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1
Calboli, Irene. "The intricate relationship between intellectual property exhaustion and free movement of goods in regional organizations: comparing the EU/EEA, NAFTA, and ASEAN." Queen Mary Journal of Intellectual Property 9, no. 1 (February 2019): 22–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.4337/qmjip.2019.01.02.
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This article explores the relationship between national rules on the exhaustion of intellectual property (IP) rights and cross-border trade within regional organizations. In particular, this article compares three distinct approaches adopted by: the European Union (EU); the North American Free Trade Area (NAFTA); and the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN). Based on this comparison, this article concludes that in order to effectively promote the free movement of goods, members of regional organizations need to consistently adopt national policies on IP exhaustion that support, at least, a system of regional exhaustion such as currently found in the EU. However, this article also posits that different regional organizations may decide to adopt a variety of approaches on IP exhaustion. These variations may be based on the different stages of national development of the various members of a regional organization or the size of national markets and economic strategies, including their current level of international trade and whether this trade is primarily with other members of the same organization or with third countries. With time, different national approaches on IP exhaustion may change and lead to a higher level of harmonization to promote a full-scale free movement of goods within a regional organization.
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Brandariz, José A., and Cristina Fernández-Bessa. "A Changing and Multi-scalar EU Borderscape: The Expansion of Asylum and the Normalisation of the Deportation of EU and EFTA Citizens." International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 9, no. 3 (August 5, 2020): 21–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.v9i3.1587.
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The sorting of individuals is one critical function performed by migration law. These legal regulations are based on dichotomies, such as separating irregular migrants from regular migrants. However, through the multi-scalar management of human mobility, the conflicting coexistence of national and supranational interests decentres these legal binaries. Therefore, migration law devices sort newcomers in a more complex way, giving shape to multilayered and unstable hierarchies of otherness. Using Spain as a case study on migration control changes, this paper addresses the role that migration law enforcement institutions play in cementing and eroding these legal categories. First, it analyses the consequences of the so-called ‘migration crisis’ in enlarging a European asylum system that, until recently, seemingly rests on few countries. Second, it examines the increasing normalisation of the forced return of European Union (EU) (and European Free Trade Association [EFTA]) nationals, which undermine a critical prerogative of the EU citizenship status.
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Uryupina, Alisa Eduardovna. "Problems of Implementing the EU's Inter-regional Policy in the Asian Direction." Мировая политика, no. 4 (April 2022): 16–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-8671.2022.4.38967.
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Interregionalism occupies an important place in the foreign policy of the European Union, because through it the EU seeks to expand its presence in various regions of the world and export its norms, views and values. The promising, rapidly developing Asian region is no exception. This article is devoted to the study of the process of building an inter–regional policy by the European Union in the Asian direction, namely with the largest regional association in the region - the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). The purpose of this study is to identify the main factors hindering the building of effective cooperation between the regions, as well as the creation of a free trade zone (FTA). The main conclusion of this study is that there are a number of obstacles to the creation of the EU-ASEAN intercontinental free trade area, which significantly affect the relations between regional groupings. Firstly, it is the practice of concluding bilateral agreements, used as a springboard for the future FTA. Bilateral agreements have already been successfully signed with individual countries, namely Singapore and Vietnam, but contradictions of both an economic and political nature arise with other ASEAN member countries. Secondly, the existing competition with China and the United States for influence in the region hinders the EU's attempts to pursue its inter-regional policy.
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BAUR, GEORGES S. "Square Pegs and Round Holes (Continued): Financial Market Surveillance Authorities and Internal Market Association." Cambridge Yearbook of European Legal Studies 22 (December 2020): 32–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cel.2020.10.
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AbstractAfter the financial crisis of 2008, the European Union (‘EU’) not only increased its substantial legislation regarding financial services, but also built up a strong and unified system of financial market supervision. In particular, central surveillance authorities were created. These were given far-reaching competences with regard to substituting dysfunctional national authorities or players in the financial services sector. The three European Economic Area (‘EEA’) and European Free Trade Association (‘EFTA’) States—Iceland, Liechtenstein, and Norway—participate in the EU's internal market through their membership of the EEA. In order to continue participating on an equal footing in the internal market for financial services and to honour their duty to maintain homogeneity, the EEA EFTA States also had to incorporate the new institutional setup regarding financial services supervision. This obligation, however, in particular relating to certain intrusive powers of the new surveillance authorities, collided with some constitutional reservations, above all of the two Nordic EEA EFTA States. This article will show how these conflicting aims could be merged into a system that on the one hand guarantees the unified overall approach needed for strengthened surveillance of the internal market for financial services, and on the other hand safeguards certain constitutional reservations of the EEA EFTA States. It also looks at how third countries that do not (fully) participate in the internal market, such as the United Kingdom and Switzerland, are likely to be treated in this context by the EU.
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Kohnstamm, N. M. "Approaching Judgment Day: The Influence of Brexit on the EU Pharmaceutical Framework." Legal Issues of Economic Integration 46, Issue 2 (May 1, 2019): 161–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/leie2019010.
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Though the plans for Brexit keep changing daily at the time of writing of this article, it seems useful to identify and discuss the differences between various types of EU trade agreements with third countries as possible models for a future EU–UK relationship, whatever the outcome. At some point after all the political drama, civil servants and negotiators will need to get down to business and find practical solutions for the new situation. This article examines the impact of such a transition on the integrated EU pharmaceutical industry. First, a state of play chapter details the EU and UK legislation regarding Brexit, possible future agreements and an overview of the pharmaceutical regulatory framework. The focus of the analysis itself is the level of participation in the European Medicine Association on the basis of a European Economic Area (EEA) Agreement (Norway), a Bilateral Agreement (Switzerland), and a Free Trade Agreement (Canada). Within this framework, key regulatory complications of the EU pharmaceutical framework (Market Authorization, Research & Development and Safety Monitoring) are investigated. Finally, the article demonstrates some of the dilemmas and diverging demands of the EU and UK as new trading partners in the pharmaceutical sector.
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Kamerman, S. B., and A. J. Kahn. "Child and Family Benefits in Eastern and Central Europe and in the West: Learning from the Transition." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 11, no. 2 (June 1993): 199–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c110199.
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As countries in Eastern and Central Europe attempt the transition to market economies, they challenge the theoretical and applied repertoires of political economy. It is the premise in this paper that the transition tests the social policy ‘wisdom’ of the pluralistic, democratic ‘Western’ societies and offers scholars the opportunity for monitoring and learning. The paper is focused on family benefits, a component of social policy, and is concentrated on Hungary, Poland, and the Czech and Slovak Federal Republic. A contrast is made to European countries of the European Community and the European Free Trade Association. The United States is also covered. The discussion is concentrated on maternity and parental leave, care for infants, toddlers, and preschool children, and family allowances. One important question addressed is whether with current financial constraints the East will be forced to relinquish its family benefit policies as the West expands such policies. Or, to the contrary, will these policies be expanded further in the East, as a substitute for unemployment insurance and to solve other labor-market problems?
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Herbert, Eti Best, and Fasilat Abimbola Olalere. "What Is Economic Globalization Without Trans-boundary Migration?" Global Trade and Customs Journal 15, Issue 10 (September 1, 2020): 493–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/gtcj2020088.
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The world is often regarded as a global village or borderless globe where various countries freely interconnect and interrelate towards achieving a global goal. Globalization has occasioned international cooperation amongst States through the formation of several treaties and international organizations with economic objectives. This article evaluates the law and attitude of States and International organizations towards economically motivated trans-boundary migration. Particular reference is made to World Trade Organization(WTO), European Union(EU), African Union (AU), Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and North American Free Trade Association(NAFTA). Findings reveal that the legal and institutional frameworks in support of trans-boundary economic migration are very weak, thereby allowing States’ interest to prevail over the globalization objectives. State practices are geared towards placement of several obstacles, such as imposing criminal sanctions, which limits trans-boundary economic migration. This prejudice is more obvious when the trade in service is a South-North movement of labour. These challenges have led to the irresistible conclusion that economic globalization is but a political fiction yet to take root in reality. It is further contended that, the puzzle of economic globalization cannot be completely fixed, except States fully embrace, accepte and liberalize the missing piece of trans-boundary migration. Globalization, Trans-boundary migration, Economic migration, South-North movement, Trade liberalization.
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Sætervadet, Torkell. "Can ‘Traffic Rights’ for Non-commercial Air Operators Be Derived from EU Law?" Air and Space Law 47, Issue 3 (July 1, 2022): 289–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/aila2022016.
