Journal articles on the topic 'Launceston Church Grammar School'

THE contents of what was described in 1885 as ‘the most extensive and the most interesting of the old Grammar School Libraries of Lancashire’, the Burnley Grammar School Library, shed interesting light on the state of religious controversy in the north between the late sixteenth and the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. The library, which, through the generosity of Burnley Grammar School and with the kind co-operation of the Lancashire County Library, is now on permanent loan at Lancaster University, forms, as presently constituted, a collection of 875 volumes, published mainly in the seventeenth century. It owes its foundation to, and, as we shall see, reflects the religious interests, aims, and viewpoint of, the Revd Henry Halsted (1641-1728), rector of Stansfield, in Suffolk, who left the whole of his personal library to the Burnley Grammar School in 1728. Shortly after Halsted’s death, the collection was augmented by a small addition of books presented by another clergyman, the Revd Edmund Towneley of Rowley, rector of Slaidburn, Lancashire. It is, therefore, essentially a clerical and religious library and provides an interesting example of what sort of material typical, affluent English incumbents of the Augustan and early Hanoverian period considered worthy of places on their study shelves. For purposes of comparison within the region, a collection by two laymen made in another northern town and, like the Halsted-Towneley collection, charitably gifted, the Petyt Library, built up to over two thousand volumes by two brothers in the first decade of the eighteenth century, and now housed within Skipton Public Library, with its heavy emphasis on divinity, can be profitably examined. In the essay that follows we shall consider the Burnley Collection as essentially that of its principal donor, Henry Halsted, and as enshrining his aims.

In Memory of Tord Ehnevid, 1922 - 2000By Gert NilssonDoctor of divinity Gert Nilsson’s obituary of the Swedish Grundtvig scholar Tord Ehnevid begins with a presentation of Ehnevid’s background and his point of departure. Ehnevid was bom into an evironment characterized partly by revivalist piety, partly by Swedish State Church tradition, a fact which came to influence his later research. Tord Ehnevid studied theology at Lund and took holy orders in 1947. After working as a clergyman for some years, continuing his studies at the same time, he became a curate in Trelleborg in 1958, and subsequently worked as a grammar school teacher at Söderslatt Grammar School until his retirement.In 1959 his doctoral thesis Församlingsetik Studier over Grundtvig, Morten Pontoppidan och Einar Billing was published. The thesis focuses on the national church and its congregational ethics, comparing important positions in Danish and Swedish theology. In the following years Ehnevid published a number of writings in Grundtvig Studier, such as The dominant Peoples in History according to Grundtvig and Hegel in 1973. In »Vad Sandhed er skal tiden vise«, 1998, Ehnevid deals with the concept of truth, time and ethics in Grundtvig’s works.From the early 1970’s Tord Ehnevid was a member of the Grundtvig society committee. And as late as 1998 he participated in the annual meeting in Århus. With Tord Ehnevid’s decease, a good clergyman, a competent pedagogue and an original interpreter of Danish and Swedish theology has passed away. His ideas and writings will live.

This article applies to a minister of the Calvinist Church in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, Gabriel Dyjakiewicz (1660–1724), who became the superintendent of Unitas Lithuaniae (the Lithuanian Brethren) in the Podlasie district and proved to be a remarkable figure. His career was launched successfully thanks to the scholarships given to him. The text is primarily based on memoirs written by him of almost his whole life, and archival documents in the collection of the Reformed Synod, mainly held by the Wróblewski Library of the Lithuanian Academy of Sciences in Vilnius. The education of Dyjakiewicz consisted of several stages: first, only a twoyear study in the Grammar school in Slutsk, where he received a private scholarship for further education, this time in Protestant university centres. Second, studies at the University of Königsberg and the University of Leiden. In the last case, Dyjakiewicz most likely benefited from a scholarship which he had received from Unitas Lithuaniae. The author briefly characterises both the nature of the grammar school and the two universities, and the obligations which rested on bursary holders. The rest of the article is devoted to the professional and public activities of Dyjakiewicz.

The subject of the study was 45 textbooks, published from 1835 to 1875 were preserved in the old-fashioned collection of the centre community „Nadejda-1869”. Their authors are 17 teachers who wrote, translated and published first Bulgarian textbooks in the XIX-th century. They are journalists writing the first newspapers and magazines. They lead the struggle for new Bulgarian education, church independence and political freedom. They reform the education and the place of the cell, they build the secular. They are innovators, they introduce the study of new school subjects and languages according to the needs of the time. The text presents first textbooks in Bulgarian language, readings and grammar, arithmetics, geometry and physics. They are textbooks on history, geography, textbooks of natural history. Were preserved textbooks of logic, textbooks of moral and textbooks and dictionaries in French and German, sacred Orthodox catechisms. The article presents the history and development of the curriculum in Bulgarian schools in the ХIX c..2 Keywords: Old-fashioned collection, centre community „Nadejda-1869”, teachers, authors, first Bulgarian textbooks in the XIX-th, new Bulgarian secular education, new school subjects and languages, first textbooks in Bulgarian language, readings, grammar, arithmetics, geometry and physics, history textbooks, geography, textbooks and dictionaries in French and German

The culture of the Jesuit teacher consisted of his daily pedagogical attitudes, habits, and practices. In 1560, General Laínez decreed that the schools were the most important ministry and that all Jesuit scholastics and priests must teach. All taught grammar and humanities classes in the lower school for three to five years, and some Jesuits spent most of their careers teaching in the upper school. Learning to manage a classroom of fifty to one hundred boys with the aid of student helpers called decurions was part of teacher culture. Jesuit teacher culture strongly emphasized competition. It rewarded good students and punished weak students. A major purpose of Jesuit teacher culture was to educate boys to be good future leaders of the state and the church. Jesuit teacher culture gave preference to well-born students. It also urged teachers to help lowborn and academically weak students.

