlandía durante la Guerra de Invierno cambió la imagen que España tenia de Finlandía en una nación de valientes defendiendo la civilización occidental. Bajo las circunstancias correctas las imagines podrian tener un efecto en la política exterior. El diplomático que conocía y no le gustaba su país de acreditación podria perjudicar seriamente las relaciones comerciales. Las imagines estererotipadas en el comienzo de las relaciones retrasaron el desarollo de las relaciones bilaterales. Por otra parte, el diplomático entusiasta y políticamente adecuado podría tener un impacto significativo y progresista, como ocurrido en ambos lados durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial. El material más importante consiste en los informes de la legación de España y de la legación de Finlandía en Madrid, los telegramas y los documentos de ambos Ministros de Asuntos Exteriores
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Pituch, William G. "Participating in the world : select American press coverage of United States internationalism, 1918-1923." Thesis, Manhattan, Kan. : Kansas State University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/845.
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Hoeylandt, Pierre van. "Is there a duty of humanitarian intervention? : an empirical study with moral implications." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2001. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:3289e232-2d4e-4878-8e2f-ba7e667f5b77.
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Large-scale humanitarian crises in foreign countries raise the question of whether or not other countries have a duty to alleviate that suffering. In extreme cases, humanitarian intervention, that is: military intervention for the purpose of alleviating human suffering, is sometimes advocated as the morally required course of action. This thesis suggests that while the international community has a general moral responsibility to prevent and ameliorate humanitarian crises there is no simple duty of military humanitarian intervention. Hitherto, the question has typically been treated as a matter of either moral or legal principle. This thesis argues that empirical factors, which affect the international community's ability to carry out interventions effectively, have not been given their due weight in the debate. On the basis of evaluations of international responses to crises in Somalia and Rwanda, 1992 - 1994, it is suggested that a range of factors undermine the efficacy of humanitarian interventions. These factors include the impact of state interests, the effects of domestic politics in intervening states and, contrary to expectations, the role of humanitarian considerations in decision making on intervention. By showing the limitations of a simplistic view of a duty of humanitarian intervention the thesis seeks to contribute to reconciling idealism with realism in international crisis-responses. Based on sound moral and political judgment military interventions in humanitarian crises would hopefully be less ambitious and ultimately more effective.
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Naidoo, Beulah Lilian. "South Africa’s diplomatic strategy on migrants, with specific reference to the United Nations refugee regime, 1994-2009." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/28629.
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South Africa is seen as a major destination for refugees and asylum-seekers and is, according to the 2010 Report of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, the world’s highest destination country for asylum-seekers, mainly from Sub-Saharan Africa. Following the 1994 democratic elections, there was a transformation in foreign policy, embracing the African Agenda, and South Africa became a major country of destination because of its relative prosperity in Africa. As a State Party to the 1951 United Nations Refugee Convention on the Status of Refugees, South Africa is under a legal obligation to protect refugees and grant them legal rights. At the same time, South African citizens, who had legitimate aspirations that the 1994 democratic government would address their development challenges, opposed the significant flow of refugees into the country by violent acts of xenophobia. The government, seen as a moral authority internationally with human rights being a key principle underpinning its foreign policy, found itself between the promotion of the African Agenda and its commitments to its own citizens. The refugee issue was addressed in the United Nations where the government made multilateral diplomacy a central platform of its foreign policy, a policy embedded in Africa and the South. South Africa is used as a case study to determine how it used multilateral diplomacy in the United Nations refugee regime through its coalition, the African Group, to address the migration issue. The study draws out the weaknesses of the international refugee regime by discussing the roles of two important diplomatic actors: the sovereign states in the United Nations General Assembly, and the international organization mandated to supervise the international refugee regime, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. South Africa’s foreign policy objective of promoting the African Agenda at times conflicts with the promotion of its national interest. Its progressive Constitution (1996) provides economic, social, and cultural rights to refugees, to the resentment of its own citizens, who view the refugees as beneficiaries of the United Nations. The study provides a critical analysis of South Africa’s multilateral diplomacy, and also provides the following recommendations where South Africa could use this mode more effectively to address the migration issue: Reform the international refugee regime; Allocate funds from the United Nations regularly assessed budget to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees; and, Develop an international normative regulatory framework for irregular migrants.Dissertation (MDiplomatic Studies)--University of Pretoria, 2012.
Political Sciences
Unrestricted
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Williams, Meagan Meernik James David. "Judicial creativity or justice being served ? a look at the use of joint criminal enterprise in the ICTY prosecution /." [Denton, Tex.] : University of North Texas, 2008. http://digital.library.unt.edu/permalink/meta-dc-9721.