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The European Union’s liberalization of the aviation market provided commercial EU air carriers with free access to intra-Community routes. For non-commercial air operators, the Chicago Convention already provided for certain international ‘traffic rights’. Moreover, the introduction of common rules for civil aviation has brought EU-wide harmonization to the non-commercial sector. Despite this, EU operators of non-commercial flights experience restrictions in certain territories. Some EU Member States accept free circulation of harmonized aircraft; others require registration in the state where the operator is based. This article aims to assess whether ‘traffic rights’ for non-commercial air operators can be derived from EU’s harmonized civil aviation rules or other EU law. I conclude that aircraft subject to EU harmonization of technical requirements and administrative procedures related to air operations can circulate freely intra EU, regardless of where the EU operator is based, provided that the aircraft is registered in an EU Member State. The extent of such ‘traffic rights’ for aircraft registered in third countries, i.e., in states other than Member States of the EU or the European Free Trade Association, is less clear. EU harmonization of technical requirements and administrative procedures related to air operations also sought to address third country aircraft based in Member States. However, EU regulation on airworthiness of such aircraft is supplemented by airworthiness rules laid down by the State of registry, and it may be that the level of harmonization within this area must be considered partial. If so, EU Member States might be able to impose national requirements within the limits of Articles 5(1) and 31 of the Chicago Convention, provided that these requirements are compatible with fundamental freedoms of EU law. traffic rights, non-commercial aviation, non-traffic purposes, Chicago Convention, EU law
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Predmestnikov, Oleh, and Vitaliy Gumenyuk. "HARMONIZATION OF ECONOMIC AND LEGAL MECHANISMS FOR DEEPENING EU-UKRAINIAN RELATIONS." Baltic Journal of Economic Studies 5, no. 1 (March 22, 2019): 174. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2256-0742/2019-5-1-174-181.
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The policy of Ukraine for the establishment and development of relations with the European Union began in 1993, was carried out all the years of Ukraine’s existence, and received intensive deepening with the beginning of the formation of an international treaty – the Association Agreement, which includes a list of legal, social, economic, and technical regulations, and Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area (DCFTA), in 2014 and its final signing in 2017. Political and economic objectives of the Agreement are of fundamental importance to the future of both Ukraine and the whole European region. The political goal is to implement European standards on the territory of Ukraine. This implies the introduction of fundamental European values, namely democracy, rule of law, respect for human rights and the standards of the European security system. The Agreement does not foresee membership in the European Union, however, does not exclude such an opportunity in the future. The economic goal is to help to modernize the Ukrainian economy by expanding trade volumes with the EU and other countries, as well as reforming economic regulation mechanisms in line with the best European practices. Subject to the improvement of the business climate, Ukraine will become attractive for foreign and domestic investment for further production for export to the EU and other markets of the world. Harmonization of standards and European regulations has become a much more important process than the fulfilment of strictly technical requirements and underlies the introduction of effective governance without corruption. In the process of harmonization of interaction, an adaptive institutional mechanism was formed (the highest level – annual Summits; the key coordinator is the Association Council, consisting of members of the Council of the European Union and members of the European Commission, and members of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine; the level of operational coordination – the Association Parliamentary Committee, which includes members of the European Parliament, representatives of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, and the Civil Society Platform; in order to coordinate processes on the territory of Ukraine, the Ukrainian government has introduced a few supervisory committees and commissions). The harmonization of the economic aspect of the mechanism has been determined in solving issues of openness of markets for duty-free import from Ukraine in April 2014, obtaining a visa-free regime with the EU, abolishing export-import tariffs, implementing European technical standards for food safety, phytosanitary norms, competition policy, service provision, and public procurement policy. The issues of further deepening of relations include a review of the terms for the introduction of regulations and legislative provisions before their actual implementation, stabilization of financial and economic processes in the country, and further development of democratic values and social institutions.
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Gricar, Sergej, Stefan Bojnec, and Tea Baldigara. "GHG Emissions and Economic Growth in the European Union, Norway, and Iceland: A Validated Time-Series Approach Based on a Small Number of Observations." Journal of Risk and Financial Management 15, no. 11 (November 7, 2022): 518. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/jrfm15110518.
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This research aims to ensure methodological conformance and to test the validity of its empirical application. To do so, the study analysed differentiation of the development patterns of four time-series variables. The relationships between greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, employment, inflation, and gross domestic product (GDP) at constant prices were analysed, comparing the European Union (EU-27) and two European Free Trade Association countries. The study period covers twelve years of monthly and quarterly data from the beginning of 2010 to mid-2021, where the highest frequency of data was 138 observations. The methodology used included unit root testing and the vector autoregressive model (VAR). The study’s main results show that GDP at constant prices significantly affected GHG emissions in the EU-27 countries. Meanwhile, the lag between inflation and employment did not have a considerable impact. This finding shows that inflation was not a stable variable and had a strong autocorrelation. Variable employment did not follow a normal distribution. It was necessary for this research to adopt a suitable model for the technical procedure.
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Latkovska, Tamara, and Lyubov Bila-Tiunova. "POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC GOVERNANCE: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF EASTERN EUROPEAN COUNTRIES AND UKRAINE." Baltic Journal of Economic Studies 5, no. 3 (August 1, 2019): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2256-0742/2019-5-3-91-98.
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The presented work is an attempt to compare the quality of governance in non-EU states in the Western Balkans and Eastern Europe with which the EU Association Agreements have been concluded, and Ukraine, including aspects of the impact of the DCFTA (Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Areas). The most important issues are the interpretation of the results, the equality of countries, and the political consequences that may arise after the progression and the rapid pace of the member countries of the DCFTA towards the countries of the Balkan region. The identified countries seek full membership in the EU. Although the EU distinguishes between these countries, it recognizes “European prospects”, that is, membership in the EU, the commitments to adopt or approach EU laws and policies, made by both groups of countries, have much in common. This makes the comparison between the countries of the Balkan region and the member states of the DCFTA a sound and politically significant one. Such comparison is facilitated by numerous sources, qualitative assessments, and official ratings. Figuratively by analytical indicators, the countries can be divided into the first group of leading countries (Serbia and Montenegro) for which in February 2018 the European Commission proposed to consider 2025 as the possible date of accession to the EU. The second group (Albania and Macedonia), for which the date of accession negotiations is conditionally open in 2019. The third group includes Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, for which there are no dates, and Turkey, the negotiations with which are suspended. For comparison, if we take both political and economic indicators of Ukraine, it is approximately equal to the Balkan states of the second group and outstrips the states of the third group. The prospect of EU membership was recognized as the strongest external factor of internal political changes in the countries surrounding the EU. One of the most striking trends is the steady decline in the standards of political governance in all countries, for which the EU expands its membership perspective. One of the main manifestations of poor governance in the broader neighbourhood is the widespread corruption and impunity of officials. Weak rule of law and ineffective law enforcement bodies have become common practice in all different states and have allowed current officials to act impunity during their term of office. The identified results challenge the assumption dominating in political and scientific circles that a credible prospect of EU membership is steadily generating an internal environment conducive to democratic changes. The effectiveness of economic governance was assessed by the indicators of competitiveness of the national economy (Global Competitiveness Index, Corruption Perceptions Index, Human Development Index, Ease of Doing Business Index, Index of Economic Freedom, Index of Globalization, SEDA (Sustainable Economic Development Assessment)); GDP dynamics; the volume of foreign direct investment; economic activity of the population. In practice, the EU applies an increasing number of common economic policy instruments for the Balkans and member countries of the DCFTA, in spite of the political (or rhetorical) differentiation between countries, given the categorization of membership prospects. The convergence of the actual EU policy has taken place. The Association Agreements and the DCFTA have raised the level of political and economic governance in Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine at the level of the Balkan countries while the expansion process for the Balkan countries has not advanced.
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Sirotkina, Mariia, Olena Lomakina, and Olena Shkarnega. "TOPICAL ASPECTS OF DCFTA IMPLEMENTATION IN THE JUDICIAL PROCEEDINGS." Baltic Journal of Economic Studies 7, no. 1 (January 22, 2021): 127–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2256-0742/2021-7-1-127-133.