Alexander (‘Alec’) Walter Merrison was born in Wood Green, London, on 20 March 1924. He was the only child of Henry Walter Merrison, a fitter's mate, who rose to be a service manager in the local Gas Board and a respected Chairman of the Tottenham Group of Hospitals, and of Violet Henrietta Merrison ( née Mortimer) the daughter of an Ipswich family. Alec attended Tottenham Grammar School, then the Grammar School, Enfield, where he took the Higher School Certificate in physics, chemistry and mathematics. He became Captain of the school and is remembered as a fine scholar with a pleasant manner. His qualities of leadership were already evident at a very young age. He was also a choirboy at All Hallows Church, Wood Green, where his lifelong love of music was first developed. ;In 1944 he graduated in physics at King's College, London, when he was just 20 years old, researching radio wave propagation, after which he was ‘placed’ on wartime radar at the Signals Research Development Establishment at Christchurch, the only Englishman and civilian in a group of 26 engineers of the Polish Army in exile. Two years later he requested a transfer to the Atomic Energy Research Establishment at Harwell to participate in research of a more interesting and challenging nature. There he came under the tutelage of O.R. Frisch (F.R.S. 1948) and J.D. (later Sir John) Cockcroft, F.R.S., who were the leading research scientists in nuclear physics. At that time Harwell was the breeding ground for a generation of British physicists; Alec clearly relished this new environment, helping to equip an electron accelerator to produce short pulses of neutrons. His first published papers described how the new technique could be used to study the interaction of neutrons with matter. This was his first experience of the use of particle accelerators as powerful probes to investigate nuclear matter. The technique of neutron scattering from bulk matter is now an important discipline in its own right, and the genesis of the current world-leading facility (ISIS) at the Rutherford Appleton Laboratory can be traced back to these pioneering experiments in which Alec played a major role.

In the years 1841–1854 the Benedictine Beda Dudík (1815–1890) worked as a teacher at the Episcopal Institute of Philosophy in Brno and then at the Higher Grammar School in Brno. As a teacher and a supporter of a development of the Czech national movement in Moravia he strove for the introduction of teaching of the Czech language and literature in the Moravian church education. He succeeded in his efforts and the Court study commission and the Episcopal ordinariate in Brno permitted teaching of the Czech language within the school curriculum of the Institute of Philosophy. For the successful completion of the teaching, Dudik compiled a textbook for his students about history of the Czech language and book writing and he intended to publish it in print at “Matice česká” in Prague. The textbook was approved successfully in a censorship procedure; however, it was not finally published in print due to disagreements with the authors of the compiled works. Nevertheless, it was significant for the development of national efforts in Moravia and it, first and foremost, revealed the young Beda Dudík as a great supporter of the then minority Czech national movement in Moravia, which changed later when he left his pedagogical experience in favour of his better-known historiographical, official and diplomatic practice.

The paper features a biography of Metropolitan Peter Jovanovic (1833-1859), secular name Pavle, which was written for the Society of Serbian Literacy by Gabriel Popovic, the archimandrite of Vracevsnica monastery, in July 1857. Popovic was a close associate of Metropolitan Peter. The short biography lists the most important events from the Metropolitan?s life; his birth in Ilok in Syrmia on February 18, 1800, education in the place of birth, then in Sremski Karlovci and Szeged, where he acquired a high philosophical and theological learning, and later his professorship at Karlovci Grammar School from 1820 to 1830. His service in the Principality of Serbia extended from 1830 to 1859, first in the capacity of court secretary and secretary to Prince Milos, then as metropolitan from 1833 to 1859. In addition, the biography summarises the most relevant results of the Metropolitan?s governance: the advancement of church organisation in the Principality of Serbia, education of the clergy, the improvement of their material position and the work on publishing textbooks and theological literature.

The article analyses the organisation of higher education by the Calvinist Church of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania (Unitas Lituaniae) in the 17th century, in the period of the weakening of the Reformation, covering the first half of the 17th century, and the second half of the century, when Evangelicals became a religious minority. Research reveals that the education of young people at foreign universities was funded by private means, collected in the districts and accumulated by the Synod. This article also investigates the formation of the institution of international alumni at the Synod of the Calvinist Church, which became part of the system of education of that Church. The stipendiaries had to make up for the financial aid by working at locations assigned by the Synod. The continuous operation of the institute of international alumni at the Synod for more than a century permitted cultural contacts and simultaneously promoted the infusion of new ideas into the evolution of Lithuanian culture. The most important of the latter included the formation of groups of clergymen and school teachers with a university education; the nurturing of Adomas Rasijus’ (ca 1575–1627/8) projects for the adjustment of the social structure and the refinement of the education system in Lithuania by the establishment of academic grammar schools for the nobility and merchants from Lithuania with special syllabi; the encouragement of S.B. Chylinski to translate the Bible into Lithuanian in the middle of the 17th century in Franeker and London; understanding the importance of the Lithuanian language as a written language and the language of the Holy Scripture; the possibility to get acquainted with the translation, text and commentaries of the Dutch Statenbijbel; the encouragement to complete the translation of the New Testament into the Lithuanian language and publish it in 1701; planning the translation of a commentary to the Dutch Statenbijbel into Polish.

The study of ancient Greek and Latin in Australia and New Zealand, especially at Sydney Church of England Grammar School in New South Wales, produced this century a number of leading scholars who made a major contribution to the study of Old World archaeology in Europe and Australia this century. Among them were V. G. Childe, T. J. Dunbabin, J. R. Stewart and A. D. Trendall. In developing their respective fields of expertise, all spent some time in Greece, as students, excavators, research workers and soldiers, and had formative links with the British School at Athens. Australia's debt to the Classics is reflected not only in the life-long attachment to their legacy, and to Greece, by the former Prime Minister, the Hon. E. G. Whitlam, but in the perpetuation of their influence in such Colonial and modern structures as the monument of Lysicrates in Sydney's Botanic Gardens and the National Library and new Parliament House in Canberra, and in an official poster illustrating multiculturalism in Australia. Despite their role in shaping Australia's European history, the teaching of Classics is under threat as never before, and the late Enoch Powell, at one time Professor of Ancient Greek at the University of Sydney, has stigmatised the obscurantism which threatens to impoverish if not undermine Western civilisation by closing access to knowledge of our Classical past.