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Marques, Ivan Contente. "Intervenções humanitarias : aspectos politicos, morais e juridicos de um conceito em (trans)formação." [s.n.], 2007. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281494.
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Orientador: Andrei KoernerDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-11T01:52:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marques_IvanContente_M.pdf: 767815 bytes, checksum: 6ec7092e0e762c66283af8c6bcc55128 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008
Resumo: Este trabalho se propõe a estudar os debates acerca das intervenções humanitárias e sua relação com os conceitos de legalidade e legitimidade nas relações internacionais. Para isso, partiremos do início desta discussão que ocorreu antes da formação e da consolidação dos Estados nacionais e o fortalecimento do princípio da soberania, e passaremos pelos impactos causados pela nova ordem jurídica internacional criada pela Organização das Nações Unidas. Isso trará subsídios para a análise da situação do combate às crises humanitárias nos anos 1990 sob a ótica da intervenção. Como exemplo da atuação do Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas, investigaremos dois casos emblemáticos de intervenções humanitárias deste período: o genocídio de Ruanda, em 1994, e os ataques da OTAN no Kosovo, em 1999. Dessa forma, levantaremos o entendimento atual sobre o tema, demonstrando o dilema entre o dever moral de salvar vidas em risco e o impedimento legal de fazê-lo dado o sistema jurídico internacional vigente. Por fim, apresentaremos a teoria ¿Responsabilidade de Proteger¿ que tem a pretensão de dar respostas ao problema da aceitação das intervenções humanitárias como prática legítima nas relações internacionais
Abstract: This work proposes to study the debates on humanitarian intervention and its relation with concepts of validity and legitimacy on international relations. For that, it will start from the beginning of this discussion which occurred before the constitution and consolidation of national states and the strengthen of the sovereignty principle, and goes through the impacts caused by the new international legal order created by the United Nations. This will support the analysis of the humanitarian crisis in the 90's under the optic of intervention. As an example of the United Nations Security Council performance, it will investigate two emblematic cases of humanitarian intervention of the period: Rwanda's genocide, in 1994, and NATO¿s air strikes on Kosovo, in 1999. From this perspective, it will rise the present understanding on this issue, bringing up the dilemma between the moral duty of saving lives jeopardized by the scourge of war and the legal bar of doing it considering the international legal system in vigor. At last, it will present the ¿responsibility to protect¿ theory which intends to provide solutions to the problem of acceptance of humanitarian intervention as a legitimate practice on international relations
Mestrado
Instituições, Processos e Atores
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Van, Tonder Delarey. "Peacebuilding in Mozambique with special reference to the UN policy on landmine removal." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/51870.
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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2000.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The end of the Cold War had a profound impact on the qualitative and quantitative nature of the UN's peace and security agenda, representing a shift from traditional peacekeeping to a broader, more ambitious and intrusive notion of peacekeeping. This evolution was marked by an expanded UN engagement in a broad range of intra-state conflicts and characterised by UN undertakings towards aspects of national political and socio-economic reconstruction including the evolution of humanitarian action. Responding to the expanded United Nations agenda for international peace and security and at the request of the UN Security Council (UNSC) Boutros Boutros-Ghali prepared the conceptual foundations of the UN's role in global peace and security in his seminal report, An Agenda for Peace (July, 1992). The Secretary General outlined five inter-connected roles that he projected the UN would play in the fast changing context of post-Cold War international politics, namely: preventive diplomacy, peace enforcement, peacemaking, peacekeeping and post-conflict peacebuilding. The UNSG described the newly defined concept of post-conflict peacebuilding as action organised "(to) foster economic and social co-operation with the purpose of developing the social, political and economic infrastructure to prevent future violence, and laying the foundations for a durable peace." With specific reference to landmines in An Agenda for Peace the UNSG stressed that peacebuilding following civil war and internal strife must address the serious problem of landmines, which remained scattered in present or former combat