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The Association Agreement between the European Union and Ukraine is a new format of relations aimed at creating a deep and comprehensive free trade area (DCFTA) between Ukraine and the EU with the gradual integration of Ukraine into the internal market of the European Union. Focusing on the experience of rule-making of the EU member states, it is necessary to define and implement the legal rules and principles of the national judiciary, taking into account the rules and principles of European law (Chornomaz, 2016). In accordance with the strategy of European integration of our country, the adaptation of Ukrainian legislation is to approximate it with the modern European legal system, which will ensure the development of the political, entrepreneurial, social, cultural activity of Ukrainian citizens, economic development of the state within the EU to facilitate the increase of standards of living of the population. The implementation of the provisions of European legislation provided by the economic part of the Association Agreement (AA) is extremely important in the context of reforms, as the provisions can and should serve as a basis for a new model of socio-economic development of Ukraine. The deepening of the processes of humanization and democratization of Ukrainian society, the gradual introduction of principles and rules of European law into the national judiciary through reforms in the field of justice, inter alia, have led to qualitative updating of criminal procedure legislation of Ukraine, in particular: use of differentiated approach to legal conflicts between persons who have committed criminal offences, which do not pose a great public danger, and victims; simplification and reduction of the procedure of criminal proceedings; ensuring procedural savings; reduction of the caseload; allowing the parties of the conflict to resolve issues of exemption from criminal liability in case of reconciliation between the offender and the victim independently, the appointment of the negotiated punishment and release from serving with probation, etc. Given the specifics of the approach to improving relations with neighbouring countries on a differentiated basis, the EU seeks to identify and base on existing positive sources of sustainability, as well as to monitor and respond to weaknesses with the appropriate set of methods and resources at its disposal. The purpose of the article is to study a theoretical and practical definition of challenges of adaptation of Ukrainian legislation to the legislation of the European Union, institutional and organizational mechanisms of DCFTA implementation in the field of justice and certain norms of the current criminal procedure legislation. Ukraine is undergoing the second phase of radical reform of government structures; it has been continuing for 15 years but, unlike other countries, it is much more difficult for Ukraine to get rid of the burden of past problems. Judicial reform is also underway and domestic legislation is being significantly changed, including the transformation of the judicial proceedings. The topical issue of the development of judicial reforms is an imperfection, and sometimes a contradiction of regulations, which negatively affects the process of realization of rights and responsibilities of all subjects of public relations, slows down the development of Ukraine as a state governed by the rule of law. However, the introduction of institutions of concluding agreements, simplified proceedings, probation, and later mediation, into the criminal procedure legislation of Ukraine indicates the readiness of our state to change the concept of criminal procedure in accordance with the European standards, which will improve the situation of all parties to criminal proceedings. However, they need further completion and improvement. We are convinced that the introduction of such institutions will contribute to the legal development of society to achieve the European standards of restorative justice, which will encourage the further introduction of the latter in the legislation of Ukraine, resolving criminal conflicts by reaching a compromise between parties in cases specified by law. One of the ways to solve this problem in Ukraine is to regulate the process of adoption of regulations by the subjects of rule-making and taking into account the provision that legality as an objective property of law, in general, is the necessary condition and the main principle of the rule-making process.
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Costa, Ana, Joana Soares, Emilio Salas-Leiton, Adriano Bordalo, and Sérgia Costa-Dias. "The COVID-19 as a Driver for Alternative Trade Networks in the Small-Scale Fisheries: Portugal as a Case Study." Sustainability 14, no. 11 (May 24, 2022): 6405. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su14116405.
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The fisheries industry has been one of the most immediate and severely impacted sectors by the COVID-19 pandemic and lockdowns in particular. This study aimed to gather detailed information about the new initiatives that, preferentially on an online basis, emerged worldwide to trade fish and seafood. A special focus was applied on the usefulness of the digital tools in Portugal, which was considered as a case study. From a global view, the European countries resulted in being especially active to launch nationwide campaigns promoting the domestic consumption of fishing products. A total of 122 digital initiatives, distributed among 48 countries, mainly in America, Southern Europe, southeast Asia, and Oceania, were recorded all over the world to sell fish and seafood. Social media (33.6%), mainly though Facebook, WhatsApp, phone, and e-mail (25.4%) were the main channels used for this purpose. In Portugal, the entity responsible for the first-sale of fishing products allowed free access to the five online auctions that operate nowadays in this country. As expected, in 2020, this digital space experienced an increase in both users (94%) and volume of traded products (121%) compared to the previous year. Moreover, eight Portuguese online shops specializing in fresh fish and seafood, operating exclusively on an online basis, were identified in this study. In general, all of them reported an increase in new users during the first lockdown and were required to recruit additional employees to fulfil the added demand. In parallel, questionnaire surveys conducted in this study revealed that only 33% of the Portuguese fisher associations and producers organizations looked for new technologies as a valuable tool during the pandemic situation, being significantly more valued in the Northern region compared to the rest of the country. Aligned with this perception, 57% of fisher trainees in the Northern coast of Portugal opined that the pandemic changed their view on how the fishing catches can be traded, one way being the use of digital tools considered by the majority as an asset to face the arisen challenges. In conclusion, the key role globally played by digital tools to overcome many of the limitations posed by the pandemic, particularly for the small-scale fisheries, is evident. This recent open-minded environment for technological transition is an undoubted advantage for the future generation of fishers to modernize the classic trade channels into more functionally diversified supply chains.
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Kherkhadze, Alim. "THE ROLE OF FORING DIRECT INVESTMENTS IN THE ECONOMY AND THEIR STIMULATION MECHANISM." Economic Profile 17, no. 2(24) (December 25, 2022): 104–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.52244/ep.2022.24.03.
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In the era of globalization, the attraction of foreign investments has become an important factor in promoting the economic growth of countries. Investors are constantly looking for favorable conditions for investing their capital, which involves a combination of several important factors. The investor, who is focused on getting the maximum profit with the minimum cost, before making an investment decision, will study the investment environment of the host country, the proximity to large key markets, the barriers to entry from the host country to international markets, the availability of production and energy resources, the level of political and economic stability, the number of labor force, qualifications, etc. .sh. In terms of investments in the modern world, two types of trends have been identified: 1. High-tech investments, which are mainly located in developed countries, due to the developed country's intellectual resources, key market and good opportunities for business development, and 2. Investment, which is focused on obtaining maximum profit at the expense of cheap resources and labor force, and there is no or minimal technical innovation in it. It is important for the state to attract such direct foreign investments, which will not only be focused on making profits, but will also ensure the raising of the qualifications of local staff, the introduction of technological innovations, and the social protection of employees. Thanks to the economic reforms implemented after the post-Soviet upheavals, Georgia has become an attractive place for foreign investment, however, due to the shortage of labor force and low qualifications, investments focused on cheap resources and labor force are entering the country more than high-tech ones. The entry of relatively large, high-tech investments is hindered, in addition to the scarcity of the country's workforce and relatively low qualifications, the low level of energy independence, the territories occupied by the Russian Federation of Georgia, the generally politically and economically unstable region (Tskhinvali, Abkhazia, Karabakh regions), the aggressive state - the Russian Federation. Neighborhood and high probability of potential armed conflicts. The positive factors that make Georgia attractive for foreign investors are a favorable geopolitical location with land access, moderate natural and climatic conditions, low level of corruption, less bureaucratic and simple legislation compared to other countries, high level of harmonization of national legislation with international legislation, with the European Union in 2014 and in 2017 Free trade agreements signed with China, which allow a foreign investor to export products produced on behalf of Georgia to two of the world's largest markets without any problems. Due to the fact that one of the most important factors of production - "capital" - is needed to develop the economy, and the country does not have it at this stage, attracting foreign investments is a vitally important task for the economic growth of Georgia. In developing countries like Georgia, the level of domestic savings is relatively low. In addition to this, apart from the banking system, there is no stock market. In the period 1996-2021, a total of about 23.12 billion dollars of investment came into Georgia. The first and only investor country in 1996 was Ukraine with 3753.45 thousand US dollars. In the following years, significant investments were made in Georgia from the USA (1.81 billion USD), the European Union, CIS countries and Great Britain. According to the latest data, foreign investment has entered Georgia from 74 countries, which is almost 2 times less than the number of countries with which Georgia has trade relations (export-import). Since 2003, the growth of investments had an irreversible character, however, the 2008 world economic crisis and Russia's military attack on Georgia sharply reduced this figure, and it took 6 years to restore the pre-war figure. In addition, since 2017, foreign investments in Georgia have been characterized by a decreasing trend. Pandemic year 2020 was particularly notable in terms of investment decline. Despite the fact that after the signing of the Georgia-EU association in 2014, foreign investments should have increased due to the desire to access the EU market, until 2017, their volume was decreasing. In 2017, in the history of independent Georgia, the largest level of foreign investments - 1.98 billion USD was recorded. In the same year, the agreement on free trade between Georgia and China was signed, which should also increase foreign investments due to the desire to access the Chinese market, although the country has not returned to the level of foreign investments made in 2017. On December 31, 2013, the Organic Law of Georgia "On Economic Freedom" adopted in 2011 entered into force. The law, on the one hand, regulates the limit of the amount acceptable from taxpayers - in case of the desire to increase the tax rates of income, profit, VAT and import taxes, citizens' consent is required through a referendum, and on the other hand, the amount of spending of collected taxes is controlled by the limits of the established macroeconomic parameters. After the implementation of this law, the tax burden of taxpayers was not supposed to increase, but the government took advantage of the loophole in the law and in 2017 the excise duty rate was sharply increased on cars (the excise duty on right-hand drive cars was doubled), fuel and tobacco products. The property tax has also been increased, since it does not belong to the general state tax. Since January 1, 2017, when the Estonian model of profit tax came into force, the state budget received about 500 million GEL less. To make up the deficit, either government spending had to be cut, or debt had to be incurred, or taxes had to be raised. In 2017, the government's expenses increased by 800 million GEL, we took on a debt of 400 million GEL, and the excise and property tax rates were also increased, according to which if the family had an annual income of more than 40,000 GEL, they would have already paid property tax on the car. As of May 2021, the foreign debt has increased to 24.8 billion GEL and has already violated the macroeconomic parameter written in the Law on Economic Freedom, according to which the government's debt cannot exceed 60% of GDP. From 2011, when the law was adopted, until 2013, when the law entered into force, the volume of direct foreign investments did not increase, on the contrary - it even decreased, although this can be blamed on the caution caused by the change of government in 2012. - Investors are likely to observe the possibility of a change in the country's political vector. When the law came into force in December 2013, that is, in fact from 2014, the volume of investments increased by leaps and bounds, and this dynamic continued until 2017, when taxes were increased. Since 2018, the volume of direct foreign investments has dropped almost to the level of 2011. Based on all of the above, we believe that in order to attract foreign investments, Georgia should make maximum use of those competitive advantages that will attract the attention of foreign investors. The country, which has historically been a corridor of regional and world importance, has yet to fully utilize its transport function.