Dragutin Dj. Tufegdzic (1881-1960), a teacher, priest and writer, was Janko Veselinovic's son-in-law. After graduation from Sabac Grammar School (in 1897) and Teacher Training School in Aleksinac (in 1900), he first found employment as a teacher. In 1906 Tufegdzic married Persida, Janko Veselinovic's daughter, and in 1908 he was ordained priest. He served in Badovinci in Macva District, and beginning in 1936, at St Mark's Church in Belgrade, where he was dean (1941-1954). During 1931 he visited the holy places in Palestine and became a pilgrim (hajji). Tufegdzic was a prolific writer, contributor to Orthodoxy, The Voice of the Church, The Wreath, The Bosnian Fairy, The Wheel Dance, The New Spark (Pravoslavlje, Glas crkve, Venac, Bosanska vila, Kolo, Nova iskra) and other journals, the author of a brochure, two novellas and a short story collection. As the heir to Veselinovic?s manuscript legacy, during his lifetime D. Tufegdzic took meticulous care of his father-in-law?s heritage. In The Wreath during 1913 and 1914 he published four notes from Veselinovic?s life (?Janko and the Operator?, ?Janko and the Animal Doctor?, ?Janko?s Lottery Ticket? and ?Janko Responds to the Sergeant?), and they resemble the notes we present here: ?From Janko?s Childhood?, ?Janko?s Last Christmas?, ?Janko?s Gallantry? and ?Janko?s Last Living Moments?). The manuscripts are preserved in the Intermunicipal Historical Archives in Sabac within the Presents and Purchases Collection. The notes were edited according to their date of origin and their call numbers in the Sabac Archives: ?From Janko?s Childhood?, Belgrade, February 9, 1950, Collection (No. 18), ?Janko?s Last Christmas?, Belgrade, February 9, 1950 (No. 19), ?Janko?s Gallantry?, Belgrade, February 12, 1950 (No. 20), and ?Janko?s Last Living Moments?, Belgrade, February 13, 1950 (No. 21). The notes were written on chequered paper 21x33,5 cm in size. Although Tufegdzic wrote his memoirs of Janko Veselinovic from a considerable time distance, his testimonies can be considered authentic, because he got them directly from Janko?s daughter and his wife Persida.

The paper presents unstudied source for the 18th century Serbs? cultural history, written in Latin in 1735. It is the Proemium of the first Serbian rhetoric textbook by Manuil (Mihail) Kozacinski. The focus of this research is in the context of this unique manuscript testimony of the beginning of modern rhetoric teaching among the Serbs in the grammar school in Karlovci. The introduction of modern Western rhetoric was revolutionary step in the process of educational modernization of the Serbs in the Habsburg monarchy so that the first lines of Kozacinski?s introductory lesson underline the very fact of starting rhetoric teaching. This teaching was the central element of contemporary Western secondary education based on humanistic rediscovery of the value of the classical rhetoric. Kozacinski presented rhetoric in usual humanistic way, following Cicero?s and Quintilian?s views. On the other hand his words reflect the other side of rhetoric in early modern Western society: rhetoric was used as a mighty weapon in religious polemics in post-Reformation Europe. The Orthodox clergy in the Monarchy naturally saw the importance and potential of rhetoric education in preserving religious identity and considered it an imperative in the Church educational policy. The main reason why rhetoric became the basis of Serbian cultural transformation was not primarily the wish for educational development but the fear of the proselytism of the Catholic Church. Serbian clergy was not on the intellectual level necessary in such circumstances and above all it lacked the rhetorical knowledge and skill. Thus the emphasis of the opening words of Kozacinski?s rhetoric textbook is on its utilitas and consequently on the persuasio as its essence.

The article deals with the formation of sacred music by Christians in the early Middle Ages. Basing on the historical sources and scientific literature, the authors show a connection between the musical traditions of Rome, the Western Goths of Spain and the empire of Charlemagne. The teaching of professional church singers, the birth of Mass, the complexity of the musical pattern of Christian singing, the educational ideas of Isidore of Seville and Alcuin of York, the metriz school timely opened by Christian mentors – all of it contributed to the formation of the early medieval educational process. Alcuin is the author of many (about 380) Latin instructive, panegyric, hagiographic, and liturgical poems (among the most famous are The Cuckoo (lat. De cuculo) and The Primate and Saints of the York Church (lat. De pontificibus et sanctis Ecclesiae Eboracensis )). Alcuin also wrote puzzles in poetry and prose. Alkuin conducted the extensive correspondence (with Charles the Great, Anguilbert, Pope Leo III and many others, a total of 232 letters to various people); Alcuin's letters are an important source on the history of the Carolingian society. At the Palace Academy, Alquin taught trivium and quadrivia elements; in his work On True Philosophy, he restored the scheme of the seven liberal arts, following Kassiodor’s parallel between the seven arts and the seven pillars of the temple of Wisdom of Solomon. He compiled textbooks on various subjects (some in a dialogical form). The Art of Grammar (lat. Ars grammatica) and the Slovene of the Most Noble Young Man Pipin with Albin Scholastic (Lat. Disputatio regalis et nobilissimi juvenis Pippini cum Albino scholastico) became very famous. Alcuin’s textbooks on dialectics, dogmatics, rhetoric, and liturgy are also known.