zones. The UNSG underscored that mine action (demining) should be emphasised in terms of reference of peacekeeping operations which is crucially important in the restoration of activity when peacebuilding is under way. The United Nations involvement in the Mozambican peace process (1992-1995) has been interpreted as the culmination of a major success story in wider peacekeeping in Africa under UN auspices - a category of peace operation, which included peacemaking, peacekeeping, humanitarian assistance, peacebuilding and electoral assistance. Mozambique's peace process has subsequently been cited as a model UN peacekeeping operation which could be adapted to post-conflict situation elsewhere. Within the context of landmines as a threat to post-conflict peacebuilding as articulated by the UNSG in An Agenda for Peace, the study focuses on how the United Nations implemented mine action initiatives in operationalising the concept of peacebuilding in Mozambique. In this context, the study reviews the UN operation in Mozambique (ONUMOZ) and its capacity, responsiveness and vision in implementing mine action initiatives, both in terms of the operational requirements of the ONUMOZ peacekeeping mission and the development oflonger-term humanitarian mine action programmes in Mozambique. To this end, the study views the establishment of a sustainable indigenous mine action capacity as a sine que non for post -conflict peacebuilding. From this perspective, the study interprets the 1999 Mine Ban Treaty Prohibiting the Use, Stockpile, Production and Transfer of Anti-Personnel Mines and on their Destruction and the rights and obligations of Mozambique as a State Party to the Treaty as the most appropriate instrument towards the creation of an indigenous Mozambican mine action capacity to address the long-term effects oflandmines on post-conflict peacebuilding. In terms of methodology the approach was historical-analytical and in essence a deductive method of research was followed.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die einde van die Koue Oorlog het diepgaande verandering teweeggebring ten opsigte van die Verenigde Nasies se vredes en sekuriteits regime ter handhawing van internasionale vrede en sekuriteit. Hierdie periode is gekenmerk deur 'n skerp toename in intra-staatlike konflikte en gevolglik in die kwalitatiewe en kwantitatiewe aard en omvang van Verenigde Nasies vredesoperasies in terme van die VN Handves. Ten einde die verantwoordelikhede van die Verenigde Nasies met betrekking tot die handhawing van vrede en sekuriteit in die snel - veranderende konteks van die post - Koue Oorlog periode aan te spreek, het die Sekretaris - Generaal van die Verenigde Nasies, Boutros Boutros - Gali, in opdrag van die Veiligheidsraad die konseptuele fundering van die VN se rol verwoord in sy pioniersverslag - Agenda vir Vrede (1992). In sy verslag van Julie 1992 identifiseer en omskryf die Sekretaris-Generaal vyf verbandhoudende konsepte wat sou dien as meganismes ter beslegting van internasionale konflik, naamlik voorkomende diplomasie (preventive diplomacy), vredesingryping (peace enforcement), maak van vrede (peacemaking), vredesoperasies (peacekeeping) en post-konflik vredeskonsolidasie (post-conflict peacebuilding). Die Sekretaris-Generaal het post-konflik vredeskonsolidasie omskryf as die "vestiging van sosio-ekonomiese samewerking met die oogmerk om die sosiale, politieke en ekonomiese infrastruktuur te ontwikkel ten einde hernude konflik te voorkom en ter grondlegging van langdurige vrede". Met spesifieke verwysing na die korrelasie tussen landmyne en post-konflik vredeskonsolidasie het die Sekretaris-Generaal benadruk dat landmyne 'n bedreiging inhou vir die konsolidasie van vrede na burgeroorlog en interne konflik, en veral binne die raamwerk van 'n VN vredesoperasie in terme van 'n VN Veiligheidsraad mandaat. Die VN se vredesrol in Mosambiek word allerweë beskou as een van die mees suksesvolle VN vredesoperasies ooit. Die doel van die studie is gevolglik om ondersoek in te stel na die toepassing van die konsep van post-konflik vredeskonsolidasie met spesifieke verwysing na die Mosambiekse vredesproses en die rol van die Verenigde Nasies se Operasie in Mosambiek (ONUMOZ). In die opsig fokus die studie spesifiek op die rol van ONUMOZ (1992-1995) en suksesse en tekortkomings in sy vredesmandaat ten opsigte van die implementering van aksies om die kort-en-langtermyn impak van landmyne in terme van post-konflik vredeskonsolidasie in Mosambiek aan te spreek. Vanuit hierdie konteks, vertolk die studie die Landmyn Verdrag (1999) en die totale verbod op die aanwending, opgaar, produksie en oordrag van landmyne en die vernietiging daarvan as die mees geskikte raamwerk waarbinne Mosambiek 'n inheemse vermoë tot stand kan bring ten einde die langtermyn impak van landmyne op post-konflik vredeskonsolidasie effektief aan te spreek. Vanuit 'n metodologiese oogpunt word in hierdie studie histories analities te werk gegaan en die benadering is beskrywend - verklarend van aard. Verder is die metode van ondersoek in wese deduktief van aard.