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Khitska, O., and R. Gerard. "INTERNATIONAL AND NATIONAL LEGISLATION TO CONTROL MICTOXINS IN FOOD: REVIEW." Naukovij vìsnik veterinarnoï medicini, no. 1(149) (May 30, 2019): 30–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.33245/2310-4902-2019-149-1-30-40.
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Today, the problem of monitoring mycotoxins has become global in connection with climate change, a violation of the ecological balance for the use of intensive technologies for processing crops, through air pollution and the accumulation of products of photochemical reactions (photooxidants), which leads to a decrease in plant resistance to phytopathogens. Every year, the problem of mycotoxicosis is exacerbated, as toxic fungi adapt quickly to new technologies and modern plant protection products. The increase in mycotoxins in foods also relates to the widespread use of nitrogen fertilizers and pesticides. Natural toxins create risks for the health of humans and animals, affect food security and nutrition, reducing people's access to healthy food. The World Health Organization is constantly appealing to national authorities to monitor and ensure that the levels of the most relevant natural toxins in foods are as low as possible and consistent with both national and international requirements. Ukraine's membership in the WTO, an association with the European Union, and the expansion of international trade require solutions to the issues of free movement of goods, safe and healthy food, and, accordingly, an adequate level of protection of life and health of people. One of the most important ways to solve them is to improve and harmonize national food legislation in line with international standards, including on the control of mycotoxins. The purpose of our work was to conduct an analysis of literary sources, international and national legislative acts on the control of mycotoxins in food products throughout the food chain. To prepare the publication, we have used literary sources on the subject of publication, as well as we have conducted a comparative analysis of national and international legislative acts regulating procedures and methods for controlling the residues of mycotoxins in food. An analysis of numerous sources has shown that the issue of monitoring mycotoxins in foods, improving laboratory control and risk-based approach to preventing foodborne mycotoxicosis worries scientists from different countries, including Ukrainian. The analysis of national legislation shows that national standards on maximum levels of pollutants have been revised in Ukraine and a number of standards have been harmonized for methods of monitoring the residues of mycotoxins in feed for productive animals, food products of animal and vegetable origin. Key words: mycotoxins, food chain, food, international law, national legislation, control, safety, risks.
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Jošić, Hrvoje, Berislav Žmuk, and Ksenija Dumičić. "Measurement of Export Market Concentration for the Largest European Economic Integrations." Business Systems Research Journal 10, no. 2 (September 1, 2019): 61–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bsrj-2019-018.
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AbstractBackground: By joining different regional economic trade agreements, countries achieve preferential trade liberalisation. There are four main types of regional economic agreements in the world today: free trade area, customs union, common market, and economic and monetary union.Objectives: The goal of this paper is the measurement of the export market concentration for the largest European regional economic integrations in the period between 1995 and 2016.Methods/Approach: Various concentration measures have been used in the measurement of export market concentration, but the emphasis is placed on the standardized Herfindahl-Hirschman index as the basic measure of trade concentration.Results: Results of the analysis have shown that the highest concentration level of trade with countries worldwide is among the European Free Trade Association (EFTA) countries, whereas the EU-15 countries seem to have the lowest concentration level. On the other side, the Central European Free Trade Agreement (CEFTA) countries have the highest concentration level of trade with countries from the same group, and again the EU-15 countries have the lowest concentration level, which indicates that the CEFTA countries implemented deeper integration processes related to mutual intra-regional trade.Conclusions: Deep integration processes led to lower values of export market concentration indices for intra-regional trade among countries of the same regional economic integration in comparison to trading with countries worldwide.
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Kalicka-Mikołajczyk, Adriana. "Pogłębiona i kompleksowa strefa wolnego handlu — nowa forma współpracy gospodarczej Unii Europejskiej z krajami partnerskimi Europy Wschodniej i Kaukazu Południowego w ramach Europejskiej Polityki Sąsiedztwa." Ekonomia 22, no. 2 (November 10, 2016): 27–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2084-4093.22.2.2.
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Deepen and congeneric free trade area — a new form of business collaboration of the European Union with its neighbours from Eastern Europe and the South Caucasus within the European Neighbourhood Policy The European Neighbourhood Policy ENP was developed in 2004, with the objective of avoiding of new dividing lines between the enlarged EU and its neighbours and strengthening the prosperity, stability and security of all participants. Within the ENP the European Union offers its neighbours a privileged relationship building upon a mutual commitment to common values, political association and deeper economic integration. The ENP links partner countries with the EU’s internal market and its social and economic model. For partners, this means adopting basic rules on equal opportunities, economic participation and fair competition. The ENP builds upon the legal agreements in place between the EU and the partner countries: Partnership and Cooperation Agreements or Association Agreements. Ukraine, Georgia and Moldova signed Association Agreements with the EU on 27 June 2014. The deep and comprehensive free trade agreement is part of a new generation of Association Agreements with eastern partner countries which provides a long-term foundation for future economic relations with the European Union. It was agreed that Association Agreement should take an ambitious and innovative approach, include a deep and comprehensive free trade area and go qualitatively beyond the current Partnership and Cooperation Agreement wherever possible. It contains binding, rule-based provisions and cooperation developed further than in traditional agreements and it is wide-ranging, covering all areas of interest. The deep and comprehensive free trade area is part of the Association Agreement which offer a new framework for modernising partner countries trade relations and for economic development by the opening of markets via the progressive removal of customs tariffs and quotas, and by an extensive harmonisation of laws, norms and regulations in various trade-related sectors, creating the conditions for aligning key sectors of the eastern partners economy to European Union standards. The deep and comprehensive free trade areas are expected to bring many economic benefits for Moldova, Georgia and Ukraine by offering businesses access to the EU’s single market — the largest in the world.
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Malkawi, Bashar H. "Regional Integration: Whither the Arab Free Trade Area?" Legal Issues of Economic Integration 34, Issue 3 (August 1, 2007): 231–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/leie2007015.
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The economic integration sought by Arab countries has been a merely aspirational one. Arab countries have not risen to the challenges posed to it by their unique circumstances. Instead, Arab countries have failed to develop the strength that would be conferred by economic integration. My inquiry will assess why, many decades after first attempts of economic integration, Arab countries have not been more successful in emulating the success of the European Union, a paradigm of successful economic integration. Specifically, I will explore obstacles to Arab economic integration and address the political and economic factors that play a role to achieve this goal. The central hypothesis of this paper is that there must be fundamental structural changes in Arab economic integration agreements. Effective dispute resolution mechanism and few opt-out provisions speak to a greater will to commit to integration. Arab countries must confront internal dissension and lack of implementation.
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Jachowicz, Estera, Magdalena Gębicka, Daria Plakhtyr, Myroslav Shynkarenko, Juri Urbanowicz, Maciej Mach, Jacek Czepiel, Jakub Marchewka, and Jadwiga Wójkowska-Mach. "Incidence of Vaccine-Preventable Childhood Diseases in the European Union and in the European Free Trade Association Countries." Vaccines 9, no. 7 (July 17, 2021): 796. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/vaccines9070796.