Arthur Hinsley was born in 1865 at Carlton, near Selby, in Yorkshire. Educated and trained for the priesthood at St. Cuthbert’s College, Ushaw, and the Venerable English College, Rome, he was ordained for the Diocese of Leeds in 1893 and immediately returned to Ushaw as a professor. In 1898 he became a curate at St. Anne’s Church, Keighley and from 1900 to 1904 was the founding headmaster of St. Bede’s Grammar School, Bradford. Following a disagreement with Bishop William Gordon of Leeds he was incardinated into the Diocese of Southwark in late 1904 and served as rector at Sutton Park near Guildford and at Sydenham. In 1917 Hinsley was appointed Rector of the Venerabile and in 1928 was sent to Africa as Apostolic Visitor charged with assessing and reporting on the state of Catholic missionary education in the British colonies. While in Africa he remained Rector of the English College but resigned from this post in 1930 when he was appointed as the first Apostolic Delegate to the British colonies in Africa. He remained in Africa until an attack of paratyphoid forced him to retire and return to Rome in 1934. On his retirement he was given a sinecure as a Canon of St. Peter’s Basilica. Hinsley had been created a Domestic Prelate to Pope Benedict XV in 1917 when he was appointed to the Venerabile. In 1926 he was consecrated titular Bishop of Sebastopolis and when he returned to Africa in 1930 he became titular Archbishop of Sardis.

The importance of a qualitative renewal of the additional professional training system for Russian language teachers of foreign schools gives rise to many problems of both theoretical and organizational nature. The following ones are particularly relevant: 1) the determination of professional deficits of teaching staff; 2) the identification of gaps in the current system of additional professional training for Russian as a foreign language teachers; 3) the correction of the identified professional deficiencies through additional educational programs on various directions and degrees of complexity. The solution to these problems is impossible in the absence of the concept of additional professional training system for Russian as foreign language teachers, formed on the basis of an ethno-oriented approach, which involves the development of models of advanced training for teaching specific ethnic groups. Such a concept can be implemented through a system of diagnostic and educational events held remotely in a controlled segment of the Internet (on the platform of a specific educational institution or its autonomous substructure). Since the organization of additional professional training for Russian as foreign language teachers of foreign schools is closely related to the type of educational institution in which the teacher works (national state, national non-state, weekend school, schools under the Russian Orthodox Church, etc.), it is advisable to consider the educational content of advanced training programs from two points of view: 1) from the point of view of the requirements for the training of the contingent of students, 2) from the point of view of the requirements for the personality of the teacher of a particular educational institution. Taking these factors into account is important, since it directly affects the nature of the training content and the technologies used. This study offers the options for modular educational programs for additional training in three fields of activity (subject, organizational, methodological, psychological): 1) the program “Difficult cases of Russian grammar and Russian word usage”, aimed at eliminating gaps in the field of subject competences; 2) the program “Problems of teaching the Russian language in a limited language environment”, aimed at eliminating gaps in the organizational and methodological sphere; 3) the program “Psychological foundations of organizing educational activities in a foreign language”, aimed at eliminating gaps in the field of psychological competencies. Sequential remote implementation of modules included in additional professional training programs will provide access to up-to-date methodological knowledge for a large number of teachers of Russian as a foreign language.

<p><strong>Úrtak</strong></p><p>Í greinini, sum er grundað á ein fyrilestur, ið varð hildin á ráðstevnu hjá Ibby (The International Board on Books for Young People) í Santiago de Compostela í 2010, verður sagt frá, hvussu føroyskar barnabókmentir hava ment seg, serliga við denti á bókaútgávu fyri einum lutfalsliga lítlum málbólki.</p><p> Í Føroyum hava kvæði, sagnir, ævintýr og annar skaldskapur livað sítt fríska lív á manna munni, líka síðan fólk hava sett búgv á oyggjunum, meðan skrivaðu bókmentirnar eru av nýggjari uppruna. Fyrsta upprunaføroyska barnabókin kom út í 1958, um somu tíð sum føroyskir lærarar settu bókaforlag á stovn við tí greiða endamáli at geva út barnabøkur á føroyskum.</p><p> At geva út bøkur í Føroyum er ikki ein løtt uppgáva, fyrst og fremst tí bara umleið 50.000 fólk tosa føroyskt mál og eitt føroyskt forlag tí ikki hevur fyrimunin av einum stórum sølumarknaði.</p><p> Annar trupulleiki er so tann, at føroyskir rithøvundar og kanska serliga barnabókarithøvundar hava stríðst fyri, at føroyskt mál verður viðurkent sum skaldskaparmál millum føroyingar sjálvar. Hetta tí at føroyskt er so ávirkað av donskum, og at danskt hevur kenst líka natúrligt, ja í mongum førum natúrligari at lesa hjá flest fólkum enn teirra egna mál, føroyskt.</p><p> </p><p><strong>A</strong><strong>bstract</strong></p><p>The first children’s book published in Faroese was the renowned Robinson Crusoe by the English author Daniel Defoe. This was in 1914 and many welcomed the book, but there were also quite a few who were unhappy about it. They felt that the publication in Faroese was a provocation against Denmark or Danish language in the Faroes (Sigurðardóttir, 1990). The opposition against Robinson Crusoe in translation sheds light on a problem, which the Faroese book market has suffered and partly still suffers, namely people’s attitude towards their mother tongue.</p><p> Although today’s opposition against Faroese is not comparable to that generated by publishing a book in 1914, language is still a very sensitive topic in children’s books. The problem is first and foremost caused by the Faroes’ political situation, as a part of the Danish kingdom, which has meant that the language used in public administration, school, church and parliament in the Faroes was Danish.</p> The Faroese have always spoken their own language, but have only recently started writing it. Only in the latter half of the 19th century steps were taken to generate a Faroese grammar. We must also bear in mind that written Faroese was not taught in Faroese schools until 1920, and it was not until 1937 that the Public School Act was amended, making Faroese, rather than Danish, the teaching language.