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Williams, Meagan. "Judicial Creativity or Justice Being Served? A Look at the Use of Joint Criminal Enterprise in the ICTY Prosecution." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2008. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc9721/.
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The development of joint criminal enterprise at the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) has been controversial since the doctrine was first created in 1997. For the judgments rendered by the ICTY to be perceived as legitimate, the doctrines used to bring charges against defendants must also be perceived as legitimate. The purpose of my thesis is to study the application of joint criminal enterprise at the ICTY and examine how the doctrine has influenced the length of sentences given. I find that joint criminal enterprise may be influencing longer sentences and the three categories of joint criminal enterprise are being used differently on defendants of different power levels. By empirically analyzing the patterns developing at the ICTY, I can see how joint criminal enterprise is influencing sentencing and the fairness of trials.
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Moscoso, de la Cuba Pablo. "Analysis of the main elements of the International Court of Justice Judgment in the maritime dispute (Peru v. Chile) in the light of the parties positions." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2014. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/115556.
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On January 27, 2014 the International Court of Justice, principal judicial organ of the United Nations ruled in the case of the maritime dispute (Peru v. Chile), being Peru the one that brought forth the case in January 2008. During the proceedings in Court, the parties presented fundamentally different positions on the existence of a maritime boundary between them and how the Court should proceed solving the dispute. The Court should have considered the multiple legal reasonings presented by the States parties over the years to arrive to its ruling. Particularly, some of the legal reasonings presented by Peru were accepted by the Court and considered in the ruling, beginning from the interpretation given to the proclamations of Peru and Chile in 1947, going through the reasonings Peru presented about the 1952 Santiago Declaration (It was the main topic presented by Chile, which was discarded by the Court) until the reasoning presented by Peru saying that the 1954 Special Maritime Frontier Zone Agreement didn’t create a zone of tolerance that extends to 200 nautical miles. However, the Court considered that in the 1954 agreement the parties accepted the existence of a tacit agreement, but this existence was not presented by them in the Court even though it has a legal support in the jurisprudence of the International Court of Justice. Then, the Court had to determine the extent of the tacit agreement, a very difficult duty because the parties hadn’t considered the existence of that situation and its extension. After establishing the implied legal agreement was for 80 nautical miles along a parallel of latitude, the Court proceeded to establish a maritime boundary applying thoroughly the rules and principles of maritime delimitation presented by Peru, which applied to the case determine the presence of an equidistant line. In relation to the starting-point of the maritime boundary, the Court didn’t use the point presented by Peru but, in a correct way, made it clear that the starting-point of the maritime boundary and the starting-point of the land boundary don’t have to match necessarily. Finally, the way how the Court established the maritime boundary recognizes, with no doubt, that the area previously named “outer triangle” belongs to Peru, as this country claimed and as Chile opposed repeatedly over the years. In summary, it is a decision based on International Law and adopted under the evidence presented in Court. The Court applied and confirmed various legal arguments presented by Peru during the process, in spite of the opposing position of Chile.El 27 de enero de 2014, la Corte Internacional de Justicia (CIJ), órgano judicial principal de la organización de las Naciones Unidas, dio su sentencia en el caso de la controversia marítima (Perú c. Chile), el cual el Perú presentó ante ella en enero de 2008. Durante el proceso ante la Corte, las partes presentaron posiciones fundamentalmente distintas sobre la existencia de un límite marítimo entre ellas y sobre cómo la Corte debía proceder para resolver este caso. Para llegar a su fallo, la Corte debió evaluar esos múltiples argumentos legales planteados por ambos Estados a lo largo de años. En particular, varios de los argumentos legales planteados por el Perú fueron aceptados por la Corte y acogidos en el fallo, desde la interpretación que dio a las proclamaciones de Perú y Chile de 1947, pasando por los argumentos que planteó el Perú sobre la Declaración de Santiago de 1952 (que había sido el núcleo del caso argumentado por Chile, el cual fue descartado por la Corte), hasta el argumento peruano en el sentido de que el Convenio sobre Zona Especial Fronteriza Marítima de 1954 no creó una zona de tolerancia que se extienda por doscientas millas marinas. Sin embargo, la Corte consideró que en ese tratado de 1954 las partes reconocieron la existencia de un acuerdo tácito, figura que no argumentaron las partes ante la Corte, pero que tiene su fundamentación legal en jurisprudencia previa de la CIJ. La Corte luego tuvo que determinar la extensión de ese acuerdo legal tácito, labor sumamente difícil ya que las partes no habían contemplado la existencia de esa figura ni argumentado hasta dónde se habría extendido la misma. Luego de establecer que el acuerdo legal tácito se extendía por ochenta millas marinas a lo largo de un paralelo de latitud, la Corte procedió a establecer un límite marítimo siguiendo exactamente las normas y principios sobre delimitación marítima planteados por el Perú, los cuales aplicados al caso determinan el establecimiento de una línea equidistante. Con relación al punto de inicio del límite marítimo, la Corte no empleó el punto planteado por el Perú pero, correctamente, dejó en claro que el punto de inicio del límite marítimo y el punto de inicio del límite terrestre no tienen necesariamente que coincidir. Finalmente, la manera como la Corte estableció el límite marítimo reconoce sin lugar a duda que el área antes llamada «triángulo exterior» corresponde exclusivamente al Perú, como ese Estado argumentó y Chile se opuso repetidas veces a lo largo de los años. En resumen, se trata de una decisión ajustada al derecho internacional y tomada sobre la base de la evidencia a disposición de la Corte, en la que esta emplea y confirma diversos de los argumentos legales planteados por el Perú durante el proceso, a pesar de todo lo que Chile argumentó contrariamente.