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Introduction: Despite the widespread availability of vaccines, the incidence of vaccine-preventable childhood diseases (VPCD) started to grow in recent years. The aim of the study was to compare the annual incidence of selected VPCDs in the EU (European Union) and EFTA (European Free Trade Association) countries in the period of the last 5 years (2014–2019 or other intervals, depending on data availability), and the country-specific vaccine schedules. Methods: VPCD incidence rates in Europe were based on “The Surveillance Atlas of Infectious Diseases” by the ECDC (European Centre for Disease Prevention and Control); vaccination schedules were based on ECDC reports. Results: The obligation to vaccinate was not universal, and it generally only applied to two preparations: the MMR (measles, mumps, rubella) vaccine and the one against polio. During the study, the situation associated with mumps did not change or improve in individual countries; the median incidence amounted to 30 cases. The median incidence associated with rubella amounted to 1 case, but in a few countries, it grew very rapidly, i.e., in Germany, Italy, and Romania; in Poland, the incidence was clearly decreasing, from 5923 to 1532 cases. The most dynamic situation concerned measles. The total median was 2.4 cases per 100,000 population; the only one country with falling incidence was Germany. The diseases associated with Streptococcus pneumoniae and Neisseria meningitidis remained at a stable level in all analyzed countries. Conclusion: Vaccine schedules differ among the countries, so does the epidemiological situation of selected diseases. Morbidity on measles was the most disturbing phenomenon: the incidence rate increased in almost 40% of all countries, regardless of the obligation to vaccinate. The increasing incidence of VPCD may be due to anti-vaccine movements, the activity of which is often caused by mistrust and spreading misinformation. In order to better prevent the increase in morbidity, standardization of vaccine schedules and documentation should be considered in the EU countries.
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Garcia, Beatriz, and Laurent Pauwels. "The Promise of Cooperation in Latin America: Building Deforestation-Free Supply Chains." AJIL Unbound 116 (2022): 360–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aju.2022.53.
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An EU Regulation proposed in 2021 prohibits the trading of deforestation-linked commodities and products on the EU market.1 The Regulation aims this ban at its own market, but it has unavoidable consequences for commodity producing Latin American countries. The proposed Regulation will affect trade with the European Union, a key trade partner for Latin American countries. If this type of regulation is increasingly adopted by other industrialized countries, which currently represent the largest share of exports for Latin American countries, the trade impact in Latin America will be even broader. We argue that regulatory approaches focused on global supply chains—such as the EU Regulation—represent an opportunity to reinvigorate existing, albeit weak, Latin American environmental cooperation to tackle key drivers of deforestation, notably, agricultural expansion. Despite the global relevance of the region's forests and biodiversity, Latin American cooperation has not been significant in forest conservation.2
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Wahl, Nils. "Blowin Against the Wind: On ACTA, AA, CETA, TTIP and the Forgetfulness of David Ricardo." Journal of World Trade 51, Issue 5 (October 1, 2017): 763–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2017030.
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In the European Union of these days there seem to be a widespread and growing anti-free trade sentiment in some parts of the population. The arguments used against free trade are often presented as legal ones, as the recent experience with several agreements negotiated by the European Union (such as the CETA and the TTIP) shows. Against that background, doubts as to the prosperous future of the European Union’s trade policy seem legitimate, notwithstanding the fact that the European Union is currently negotiating around twenty trade agreements with different countries or groups of countries. This article is meant to provide a few thoughts on the future of EU trade policy. In particular, the following questions will be addressed: should the European Union, at this point in time, continue to pursue a free trade agenda? If so, does the European Union have the means to do that effectively? The authors explain that the pursuit of a free (and fair) trade agenda is part of the Union’s DNA. They also explain that there are ways to interpret and apply the current EU Treaties provisions so as to permit the European Union to conduct a more effective trade policy and enhance its credibility as international partner.
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Thorsteinsson, Ástríður Scheving. "Air Transport and the Agreement on the European Economic Area." Air and Space Law 40, Issue 4/5 (August 1, 2015): 299–330. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/aila2015023.
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This article provides a brief overview of the Agreement on the European Economic Area (EEA) with regard to air transport in relation to the three EEA European Free Trade Association (EFTA) States; Iceland, Norway and Liechtenstein. Although regarded as a well-functioning and dynamic agreement, it has certain inherent limitations which are highlighted. The article explores the third-country dimension of the EEA Agreement as regards air services and examines the effects of the ‘open skies’ rulings with regard to the EEA EFTA States and some of the shortfalls of the otherwise level playing field for air carriers within the EEA. References are also made in this context to three other agreements; the European Free Trade Association Convention, the European Common Aviation Area Agreement and the Swiss-EU Air Transport Agreement.
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Giladi, Rotem M. "The Practice and Case Law of Israel in Matters Related to International Law." Israel Law Review 30, no. 3-4 (1996): 373–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002122370001517x.
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On July 31, 1996, Israel and Canada signed a Free Trade Agreement in Toronto. This Agreement, which is the culmination of two years of negotiations, will — upon its forthcoming entry into force — set the framework for future trade between Israel and Canada. This is a significant step for Israel's trade: Canada's population, as of 1995, was 28.9 million; it is the seventh largest world market: in 1994, its export was $164.3 billion F.O.B. and its import was $151.5 billion C.I.F. The Canadian trade relies heavily on the United States, and a Free Trade Agreement is in force between the two since 1989.Israel import from Canada totaled $216 million in 1995, most of which included sales of machinery and parts, aluminum, paper and paperboard, electrical equipment and parts, pulp of wood, cereals, sulphur and asbestos, optical measuring and checking equipment, wood and man-made staple fibers. That year, Israel export to Canada was $240.8 million, consisting mainly of diamonds, mechanical and electrical machinery and equipment. Like Canada, Israel has a free trade agreement with the United States. Since 1975, Israel has also had a free trade agreement with the European Community, which is, as of January 1,1996, replaced by the recently signed Association Agreement with the European Communities.
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Delimatsis, Panagiotis. "A Partnership of Equals? ‘Deeper’ Economic Integration Between the EU and Northern Africa." European Foreign Affairs Review 26, Issue 4 (December 1, 2021): 507–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2021040.
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Strengthening ties with Africa has become a top priority for the current geopolitical European Commission. The focus on Africa is not new: Since 2004, the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) has gradually developed a framework for political dialogue and reforms in Northern African countries, which form part of the Southern Neighbourhood. The conclusion of association agreements and free trade agreements (FTAs) at the end of the previous century brought these countries closer to the European Union (EU) in commercial terms. In February 2021, the EU launched a renewed agenda for the South Mediterranean with a view to integrating these economies further to the EU edifice. Against this backdrop, this Article discusses how economic integration manifests itself in the region. It further pinpoints the economic fundamentals and political realities that will shape further economic integration between the EU and Northern Africa. A central element of EU’s renewed strategy in the region is the conclusion of deep and comprehensive free trade agreements (DCFTAs) with Northern African countries. It is argued that the conclusion of such agreements will constitute a litmus test for EU’s new assertive approach in trade matters in line with the newly adopted concept of open strategic autonomy. European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP), Southern Neighbourhood, Northern Africa, EU trade policy, EU foreign policy, strategic autonomy, deep and comprehensive free trade agreements (DCFTAs), South Mediterranean, economic integration
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Fruscione, Alessandro. "The Free Trade Agreement Between the European Union and Vietnam." Global Trade and Customs Journal 16, Issue 1 (January 1, 2021): 39–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/gtcj2021005.
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The European Union and Vietnam have signed a far-reaching Free Trade Agreement, which came into force on 1 August 2020 and represents a turning point in the trade relations that the Union has with third countries. In addition to providing for a substantial reduction in duties, partly with immediate effect and partly over the next few years, the agreement affects non-tariff barriers, substantially simplifying the documentation needed for customs operations (in particular in Vietnam) and the certifications required for certain types of products (for example, for pharmaceuticals). The Agreement also limits the adoption of anti-dumping and countervailing duties, specifying that trade remedies should be enforced in full compliance with the relevant requirements of the World Trade Organization and should be based on a fair and transparent system. The products originating from the two contracting parties will benefit from the duty exemptions and reductions upon production of a proof of preferential origin, represented, up to a value of 6,000 euros, by the exporter’s invoice declaration and, above this amount, by an exporter registered on the REX (Registered EXporter) system. The protection of intellectual property, ‘Made in’ and geographical indications is ensured, with specific provisions aimed at preventing fraud. Along with the Free Trade Agreement, the Union and Vietnam have also signed an Investment Protection Agreement, whose main point is the provision for the creation of an independent and qualified court to settle disputes between investing companies and the state. Agreements, Vietnam, Preferential, REX, protection, investments, ASEAN, Exports, Made in, ICS
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Knežević Bojović, Ana S., and Jovana M. Misailović. "JUDGES’ ASSOCIATIONS AND TRADE UNIONS – INTERNATIONAL STANDARDS AND SELECTED NATIONAL PRACTICES." Strani pravni život 66, no. 4 (January 26, 2023): 387–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.56461/spz_22403kj.