AbstractUp to now Herman Becker, one of the people who lent Rembrandt money in the straitened circumstances of the last years of his life, has had a bad press as an art-dealer who owed his wealth and influence to the exploitation of artists (Notes 1, 2). It is now possible to correct this image on the basis of recent research in the Amsterdam archives. Becker was born around 1617 and the supposition that he came from Riga in Latvia is borne out by the facts that he had contacts there, that his father Willem certainly lived there between 1640 and 1650 and that the words 'of or 'to' Riga appear in some documents after his name. His commercial activities certainly go back to 1635 (note 6) and from the earliest records of him in Amsterdam in the 1640s, it is clear that he was a merchant and that he also chartered ships. At this period he further invested money in shares and engaged in a certain amount of moneylending, while he is also mentioned as his father's agent. That financially he was almost certainly in a sound osition by the end of the 1640s is clear from the fact that in 1648 he gave a surety for the merchant Gerard Pelgrom, who was in debt to the Dutch East India Company. That same year he concluded an agreement with the merchant Abraham de Visscher to sell sailcloth for him in Riga. In the 1650s Becker strengthened his financial position and again engaged in moneylending. In 1653 he made a large loan to Johannes de Renialme, an art lover and dealer, and at the time of the latter's death in 1657 his debt to Becker was even larger, while the inventory of his estate mentions nine paintings, including three by Jan Lievens and one by Philips de Koninck, which were mortgaged to Becker along with some jewelry. From the autumn of 1653 Becker spent a considerable time in Riga, but he was certainly back in Amsterdam in 1658. In 1659 he married Anna Maria Vertangen, the widow of his former business contact Gerard Pelgrom, who had died in 1657. This marriage brought Becker two large houses on Keizersgracht, where he moved in June 1659. That he was a Lutheran emerges from records of the baptisms of two of his three children at the Lutheran church in Amsterdam. His wife died shortly after the birth of theyoungest child and was buried in the Oude Kerk on 9 November 1661. By her will Becker was granted usufruct of all her property until his death, on condition that he did not remarry. This increase in his means led to a change of direction in his activities in the 1660s and a growth in the scale and scope of his moneylending. Becker's library (see Appendix I) The list of books in Becker's inventory amounts to 285 titles, a not inconsiderable library by 17th-century standards (Note 26). Their diversity indicates that, though clearly an educated man, he was not a scholar, while they were not arranged under subjects, like a scholar's library, but according to sizes. The presence of works in Latin indicates that Becker must have been educated at a Latin or grammar school, but the large number of German titles point to his coming from the influential German elite, which had long dominated the city government, trade and the guilds in Riga and part of which, like Becker, was Evangelical Lutheran by religion. Books on religion and theology formed a third of the 145 books of which the titles are given, followed by histories and chronicles, classical literature, law, poetry, medicine, physics and astronomy. Contacts with artists In the 1660s Becker continued his shipping interest, but now also invested in property, building a house next to the two others on Keizersgracht in 1665. He also continued to lend money, now for the first time to artists. Rembrandt is known to have owed three sums of money to Becker: 537 guilders borrowed in December 1662 at 5% interest, 450 guilders borrowed in March 1663 against a pledge, and an obligation to Lodewijck van Ludick which was sold to Becker early in 1664 (Notes 31,32). Difficulties over repayment probably arose in the first two instances over disagreement as to the conditions of the loans. On 29 August 1665 the apothecary Abraham Francken declared in a sworn statement that he had ofered the amount due, plus the interest, to Becker at Rembrandt's request, but that Becker had refused to accept it, because Rembrandt first had to finish a Juno and also had to do something else for him. Rembrandt appears to have threatened legal action, but in any case the matter was settled on 6 October 1665 when Becker accepted the payment and returned the pledge, in the form of nine paintings and two (constprint boecken'. What happened to the Juno is not clear. A Juno by Rembrandt is listed in Becker's inventory and it is generally assumed that the Juno in the Armand Hammer Foundation in Los Angeles is the one mentiorted in the statemertt and the inventory. That it is certainly the one in the statement would seem to be justified by the fact that it appears to be unfinished (Notes 37,38). The sale of the obligation to Lodewijck van Ludick to Becker is attested in statements of 31 December 1664 by Abraham Francken and the poet-cum-dyer Thomas Asselyn, the latter declaring that it was bought for textiles to the value of 500 guilders. Three years later Rembrandt had still not paid the debt and the case was brought before an arbitration commission. In the commission's findings of 24 July 1668 the extent of the debt was settled at 1082 guilders, two-thirds of which had to be paid in cash, while the rest was to be paid off in six months in the form of drawings, prints or paintings. Rembrandt also agreed to pay the cash amount within six months while Becker agreed to pay Rembrandt's share of the costs. Rembrandt offered his person and possessions as surety and his son Titus also came forward as guarantor. Whether the debt was ever paid is unclear: Titus died shortly afterwards and Rembrandt about a year later (Note 42). The conditions were actually quite lenient, while Becker's admiration for Rembrandt's art is clear from the fact that he did not mind whether the debt was paid in paintings, prints or drawings. The fourteen works by Rembrandt in Becker's inventory are the largest group by a single master. Obviously Becker had a predilectionfor his work and bought it, but he did not sell it on, as has been suggested (Note 44). Two other artists who borrowed money from Becker were Frederick de Moucheron, who was given an apparently interest-free loan of a hundred guilders in August 1662 and Jan Lievens the Elder, who borrowed four hundred guilders in all between May 1667 and October 1668. By far the greatest number of loans made by Becker date from the period 1674-8, his debtors including Willem Six, Gerrit Uylenburg, Willem Blauw and Abraham van Halmael, as well as the artists Philips de Koninck, Domenicus van Tol and Antony van der Laen. The pledges for the loans are extremely varied, but paintinas often figured among them in the case of both artists and non-artists. In addition Becker also continued to invest in shipping and property. At the end of the summer of 1678 he fell seriously ill and on 16 September he was buried in the Oude Kerk. His estate at his death amounted to 200,000 guilders and it seems fairly clear that in the 1660s and 1670s his activities as a merchant had declined and he had lived mainly off the interest on loarts. Becker's collection of paintings (see Appendix II) Becker appears to have begun collecting pictures around 1660, when the increase in his means allowed it. By comparison with other collections of the day, such as those of Jan van de Cappelle (197 paintings) and Gerrit Uylenburg (95 paintings), his 231 works represent a very sizable holding (Note 63). In the case of 137 of them the name of the painter is known, the best represented artists being Rembrandt (14 works), Jan Lievens the Elder (6), Jan Lievens the Younger (10), Philips de Koninck (7), Frederick de Moucheron (5) and Rubens (3). The collection also included worksfrom Rembrandt's circle (Last-man and Bol) and from Haarlem (Brouwer, Jan de Bray, Goltzius and Cornelis van Haarlem), and in addition work by much earlier artists such as Dürer, Holbein, Lucas van Leyden and Herri met de Bles, as well as ten pictures of Italian origin. Becker certainly acquired paintings through his moneylending and he may further have had agreements like the one with Rembrandt with other artists, these actually being advantageous to both parties. However, his loans to artists were not very numerous, so he must certainly have bought a great many pictures as well. An advertisement discovered in the Oprechte Haerlems Dinsdacgse Courant of 21 March 1679 shows that Becker's art collection was sold separately from the rest of his estate. It also clearly describes him as a collector of many year's standing.No indication whatever has been found that Becker acted as an art-dealer, while his known financial transactions with artists show him to have acted fairly and in no sense can he be said to have exploited them.