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Marie-Vivien, Delphine. "Le droit des Indications Géographiques en Inde, un pays de l'Ancien monde face aux droits français, communautaire et international." Phd thesis, Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales (EHESS), 2010. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00587307.
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Depuis la signature de l'Accord sur les aspects de droit de propriété intellectuelle touchant au commerce (ADPIC), les membres de l'OMC doivent prévoir les moyens juridiques de protection des indications géographiques définies comme des indications identifiant un produit dont une qualité, réputation ou autre caractéristique déterminée peut être attribuée essentiellement à son origine géographique. Ainsi l'Inde, pays émergent à l'histoire ancienne, doté de nombreux produits d'origine, a mis en place un cadre juridique sui generis pour la protection des indications géographiques qui éclaire d'un jour nouveau le concept de lien entre un produit et son origine formalisé en France au début du 20ème siècle avec l'appellation d'origine puis étendu au niveau européen en 1992. La thèse montre premièrement comment l'Inde, pays de l'Ancien monde comme la France, utilise activement le droit des indications géographiques pour protéger les produits de l'artisanat et les variétés anciennes, reflets de son identité culturelle, en réponse aux menaces de la mondialisation. L'expérience indienne questionne le droit français et européen quant à la prise en compte des savoir-faire traditionnels en l'absence de facteurs naturels pour justifier l'ancrage au lieu, tout en confirmant l'intérêt des indications géographiques pour protéger la diversité des variétés végétales. Deuxièmement, le rôle omniprésent de l'Etat en Inde dans la protection des indications géographiques contraste avec le retrait de l'intervention des pouvoirs publics en France lié au contexte de libéralisation économique. L'intervention du gouvernement indien qui aboutit à l'enregistrement d'indications géographiques au nom de l'Etat se justifie par la défense des producteurs défavorisés, et la nécessité de préserver les produits de l'identité indienne. Le modèle indien de dualité des sujets de droit entre le propriétaire des indications géographiques, qui s'avère être directement ou indirectement l'Etat, et les utilisateurs des indications géographiques qui doivent être enregistrés auprès de l'Office compétent interroge la nature juridique de l'indication géographique, que ce soit son caractère collectif ou sa dimension de droit public. Nous défendons l'idée que l'indication géographique doit être qualifiée de droit d'usage, le principe de propriété devant être rejeté.
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Badia-Bellinger, Jordan Jose. "Hosting the Olympics: A Cost-Benefit Analysis of the Economic and Social Effects of the Olympic Games." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/509.
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This paper attempts to provide a cost-benefit analysis of the economic and social effects of hosting the Olympic Games. I provide an overview of the economic and social impacts of the Games and analyze their effects. I focus the economic effects of the Games on tourism, trade, corporate sponsorship and the sale of television rights. I also look at the social effects of the Games on infrastructure and employment. Finally I assess why the Olympics remain an appealing venture for cities, despite evidence that demonstrates how they produce more actual harm than good for the host city. In addition, I provide predictions for two alternative directions that the Olympics could take in the future: to either continue in the current trend of immense growth and commercialization, or alternatively, implement a new Olympic bidding process that establishes stricter criteria for candidate cities.