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The aim of the paper is to present international standards and their implementation in the national legislations in European countries regarding judges’ right to association with special regard to judges’ right to unionise.
Authors hypothesise that although not strictly envisaged in any of the hard law sources, there is a plethora of soft-law instruments to assert this right. Consequently, the authors conclude that there is nothing in the relevant international standards that a priori prevents judges from unionising. Additionally, they posit that judges benefit from collective workers’ rights generally linked to the trade unions through activities of judges’ association, even in cases where judges are explicitly prohibited from joining and forming trade unions. The latter assertion is supported by a comparative overview of practices in selected European countries.
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Kristjánsdóttir, Helga, Sigurður Guðjónsson, and Guðmundur Kristján Óskarsson. "FREE TRADE AGREEMENT (FTA) WITH CHINA AND INTERACTION BETWEEN EXPORTS AND IMPORTS." Baltic Journal of Economic Studies 8, no. 1 (January 30, 2022): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2256-0742/2022-8-1-1-8.
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The world trade system appears to gravitate toward trade blocks. While the European Union (EU) is by far the largest trade block in Europe, the subject of this research is focused on another European block, the European Free Trade Association (EFTA), with the member states of Iceland, Liechtenstein, Norway, and Switzerland. Unlike the EU, the EFTA countries can enter into Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) individually, with another country, whenever they choose. The world's largest increasing trading house over the last two decades is China, but it has not yet signed an FTA with the EU. However, China has a bilateral agreement with both Iceland and Switzerland. The methodology of this research involves using the STATA program for statistical regression estimation of simultaneous equation system since it estimates the interaction between the trade going between the countries. This allows for considering substitution or complementary effects between the goods flowing back and forth between the countries. The methodology is based on the means of the gravity model. This research aims to answer the following question: is it beneficial for small countries such as Iceland and Switzerland to have a bilateral agreement with China? This research focuses on estimating trade flows, in US dollars, between China and Iceland on the one hand and between China and Switzerland on the other. Results from regression analysis indicate that when accounting for the FTAs, import to Iceland from China positively affects exports from Iceland to China, but not the other way around. However, estimates for trade between Switzerland and China show the reverse of this to be true. When presenting and analyzing literature and economic studies in the field, selection data and presenting the three-stage regression result, accounting for the Free Trade Agreements with China, our conclusion is the following: The trade relation of China with the two small European countries of Iceland and Switzerland has developed such that in 2014 the Free Trade Agreements between China and Iceland, and China and Switzerland came into effect. A combination of the three-stage least-squares regression, as well as the gravity model, allowing for accountancy of FTAs is applied. We conclude that when accounting for the FTAs, import to Iceland from China has stimulated exports from Iceland to China, but not the other way around. However, the estimates for Switzerland are reverse to the estimates received for Iceland.
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Bianco, Giuseppe. "European Unions Investment Agreements and Public Debt." European Business Law Review 28, Issue 2 (April 1, 2017): 119–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eulr2017010.
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The on-going global financial crisis has hit Europe in an especially significant manner. With the legal vacuum surrounding sovereign debt restructurings, Bilateral Investment Treaties (BITs) and Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) signed by European countries can provide grounds for litigation in future debt crises. The sovereign debt crisis in the heart of the Eurozone has materialized such dangers, and has had an impact on the European Union’s strategy as an actor in international investment. The problems experienced by Argentina before the ICSID have made European countries more aware of the potential hidden in their BITs. This has in turn led to a careful drafting of the CETA and the TTIP, and potentially of all the other major FTAs to follow.
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Biukovic, Ljiljana. "Transparency Norms, the World Trade System and Free Trade Agreements: The Case of CETA." Legal Issues of Economic Integration 39, Issue 1 (February 1, 2012): 93–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/leie2012006.
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Canada and the European Union (EU) are negotiating an ambitious Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA). While the content of the agreement has not yet been officially disclosed by its negotiators, the general public and the business community are already concerned about the scope and effect of CETA on the two economies and their societies. This article deals with CETA's transparency provisions. It claims that, whereas CETA has not yet utilized external transparency to ensure support for the negotiations, it does have the potential for greater regulatory transparency in technical barriers to trade (TBT)- and sanitary and phytosanitary (SPS)-related matters than that found not only in the existing World Trade Organization (WTO) agreements but also in free trade agreements (FTAs) the two parties previously negotiated with third countries.
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Arora, Rahul, Sarbjit Singh, and Somesh K. Mathur. "Assessment of the Proposed India-China Free Trade Agreement: A General Equilibrium Approach." Journal of Centrum Cathedra: The Business and Economics Research Journal 8, no. 2 (February 1, 2015): 81–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jcc-08-02-2015-b002.
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Purpose The present study is an attempt to evaluate the impact of the proposed India-China free trade agreement (FTA) in goods trade on both countries under a static general equilibrium framework. Design/Methodology/Approach The study has utilized the Global Trade Analysis Project (GTAP) model of world trade with the presence of skilled and unskilled unemployment in the world. For analysis purposes, 57 GTAP sectors, representing the whole regional economy, have been aggregated into 43 sectors and 140 GTAP regions, representing the whole world, have been aggregated into 19 regions. The study has also used the updated tariff rates provided by the World Trade Organization for better results. Findings The preliminary analysis using trade indicators depicted that by utilizing their own comparative advantage, both of the countries can maximize their gains by exporting more to the world. The simulation results from the GTAP analysis revealed that a tariff reduction in all goods trade would be more beneficial for both the countries than the tariff reduction in each other's specialized products. All other regions lose in terms of shifting the Indian imports towards China in a post-simulation environment. Regions with a significant loss are: the European Union (28 members), Southeast Asia, the Unites States, Japan, Korea, West Asia, and the European Free Trade Association (EFTA). Originality/Value The disaggregated sector-wise analysis has been performed using the latest available GTAP database, version 9.
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Gruni, Giovanni. "Labor Standards in the eu-South Korea Free Trade Agreement." Korean Journal of International and Comparative Law 5, no. 1 (June 7, 2017): 100–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134484-12340081.
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The European Union (eu) includes clauses on labor rights in free trade agreements with partner countries. One of these clauses was added to the Free Trade Agreement between the eu and South Korea. This article looks at the clause as an attempt of the eu to include labor rights in international trade law. The argument of the article is that the labor clause does include several innovative features which entrench the presence of labor law in international trade agreements. However, the clause remains mainly about political cooperation and struggles to define enforceable legal obligations on states. This is so because of the exceptions in the first part of the clause, the vagueness of the labor rights obligations and the lack of an enforcement mechanism.
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Чичкало-Кондрацька, Ірина Борисівна, Анастасія Олегівна Власюк, and Дарія Сергіївна Кондрацька. "Deepening relations between Ukraine and EU in the context of DCFTA conditions." ЕКОНОМІКА І РЕГІОН Науковий вісник, no. 1(72) (June 24, 2019): 41–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.26906/eir.2019.1(72).1435.
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The article is devoted to the study of the real state and consequences of deepening of economic cooperation between Ukraine and the EU in the conditions of implementation of the Association Agreement. The state of implementation of the Association Agreement between Ukraine and the European Union is considered on the basis of the study of official government reports and the results of independent experts' studies. The analysis of the current state, structure, tendencies and peculiarities of trade cooperation of Ukraine with the countries of the European Union is conducted. The influence of the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area with the EU is determined. Particular attention is paid to the problems of Ukrainian companies entering the EU market and the use of duty-free tariff quotas.
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Zielke, Rainer. "Norway: 2013 Tax Developments." Intertax 42, Issue 2 (February 1, 2014): 147–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/taxi2014013.
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The present article provides a praxis-oriented overview for international readers on the 2013 tax developments in Norway with special respect to new tax reform plans, new Supreme Court judgments and European Free Trade Association (EFTA) Surveillance Authority new.
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Bellis, Jean-François. "The Interpretation of the Free Trade Agreements Between the EFTA Countries and the European Community." World Competition 9, Issue 1 (April 1, 1985): 21–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/woco1985003.
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Saharuddin, Desmadi, Meirison Meirison, Inayatul Chusna, and Ade Sofyan Mulazid. "Capitulation and Siyasah Syar’iyah Al-Maliyah Impact on Economic Stability of the 18th & 19th Ottoman Turks." QIJIS (Qudus International Journal of Islamic Studies) 7, no. 2 (January 6, 2020): 329. http://dx.doi.org/10.21043/qijis.v7i2.4847.