Francis Edgar Jones was born on 16 January 1914 in Wolverhampton. His father, the son of a miner, was educated at the Rugby Grammar School and a teachers’ training college, and became a teacher in 1898. He met Frank’s mother, whose family name was Franks, while teaching at Barnet. Early in the 1900s they moved north to Wolverhampton and remained there until they moved again to Dagenham in 1921. Frank was the third born in a family of two boys and two girls. At the age of just under five he was sent to the Church of England Primary School at Heathdown, Wolverhampton, where the discipline was strict. Frank had a vivid recollection of life at the school: ‘When we arrived at a quarter to nine, we first had to place our hands on the desk in front, palms face down, to see that we had clean nails. Next we had to stand on the form to have our boots inspected to make sure they were clean. After prayers, school began and our reward for a good week’s work was to be allowed to work with raffia - of different colours - on Friday afternoons.’

Bosco Gurin, the highest village in the Swiss canton of Ticino, was settled before the first half of the thirteenth century from the Wallis. It is an independent community which has about 60-70 inhabitants. The Alemannic dialect spoken in the village, Gurinerdeutsch, has been investigated since the nineteenth century. The author has used these previous studies and collected more material in five in the village. This produced a monograph published in 2002. There are four main language varieties used in the village: High German, for parts of church services, notices and some administration; Italian, used for school and administration; Ticinese dialect, used with non-Guriner, and Gurinerdeutsch, which is used with other Guriner. Some examples are given of the vowel and consonant system. Then to illustrate the grammar of the dialects the plural formation and inflectional forms of the verb are used. The dialect of Bosco Gurin is a typical, isolated alpine dialect which is clearly of Wallis origin but which also shows its independence in many innovatory changes.

Patrick Steptoe was born on 9 June 1913 in Witney, Oxfordshire. He grew up in a family of eight brothers and sisters, the sixth boy and the seventh child of Grace Maud (née Mimms) and Harry Arthur Steptoe. His mother was an advocate of women’s rights, and worked for the Mothers’ Union and Infant Welfare clinics; she died in 1973. His father was Registrar of Births, Deaths and Marriages in Witney; he died in 1953. As a schoolboy at the Witney Grammar School, Patrick became interested in medicine and music, and the two subjects demanded virtually equal time during his late teens. This musical talent manifested early and lasted throughout his life, for even at the age of 13 he played incidental piano music during matinees for the silent films of Tom Mix, Harold Lloyd, Ramon Navarro and Rudolph Valentino. Later he was organist in St Mary’s Church, and director and organist of Christ Church Musical Society, Oxford, when he was 18 years old. He wrote that the heavy weight of the organ keys helped to make his hands and fingers very strong. These early signs of a character full of determination and initiative were apparent later in his life, as he coped with disappointments and opposition during his medical career. He might indeed have become a musician, but medicine finally triumphed when at age 20 he entered King’s College, London, as a medical student. He qualified in 1939 at the age of 26 with the degrees of M.R.C.S., L.R.C.P. from St George’s Hospital in London. This hospital retained his affection throughout his life, even though he remembered wards full of cases of pneumonia, meningitis and septicaemia since antibiotics had not then been discovered.