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Khasawneh, Bisher Hani. "An appraisal of the right of return and compensation of Jordanian nationals of Palestinian refugee origin and Jordan's right, under international law, to bring claims relating thereto, on their behalf to and against Israel and to seek compensation as a host state in light of the conclusion of the Jordan-Israel Peace Treaty of 1994." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2007. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2131/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis is concerned with examining the right of return and compensation, under international law, of Jordanian nationals who are of Palestinian refugee origin exclusively and Jordan's right as their state of nationality to bring claims on their behalf to and against Israel. It does not concern itself with other categories of Palestinian refugees who are not Jordanian nationals although the two rights of return and compensation arguably apply to all Palestinian refugees. The thesis also aims at examining Jordan's right as a host country, under international law, to bring compensation claims to and against Israel for creating the Palestinian refugee problem. It examines the legal bases for such a right, under international law in the context of State Responsibility for wrongful acts along with relevant provisions of the 1994 Jordan-Israel Peace Treaty. The thesis attempts to critically assess, analyze and examine major claims that Jordan can bring to and against Israel against principles of international law both on behalf of its nationals of Palestinian refugee origin and in relation to the right of return and compensation and claims of its own as a host state to and against Israel. It also critically assesses and examines the procedures and mechanisms available for the pursuit of such claims that are available to Jordan in the context of the 1994 Jordan-Israel Peace Treaty along with non Peace Treaty based procedures and mechanisms.
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Swart, Charl. "Public opinion on land reform in South Africa." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4377.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MA (Political Science))--Stellenbosch University, 2010.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study explores public opinion on land reform in South Africa using data gathered by Ipsos-Markinor in nationally representative public opinion surveys conducted in 2004 and 2007, and by an elite survey conducted by Centre for International and Comparative Politics in 2007. This study explores whether public opinion on land reform reveals distinct trends that correlate with the selected socio-demographic variables of race, language, party affiliation and social status. It is hypothesised that there is an identifiable correlation between these independent variables and the opinions of respondents on land reform, with specific groups tending to support land reform whilst other groups tend to reject it. The data analyses yielded results that highlight distinct trends in public opinion on land reform. Responses are clustered around specific characteristics of the independent variables and point towards distinct groups having specific views on land reform. From this set of findings it is inferred that public opinion on land reform illustrates that certain groups of South Africans have contrasting views of how the rule of law and transformation should find expression in a democratic society. These fundamentally differing opinions on key elements of democracy illustrate that South Africans hold diverging opinions of what constitutes democracy, through adherence to either the liberal or the liberationist model of democracy. These models were previously identified as two distinct and diverging interpretations of democracy in South Africa and were labelled as such. These two models uphold sharply divergent normative prescriptions of democracy, as well as contrasting prescriptions for various policies of democratic consolidation, including that of land reform.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Openbare mening oor grondhervorming in Suid-Afrika word in hierdie studie ondersoek. Die ondersoek maak gebruik van data ingewin deur Ipsos-Markinor in nasionaal verteenwoordigende openbare meningsopnames uitgevoer in 2004 en 2007, asook ‘n elite opname wat in 2007 uitgevoer is deur die Sentrum vir Internationale en Vergelykende Politiek (CICP). Hierdie studie ondersoek die moontlikheid dat openbare mening ten opsigte van grondhervorming met geselekteerde sosio-demografiese veranderlikes (ras, taal, politieke affiliasie en sosiale status) korreleer. Die hipotese is dat daar ‘n identifiseerbare korrelasie is tussen hierdie onafhanklike veranderlikes en die menings van die respondente ten opsigte van grondhervorming en dat daar spesifieke groepe is wat grondhervorming ondersteun en ander nie. Analise van die data toon duidelike tendense in openbare mening oor die kwessie van grondhervorming. Menings korreleer wel met die onafhanklike veranderlikes en wys daarop dat bepaalde sosiale groepe uiteenlopende standpunte het oor grondhervorming. Uit hierdie stel bevindinge maak die navorser die afleiding dat daar, binne die Suid- Afrikaanse bevolking, groepe is met uiteenlopende menings oor hoe die oppergesag van die reg en transformasie binne ‘n demokrasie uitgeleef moet word. Hierdie fundamenteel kontrasterende menings ten opsigte van hierdie sleutelelemente van demokrasie, illustreer dat Suid-Afrikaners uiteenlopende menings oor demokrasie het in die vorm van ondersteuning van hetsy die liberale- of bevrydingsmodelle van demokrasie. Hierdie modelle is as twee duidelike en afsonderlike interpretasies van demokrasie voorgestel en beskryf. Hierdie twee modelle verteenwoordig skerp uiteenlopende normatiewe beskouinge oor demokrasie, en bied daarmee saam, botsende beleidsvoorskrifte aan vir demokratiese konsolidering, insluitende beleid oor grondhervorming.