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<p><em></em>Free trade and foreign investment that characterize the 21st Century trade and business model do not benefit all parties, particularly Islamic countries. Only those who have well-established economic system and large capital gain the most benefit. This condition had occurred during the Ottoman Khalifah. Therefore, this article aims to prove that free trade and foreign investment during the Ottoman, in the form of capitulation, brought negative impact on the Ottoman’s economy and politics. Capitulation is an agreement between the Ottoman and Western European countries that regulated economic and legal sectors by giving privilege to the European countries to come and trade in the Ottoman. The Ottoman became a free market place that eliminated the Islamic economic system. The Ottoman saw the agreement as its Siyasah Syar’iyah Al-Maliyah to protect the political sovereignty when facing European countries. Once the agreement benefited the Ottoman, later it caused economic political problems. The domestic industries faced difficulty when competing with foreign trades. The Ottoman government did not have full authority over the law and justice of the Europeans in the Ottoman. The capitulation that was expected by the Ottoman to protect its economy and politics had put the country under the domination of Western Europe. What happened to the Ottoman is proof that the free market is only beneficial to developed countries with active industries. Therefore, this historical fact should be reference for Islamic countries in conducting their foreign economic system.</p>
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Thi Nhung, Nguyen, and Hai Yen Trinh. "Demystifying the Sustainable Development Chapter in the EU-Vietnam FTA." Legal Issues of Economic Integration 49, Issue 2 (March 1, 2022): 217–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/leie2022010.
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When trade and environment are jointly considered, relaxing environmental standards can nurture economic growth. Among several instruments to balance trade and the environment, free trade agreements (FTAs) have been increasingly employed. This is particularly a priority policy of some developed countries when negotiating FTAs, other non-commercial commitments are conditioned for granting market access to goods from developing countries. Using Chapter 13 of the European Union and Vietnam free trade agreement (EU-Vietnam FTA) as a case study, this article argues that the EU’s model of sustainable development is either a trade-off to gain market access for Vietnamese goods, or a meeting point between the EU’s priority policy and Vietnam’s internal need of addressing trade and sustainability. We further suggest that the sustainable development chapter in the prospective ASEAN-EU FTA, which would share great similarities with that in the EU-Vietnam FTA, could be agreed upon when the EU’s perspective meets ASEAN’s internal needs. EU-Vietnam FTA, EU FTAs, sustainable development, Vietnam’s internal needs
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Khúlová, Lucia. "Export into EFTA and transportation costs." Studia Commercialia Bratislavensia 9, no. 35 (December 1, 2016): 313–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/stcb-2016-0030.
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Abstract The Member States of the European Free Trade Association are the considerable opportunity for export, especially for countries of the European Union. The European Economic Area unites the Member States of European Union and Norway, Liechtenstein and Iceland (the three EFTA countries) into an Internal Market. The paper deals with comparison the basic data of EFTA Member States such as geography, infrastructure, GDP. Due to Logistics Performance Index, it is possible to compare the level of logistics and transportation conditions in selected countries. The export costs and delivery time from a one Member State of European Union to capital cities of EFTA Member States are identified by using online calculator of chosen integrators.
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Bidaurratzaga, Eduardo, and Patxi Zabalo. "Los Acuerdos de Asociación de la UE con África y América Latina: La nueva apuesta europea por Tratados de Libre Comercio con cooperación." Studies of Applied Economics 30, no. 3 (June 7, 2020): 837. http://dx.doi.org/10.25115/eea.v30i3.3607.
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This paper examines the scope and potential effects of the association agreements promoted by the European Union in order to institutionalize its relations with countries or groups of countries in Africa and Latin America. The content of the agreements goes beyond traditional trade issues in two ways. On the one hand, apart from a free trade area, they also include political and development cooperation components. On the other, the agreements address a set of issues that aim to go beyond those covered by the WTO.
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Ranjan, Prabhash. "Emerging Trends in Investor-State Dispute Settlement in New Free Trade Agreements." Global Trade and Customs Journal 17, Issue 7/8 (July 1, 2022): 332–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/gtcj2022046.
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The Investor-State dispute settlement (ISDS) mechanism is going through a churning. Several countries, developed and developing, have started contesting the ISDS regime. This is reflected in the treaty practice of these countries. This article studies some of the recently signed free trade agreements (FTAs’) that contain an investment chapter to find out if there are broad discernible trends in the treaty practice of countries on ISDS reflected in these FTAs’. The article argues that there are three broad trends that one can decipher. First, some FTAs’ do not contain an ISDS provision. Second, some contain a limited ISDS provision. Third, the FTAs’ signed by the European Union shows a departure from the traditional ISDS mechanism toward an investor court system to settle international investment law disputes. These trends in FTAs’ on ISDS are part of the global practice that is not reposing the similar faith in ISDS as was the case in the last few decades. ISDS, FTAs’, investment treaties, RCEP, CPTPP, investor-State dispute settlement
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Wu, Chien-Huei. "ASEAN at the Crossroads: Trap and Track between CPTPP and RCEP." Journal of International Economic Law 23, no. 1 (November 27, 2019): 97–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jiel/jgz032.
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Abstract In the wake of the mega-free trade agreements, all of the 10 member countries of the Association of South East Asian Nations are determined to participate in the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership and to maintain the centrality of the Association of South East Asian Nations whereas Brunei, Malaysia, Singapore, and Vietnam have also opted for the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership. In view of divergent positions of member countries of the Association of South East Asian Nations, this paper asks two questions: empirically, what drives individual member countries of the Association of South East Asian Nations toward the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership or Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership; normatively, do the different positions embraced by member countries of the Association of South East Asian Nations weaken the coherence of external relations of the Association of South East Asian Nations and undermine its centrality in Asian regionalism. I argued that Singapore’s participation in the Trans-Pacific Partnership is mainly motivated by its wish to set the rules of free trade agreements in the Asian Pacific. Brunel aims to diversify its domestic economy and to undergo economic reform through international commitments. Vietnam and Malaysia joined the Trans-Pacific Partnership with a view to accessing American market, but Vietnam’s Trans-Pacific Partnership participation should also be understood in the context of its aggressive free trade agreements strategy. This paper argues that solidarity within member countries of the Association of South East Asian Nations does not prevent economically advanced member countries from participating in the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership for market access; nonetheless, the need of Cambodia, Laos, and Myanmar should be taken into account through special and differential treatment in Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership negotiations.
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Petersmann, Ernst-Ulrich. "The European Unions Cosmopolitan Foreign Policy Constitution and Its Disregard in Transatlantic Free Trade Agreements." European Foreign Affairs Review 21, Issue 4 (December 1, 2016): 449–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2016039.
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The universal recognition of human rights promotes international ‘cosmopolitan law’ protecting rights and judicial remedies of citizens in ever more fields of international regulation. Yet, even though free trade agreements (FTAs) protecting rights and remedies of citizens have been uniquely successful in European integration, the European Union (EU)’s ‘cosmopolitan foreign policy mandate’ is increasingly disregarded in FTA negotiations with non-European countries. The EU’s transatlantic FTAs risk undermining fundamental rights and judicial remedies inside the EU. Citizens rightly challenge the interest group politics in designing transatlantic FTAs and the EU’s neglect for participatory and deliberative democracy in EU trade policies on regulating international markets.
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Martha, Rutsel Silvestre J. "Determining the Origin of Goods for the Purposes of Article 133 of the EEC Treaty." Leiden Journal of International Law 3, no. 2 (December 1990): 167–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s092215650000145x.
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This article deals with the question which rules of origin to apply in order to determine the origin of products imported from the non-independent territories associated with the European Communities. This is examined by means of an analysis of the nature of the association of these countries with the EC, the text of Article 133 of the EEC Treaty, as well as purpose and relevant objectives of the association. It will also be examined whether a restrictive rule of origin for the purpose of preventing trade deflection is compatible with the EEC Treaty. The main thesis is that in the trade between the EC and the ‘Overseas Countries and Territories’ (OCT) the same rules of origin should apply as for the intra-community trade.
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Cuyvers, Ludo, and Weifeng Zhou. "Linking International Trade and Labour Standards: The Effectiveness of Sanctions under the European Union’s GSP." Journal of World Trade 45, Issue 1 (February 1, 2011): 63–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2011003.
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Linking international trade and labour standards is one of the ways to make countries comply with their international obligations to respect core labour standards. Under the European Union’s Generalized System of Preferences (EU’s GSP), trade preferences of Myanmar in 1997 and Belarus in 2006 were withdrawn for the use of forced labour and for violations of the freedom of association. This paper highlights the EU’s GSP scheme and idea of linking EU trade policy to core labour standards. Based on two case studies, we investigate the trade effects of the EU sanctions on the target country and analyse the effectiveness of the EU’s GSP sanctions. We find that using the EU’s GSP regime to sanction countries which violate the core labour standards has very limited effectiveness. However, sanctions can be an effective way to demonstrate the political commitment to a particular set of values and norms such as core labour standards. Sanctions may also deter other countries from committing violations. If Europe must have a stronger social dimension, so should its trade policy. – Former EU Trade Commissioner Peter Mandelson
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CHAABOUNI, Karim. "Assessing Tunisian Exports towards the European Union: Intensity, Complementarity and Gravity Estimation." Asian Journal of Economic Modelling 10, no. 1 (April 26, 2022): 61–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.55493/5009.v10i1.4476.