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Robert Sanderson Mulliken was born on 7 June 1896 in Newburyport, Rhode Island. His father, Samuel Parsons Mulliken, was a Professor of Organic Chemistry at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, to which he would travel a distance of some 30 miles every day on the Boston and Maine Railroad. Samuel’s income was modest, and the family had little contact with the more influential members of the community. “This may account”, says Robert in his autobiography (B 250)*, “for a deep-seated inferiority complex which I have had, especially toward people in authority, but not towards prominent scientists”. He recalls helping his father proofread his four-volume treatise A method for the identification of pure organic compounds '. “It is natural”, says Robert loyally, “that I became interested in science although I was strongly tempted to move in other directions, such as philosophy or other humanistic fields”. His mother Katherine W. Mulliken (a distant cousin of his father) formed a stronger bond with her son. She was a member of the Unitarian Church, and frequently took Robert along with her. She failed to persuade him to learn the piano, but succeeded in imbuing him with a sense of justice and of the beauty of nature. “I have sometimes experienced very strong feelings of intimacy with nature”, he writes (B 250) “but not of beauty in its laws”. His upbringing was strict and conventional and one gains the impression of an extremely well-behaved but rather shy child. He writes with lurking admiration about a red-haired classmate at the Jackman Grammar School, who became famous for his unconventional exploits and is quoted (B 250) as saying “my worst trouble is that I got my lessons done too quick”. Bossy Gillis, as he was called, rose rapidly in the community and was eventually elected mayor of Newburyport. Half a century later Robert Mulliken was invited back to Newburyport by another mayor, to have a street named after him.

Walsh, Pat. The Crowfield Demon. New York: Chicken House/Scholastic, 2012. Print. Pat Walsh's first novel, The Crowfield Curse, introduced us to William Paynel, his hairy friend and companion- the hob, Brother Walter, the compassionate crippled Brother Snail, and the fay, Shadlok. William had lost his family in a fire and has been taken in as a servant by Crowfield Abbey where he aids not only Brother Snail but also the vicious one-eyed cook, Brother Martin. It becomes apparent that Will has been gifted with the ability to see beyond the material world around him into the realms of the Old Magic. He is aware of the ancient ways and the spirits which held power before the coming of Christianity. By the end of the first book he has become bound together with Shadlok, the warrior fay, now his protector. As the story opens the old abbey is showing need of serious repair, repair the monks can ill afford. Suddenly one night there is a violent shaking and parts of the church are lying in rubble. Something ancient and evil has awakened, something long worshipped in the oak grove cut down by the monks when they first built the abbey. Its anger bodes ill for all that belong to the abbey. The battle has been engaged. Pat Walsh is an archaeologist, and her experience gives reality to the setting and an understanding of the function of the abbey and the vital importance and meaning of the gradual destruction that is taking place. We therefore follow the work of the masons, understand the shock of the unexpected as the abbey crumbles, and feel the importance not only of what is destroyed but also what that destruction may unleash. Pat Walsh's combination of fantasy and history gives the reader another way of comprehending this medieval past. Will is a strong and engaging character who links together reality and fantasy. He sees the magic, but is not a part of it. He lives and works in the abbey, and yet is detached enough to observe it because he is not part of its religious life. He is the principal character, yet he is an outsider, like the reader. So we accept his “companionship". Pat Walsh not only brings the period vividly before us but also balances her characters in a realistic way- benevolent and malevolent. Into this balance she inserts the shades between- the sour Prior, the bitter unkind cook and the underlying kindness and honour of a stern character, the warrior fay Shadlok. It is a balance of life. The battle of Good and Evil with its growing tension and bitterness- bitterness echoed in the frigid world outside town and abbey- is balanced by something tender in Will's relationship with the hob (a brilliant comic character), with good thoughtful Brother Snail, and the controlled frosty, but totally supporting and caring warrior fay, Shadlok. The Crowfield Demon is a gripping tale that combines history and fantasy in a way to help young readers understand something of the way people lived and thought in the far past. Detail and vivid description, and a strong story line, conjure up a visual experience as well as an understanding. Highly recommended: 4 out of 4 starsReviewer: Andrea DeakinAndrea has been involved with books since she was class librarian in Primary School, Student Librarian in Grammar School, student librarian for the Education Faculty when she was a student, and school librarian in schools both in England and , except for the first two years in Canada where she arrived in 1959, in Canada. When she retired from teaching ( English and History) she was invited to review in February 1971, and continued to review for press, radio, and finally on the Internet ( Deakin Newsletter from Okanagan College) until she retired in 2011. Forty years seemed sufficient- although she still cannot keep her nose out of good children's and YA fare.