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Mulder, Nicholas. "The Economic Weapon: Interwar Internationalism and the Rise of Sanctions, 1914-1945." Thesis, 2019. https://doi.org/10.7916/d8-jdgq-ek74.
Full textAbstract:
This history identifies international economic sanctions as a central and understudied innovation of interwar internationalism. Sanctions were initially conceived by the victors of World War I—principally Britain, France, and the United States—as an ‘economic weapon’ inspired by new techniques of blockade and economic warfare developed in 1914-1919. Enshrined in Article 16 of the Covenant of the League of Nations, sanctions entailed the coercive economic isolation of countries that violated peace treaties. Sanctions were novel because they were a form of economic pressure imposed against civilian populations in peacetime and internationally legitimated as punishment for the crime of aggression—a break with preceding centuries in which such acts of economic isolation were only allowed in time of war.
The study clarifies the differences between sanctions as they emerged in the early twentieth century and other forms of economic pressure—embargoes, (pacific) blockades, boycotts—and recovers the meaning and agendas behind sanctions as argues that the wartime origins and coercive nature of sanctions were widely recognized by their advocates and critics alike, and that this recognition persisted deep into the 1920s and 1930s, when the discourse of international blockade and economic weaponry was slowly displaced by the more neutral language of ‘sanctions’ and ‘collective security’. It demonstrates that the most popular political and strategic theory of sanctions was one which conceptualized them as a deterrent: sanctions were thought to be capable of keeping the rulers and populations of other states peaceful by threatening them with quick and universal material devastation if they transgressed international rules. It emphasizes how the introduction of economic sanctionsentailed a revolution in international law, ending the centuries-old concept of neutrality: to effectively isolate aggressors, interactions with neutral countries had to cease, and impartiality was delegitimized.
In the following pages, a new interpretation of the international political, economic and military crisis of the 1930s is developed which centers around the role of sanctions as an instrument of deterrence in an interdependent world economy. While the rapid advent of sanctions meant that many countries were materially and politically not quite prepared to implement them, the discourse of the economic weapon become very strong and feared, partially by reviving memories of the power of blockade in WWI. The existence and threat of sanctions was therefore an unintentional stimulus to autarky, and a factor which accelerated attempts by Nazi Germany, Fascist Italy and militarist Japan to aggressively challenge the interwar order. Finally, this analysis considers sanctions as a form of politicization of the early twentieth century world economy. It recovers the forgotten interwar history of the ‘positive economic weapon,’ a mirror image of the negative instrument of sanctions that focused on provision and resource mobilization instead of deprivation and interdiction. It shows how attempts to construct this financial instrument against aggression failed in the 1920s and 1930s before appearing, in a different guise, in the form of Lend-Lease, during WWII, and how this material support function improved the appeal of internationalist institutions after 1945.
Altogether, this work situates the birth of economic sanctions in its political, material, legal, theoretical and strategic context, helping us understand why these measures inspired by economic total war against civilians survived far beyond WWI into the twenty-first century, where they continue to form a prominent part of international affairs.
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Silva, Airton Ribeiro da. "Teaching International law in the Nineteenth-Century Brazil: a history of appropriation and assimilation (1827-1914)." Doctoral thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2158/1124811.
Full textAbstract:
The present research focuses on the teaching of international law over the nineteenth-
century Brazil, and its role in the universalization of this European normativity.