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The Tunisian economy faces various challenges. Within a local and international environment full of constraints, several defies call to missing requirements like economic growth, employment, balance of payments’ equilibrium, etc… Despite these concerns, Tunisian economy remains open to the Rest of the World. Openness is consolidated since decades by Tunisian membership in the World Trade Organization (WTO), as well as by the country’s regional integration with various partners. In this field, the major involvement in world markets is confirmed by the Association Agreement (AA) concluded between Tunisia and the European Union (EU) in 1995, which launched and established a Free Trade Area (FTA) covering industrial products. Indeed the Tunisian trade remains strongly linked to EU and such links are expected to be reinforced since Tunisia and the EU have currently negotiated over the expansion of the FTA to agriculture and services within a project of Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement (DCFTA). The purpose of this paper is to focus on Tunisian exports towards the EU by assessing both the intensity and the complementarity of the trade side “from Tunisia to the EU”. Besides, by considering the Gravitational model, the aim of this paper is to identify the determinants of orienting Tunisian exports towards the EU. The findings highlight the concentration of Tunisian exports towards few EU countries despite a middle trade compatibility with all EU countries. Gravity estimation results, in line with previous works, point out the key roles of language and geographical proximity.
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CHAABOUNI, Karim. "Assessing Tunisian Exports towards the European Union: Intensity, Complementarity and Gravity Estimation." Asian Journal of Economic Modelling 10, no. 1 (April 26, 2022): 61–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.55493/5009.v10i1.4476.
Full textAbstract:
The Tunisian economy faces various challenges. Within a local and international environment full of constraints, several defies call to missing requirements like economic growth, employment, balance of payments’ equilibrium, etc… Despite these concerns, Tunisian economy remains open to the Rest of the World. Openness is consolidated since decades by Tunisian membership in the World Trade Organization (WTO), as well as by the country’s regional integration with various partners. In this field, the major involvement in world markets is confirmed by the Association Agreement (AA) concluded between Tunisia and the European Union (EU) in 1995, which launched and established a Free Trade Area (FTA) covering industrial products. Indeed the Tunisian trade remains strongly linked to EU and such links are expected to be reinforced since Tunisia and the EU have currently negotiated over the expansion of the FTA to agriculture and services within a project of Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement (DCFTA). The purpose of this paper is to focus on Tunisian exports towards the EU by assessing both the intensity and the complementarity of the trade side “from Tunisia to the EU”. Besides, by considering the Gravitational model, the aim of this paper is to identify the determinants of orienting Tunisian exports towards the EU. The findings highlight the concentration of Tunisian exports towards few EU countries despite a middle trade compatibility with all EU countries. Gravity estimation results, in line with previous works, point out the key roles of language and geographical proximity.
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Shnyrkov, O. "ECONOMIC INTEGRATION OF UKRAINE WITH THE EU IN TECHNICAL STANDARDS REGULATION AREA." ACTUAL PROBLEMS OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS, no. 131 (2017): 111–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apmv.2017.131.0.111-120.
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The structural reforms in Ukraine are taking place under extraordinary and unprecedented for international economy circumstances. The annexation of Crimea, the war in Donbas region, the loss of important economical potential, human causalities, lack of territorial integrity guaranties from other countries formed a new system of challenges not only for our country but for the whole world in total. Under the external aggression and trade war with Russia the Association Agreement with the European Union should become the main and effective Ukraine’s economical structural changes mechanism. The economical part of Association Agreement with the EU and the deep free trade agreement are characterized as liberalization of mutual trade and regulatory convergence especially including the technical standards regulation field. Modern liberalization in mutual trade between Ukraine and EU has low tariff protection of the EU market for Ukrainian goods and doesn’t not affect the common volume of trade. That is why the technical barriers remains the main obstacles in Ukrainian goods export to the European single market.
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Simo, Regis. "The AGOA as stepping stone for USA–Africa free trade agreements." Journal of International Trade Law and Policy 17, no. 3 (September 17, 2018): 115–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jitlp-03-2018-0014.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to show how the pattern of trade relations between the USA and African countries is gradually shifting toward reciprocity. It therefore demonstrates that the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) was conceived to be a building block toward future bilateral trade agreements. Design/methodology/approach This paper adopts a historical approach to the USA’s policy toward Africa in general and in trade matters in particular. It critically reviews the chronology of US involvement in the continent. Findings Although it was designed as a preferential trade arrangement, AGOA was intended to evolve into reciprocal trade agreements. This is what the USA started doing even prior to the entry into force of the AGOA, by entering into Trade and Investment Framework Agreements with individual countries or blocs. It also transpires that the deployment comes as a response to the European Union which is already engaged in the redefinition of its own trade relations with Africa since 2004. Originality/value The paper is important in many respects. Not only it is a study of the US practice as preference-granting country, but it is also interested in the typology of trade agreements concluded by the USA in other regions of the world. This is important to indicate and analyze the types of provisions African countries should be expected to face when the time of entering into reciprocal binding trade treaties arrives.
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Smit, Daniël S. "EU Freedoms, Non-EU Countries and Company Taxation: An Overview and Future Prospect." EC Tax Review 21, Issue 5 (October 1, 2012): 233–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ecta2012024.
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Practice shows that the Member States of the European Union maintain a diversified range of economic relations with non-EU Member States. A large number of non-EU-based enterprises are carrying on business in the European Union. Conversely, numerous EU-based enterprises are also carrying on business outside the territory of the Union. Accordingly, trade and investment between Member States and non-Member States is nowadays similarly promoted by abolishing or reducing tax or other obstacles to international flows of goods, services and/or investment between the Member States and third countries. One may recall in this regard the large number of economic integration agreements which the Union has concluded over the past decades with countries all around the world, such as countries in Eastern Europe, the Euro-Mediterranean countries and the African, Caribbean and Pacific states and which, to a greater or lesser extent, provide for liberalization of trade and investment between the Union and the respective non-Member State. The Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union itself also provides for a substantial degree of economic openness vis-à-vis third countries, particularly by means of the Treaty provisions relating to the free movement of capital. It is this unique legal relationship between the EU Member States vis-à-vis the rest of the world that this article takes as a starting point. It examines and assesses the extent to which the impact on Member States' corporate income tax systems of the liberalization provisions included in the above instruments is similar, or should be similar, to the impact that the free movement provisions included in the Treaty have on Member States' corporate income tax systems in an intra-Union context.
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Nawafleh, Abdullah S. "Contribution of Business Law Reform to Economic Development: Lessons from the Middle East." European Business Law Review 23, Issue 2 (March 1, 2012): 309–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eulr2012017.
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This paper explores whether business law reforms in Arab countries have contributed to their economic development, business legal environment and integration into the international market. Using Jordan as an example, it explores the role of law in economic development in the region. The analysis finds that the Jordanian legal reform has led the country to participate in international markets, by incorporating international legal norms into its own legislation. This legislative reform has also contributed to economic development, allowing Jordan to join the World Trade Organization and enter into Free Trade Agreements, such as those with the United States and the European Union. In addition, the paper shows that other Arab countries, such as Saudi Arabia, that reformed their business regulations led them to join the World Trade Organization and to be ranked amongst the top 25 countries worldwide on their business ease. In contrast, other Arab countries which lack law and its enforcement have been reported to be the worst places in the Middle East to do business. As a result this paper suggests that the Arab Middle Eastern countries should continue in reforming their legal system to make it less rigid for business, to create more jobs, increase productivity and ultimately achieve economic growth.
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Echevarría, Gorka. "In the Name of Free Trade: WTO against the Brazilian Tax Incentives." Global Trade and Customs Journal 15, Issue 5 (May 1, 2020): 235–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/gtcj2020032.
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The Tax incentives offered by Brazil to local production triggered a WTO dispute by the European Union and Japan against the presumably ‘discriminatory tax advantages’ that for years have severely harmed these countries’ automotive and technological industries. This article explores, through the review of the claims submitted by the parties to the dispute, the Panel and the Appellate Body’s resolutions, if these tax incentives effectively increased the border protection in Brazil by imposing a higher tax burden on imported goods than on domestic goods; conditioning tax advantages to the use of domestic goods and, providing export-contingent subsidies. WTO, Brazil, GATT, TRIMS, INOVAR-Auto, Informatics, Tax incentives, Subsidies