Conventionally, the expansion of international law is taken as an imposed and unilateral
phenomenon, undermining the role of the postcolonial jurists in this process. Thus, this
investigation explores how the Brazilian jurists promoted and disseminated the
international law, through the appropriation and adaptation of exogenous doctrines within
the Brazilian context. In order to approach it, the teaching of international law in the
Brazilian legal education is examined under three aspects: the discipline, the professors,
and the legal literature. The first part narrates the establishment of the discipline in Brazil:
from the institution of the discipline Law of Nations, in the foundation of the Brazilian
law faculties, to the education reform that altered the denomination to International Law
by the end of the nineteenth-century. Then, it is traced a general profile of the men who
imparted the discipline, inserting them in the Brazilian legal culture. The final chapter is
dedicated to the books on international law published in Brazil, where it is analysed how
the national jurists appropriated and manipulated the international law doctrine to
facilitate its assimilation in Brazilian soil, promoting with it the universalization of
international law. RIASSUNTO. La presente ricerca si incentra sull’insegnamento del diritto internazionale nell’Ottocento
brasiliano e sul ruolo dell’educazione giuridica nell’universalizzazione del diritto
internazionale. Solitamente, l’espansione di questo diritto di origine europea è
considerata un fenomeno imposto ed unilaterale, interpretazione che riduce od offusca il
ruolo dei giuristi postcoloniali in questo processo. La ricerca rivela come i giuristi
brasiliani abbiano promosso e diffuso il diritto internazionale attraverso l’appropriazione
e adattamento di dottrine esogene nel loro contesto. L’insegnamento del diritto
internazionale nell' educazione giuridica brasiliana viene analizzato sotto tre aspetti: la
disciplina, i professori e la letteratura giuridica. La prima parte si occupa dell’istituzione
della disciplina in Brasile: dalla sua creazione come ‘Diritto delle genti’,
precipuamente nella fondazione delle facoltà giuridiche in Brasile, fino alla
trasformazione della denominazione in ‘Diritto internazionale’ alla fine del
diciannovesimo secolo. In seguito, tenendo conto delle peculiarità della cultura giuridica
brasiliana ottocentesca, viene tracciato un profilo generale di coloro che hanno impartito
lezioni di diritto internazionale. Nel capitolo finale, dedicato alle opere di diritto
internazionale pubblicate in Brasile, si analizza la maniera in cui i giuristi nazionali si
sono appropriati e si sono serviti della dottrina del diritto internazionale per facilitare la
sua assimilazione nel contesto brasiliano, favorendo così l’universalizzazione del diritto
internazionale.
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DRAZEWSKA, Berenika. "Military necessity in international cultural heritage law : lessons learned from international humanitarian law, international criminal law and international environmental law." Doctoral thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/40335.
Full textAbstract:
Defence date: 4 March 2016Examining Board: Professor Francesco Francioni, European University Institute (Supervisor); Professor Nehal Bhuta, European University Institute; Professor Manlio Frigo, Università degli Studi di Milano; Professor Ana Vrdoljak, University of Technology, Sydney.
It is now universally accepted that during armed conflicts, cultural property is entitled to a special status, which translates, inter alia, into a ban on its use for military purposes and a prohibition of acts of hostility against it as per the Hague Convention for the Protection of Cultural Property in the Event of Armed Conflict (1954). However, this special status is weakened in the presence of a 'military necessity'; an elusive concept which equally limits the protected status of property of no cultural value. This raises questions whether in practice cultural property is at all given any special treatment during wars. This thesis argues that it is precisely the understanding of military necessity which constitutes the essential difference between the legal framework protecting 'regular' civilian property during armed conflicts and the framework for cultural property as lex specialis. Although the Convention's 1999 Second Protocol's definition of military necessity is formally only binding on half of the States participating in the Hague Convention, it corresponds to the customary criteria of necessity and proportionality. The evolutive character of that concept is also reflected in the case-law of international courts and in the military manuals of States not party to the Second Protocol. A narrow reading of military necessity in the cultural context is further supported by: the dynamic evolution of treaty and customary international law in the field; the rise of a new type of armed conflicts, which frequently feature cultural destruction as means of harming the enemy; the reinforcement of individual criminal responsibility for unlawful attacks against cultural property; the rise of erga omnes obligations, and, finally, analogies in the application of necessity in other fields of international law. If international practice continues to develop in this direction, the fundamental intention of the architects of the Hague Convention will be respected, and the world's cultural riches will have a better chance of escaping the greedy toll of wartime destruction and being preserved for the enjoyment of future generations.
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Lamprecht, Andries Albertus. "International law in the post-1994 South African constitutions : terminology and application." Diss., 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/832.
Full textAbstract:
An important change wrought by the post-1994 South African Constitutions is the attempt to
have South Africa recognised as a democratic and sovereign state in the "family of nations."
The new Constitutions make extensive reference to the state's international obligations and
represent an endeavour to [re]define the status of international law vis-a-vis national law.
Some provisions utilise international law in the interpretation and formulation of national
jurisprudence and represent an [albeit not totally successful] endeavour to attain greater
harmonisation between international and national law.
This is an attempt to systematize the various criticisms levelled against these provisions to
date, and to highlight certain interpretational difficulties and problems that present themselves
in the process. The distinction between the various terminologies and branches of
international law is also taken to task. Lastly, this paper attempts to determine the extent to which international law is applied at national level under the post-1994 constitutions.Jurisprudence
LL. M.