IntroductionThere are two types of Africa. The first is a place where people and cultures live. The second is the image of Africa that has been invented through colonial knowledge and power. The colonial image of Africa, as the Other of Europe, a land “enveloped in the dark mantle of night” was supported by western states as it justified their colonial practices (Hegel 91). Any evidence that challenged the myth of the Dark Continent was destroyed, removed or ignored. While the looting of African natural resources has been studied, the looting of African knowledges hasn’t received as much attention, partly based on the assumption that Africans did not produce knowledge that could be stolen. This article invalidates this myth by examining the legacy of Ethiopia’s indigenous Ge’ez literature, and its looting and abduction by powerful western agents. The article argues that this has resulted in epistemic violence, where students of the Ethiopian indigenous education system do not have access to their books, while European orientalists use them to interpret Ethiopian history and philosophy using a foreign lens. The analysis is based on interviews with teachers and students of ten Ge’ez schools in Ethiopia, and trips to the Ethiopian manuscript collections in The British Library, The Princeton Library, the Institute of Ethiopian Studies and The National Archives in Addis Ababa.The Context of Ethiopian Indigenous KnowledgesGe’ez is one of the ancient languages of Africa. According to Professor Ephraim Isaac, “about 10,000 years ago, one single nation or community of a single linguistic group existed in Ethiopia, Eritrea, and the Horn of Africa” (The Habesha). The language of this group is known as Proto-Afroasiatic or Afrasian languages. It is the ancestor of the Semitic, Cushitic, Nilotic, Omotic and other languages that are currently spoken in Ethiopia by its 80 ethnic groups, and the neighbouring countries (Diakonoff). Ethiopians developed the Ge’ez language as their lingua franca with its own writing system some 2000 years ago. Currently, Ge’ez is the language of academic scholarship, studied through the traditional education system (Isaac, The Ethiopian). Since the fourth century, an estimated 1 million Ge’ez manuscripts have been written, covering religious, historical, mathematical, medicinal, and philosophical texts.One of the most famous Ge’ez manuscripts is the Kebra Nagast, a foundational text that embodied the indigenous conception of nationhood in Ethiopia. The philosophical, political and religious themes in this book, which craft Ethiopia as God’s country and the home of the Ark of the Covenant, contributed to the country’s success in defending itself from European colonialism. The production of books like the Kebra Nagast went hand in hand with a robust indigenous education system that trained poets, scribes, judges, artists, administrators and priests. Achieving the highest stages of learning requires about 30 years after which the scholar would be given the rare title Arat-Ayina, which means “four eyed”, a person with the ability to see the past as well as the future. Today, there are around 50,000 Ge’ez schools across the country, most of which are in rural villages and churches.Ge’ez manuscripts are important textbooks and reference materials for students. They are carefully prepared from vellum “to make them last forever” (interview, 3 Oct. 2019). Some of the religious books are regarded as “holy persons who breathe wisdom that gives light and food to the human soul”. Other manuscripts, often prepared as scrolls are used for medicinal purposes. Each manuscript is uniquely prepared reflecting inherited wisdom on contemporary lives using the method called Tirguamme, the act of giving meaning to sacred texts. Preparation of books is costly. Smaller manuscript require the skins of 50-70 goats/sheep and large manuscript needed 100-120 goats/sheep (Tefera).The Loss of Ethiopian ManuscriptsSince the 18th century, a large quantity of these manuscripts have been stolen, looted, or smuggled out of the country by travellers who came to the country as explorers, diplomats and scientists. The total number of Ethiopian manuscripts taken is still unknown. Amsalu Tefera counted 6928 Ethiopian manuscripts currently held in foreign libraries and museums. This figure does not include privately held or unofficial collections (41).Looting and smuggling were sponsored by western governments, institutions, and notable individuals. For example, in 1868, The British Museum Acting Director Richard Holms joined the British army which was sent to ‘rescue’ British hostages at Maqdala, the capital of Emperor Tewodros. Holms’ mission was to bring treasures for the Museum. Before the battle, Tewodros had established the Medhanialem library with more than 1000 manuscripts as part of Ethiopia’s “industrial revolution”. When Tewodros lost the war and committed suicide, British soldiers looted the capital, including the treasury and the library. They needed 200 mules and 15 elephants to transport the loot and “set fire to all buildings so that no trace was left of the edifices which once housed the manuscripts” (Rita Pankhurst 224). Richard Holmes collected 356 manuscripts for the Museum. A wealthy British woman called Lady Meux acquired some of the most illuminated manuscripts. In her will, she bequeathed them to be returned to Ethiopia. However, her will was reversed by court due to a campaign from the British press (Richard Pankhurst). In 2018, the V&A Museum in London displayed some of the treasures by incorporating Maqdala into the imperial narrative of Britain (Woldeyes, Reflections).Britain is by no means the only country to seek Ethiopian manuscripts for their collections. Smuggling occurred in the name of science, an act of collecting manuscripts for study. Looting involved local collaborators and powerful foreign sponsors from places like France, Germany and the Vatican. Like Maqdala, this was often sponsored by governments or powerful financers. For example, the French government sponsored the Dakar-Djibouti Mission led by Marcel Griaule, which “brought back about 350 manuscripts and scrolls from Gondar” (Wion 2). It was often claimed that these manuscripts were purchased, rather than looted. Johannes Flemming of Germany was said to have purchased 70 manuscripts and ten scrolls for the Royal Library of Berlin in 1905. However, there was no local market for buying manuscripts. Ge’ez manuscripts were, and still are, written to serve spiritual and secular life in Ethiopia, not for buying and selling. There are countless other examples, but space limits how many can be provided in this article. What is important to note is that museums and libraries have accrued impressive collections without emphasising how those collections were first obtained. The loss of the intellectual heritage of Ethiopians to western collectors has had an enormous impact on the country.Knowledge Grabbing: The Denial of Access to KnowledgeWith so many manuscripts lost, European collectors became the narrators of Ethiopian knowledge and history. Edward Ullendorff, a known orientalist in Ethiopian studies, refers to James Bruce as “the explorer of Abyssinia” (114). Ullendorff commented on the significance of Bruce’s travel to Ethiopia asperhaps the most important aspect of Bruce’s travels was the collection of Ethiopic manuscripts… . They opened up entirely new vistas for the study of Ethiopian languages and placed this branch of Oriental scholarship on a much more secure basis. It is not known how many MSS. reached Europe through his endeavours, but the present writer is aware of at least twenty-seven, all of which are exquisite examples of Ethiopian manuscript art. (133)This quote encompasses three major ways in which epistemic violence occurs: denial of access to knowledge, Eurocentric interpretation of Ethiopian manuscripts, and the handling of Ge’ez manuscripts as artefacts from the past. These will be discussed below.Western ‘travellers’, such as Bruce, did not fully disclose how many manuscripts they took or how they acquired them. The abundance of Ethiopian manuscripts in western institutions can be compared to the scarcity of such materials among traditional schools in Ethiopia. In this research, I have visited ten indigenous schools in Wollo (Lalibela, Neakutoleab, Asheten, Wadla), in Gondar (Bahita, Kuskwam, Menbere Mengist), and Gojam (Bahirdar, Selam Argiew Maryam, Giorgis). In all of the schools, there is lack of Ge’ez manuscripts. Students often come from rural villages and do not receive any government support. The scarcity of Ge’ez manuscripts, and the lack of funding which might allow for the purchasing of books, means the students depend mainly on memorising Ge’ez texts told to them from the mouth of their teacher. Although this method of learning is not new, it currently is the only way for passing indigenous knowledges across generations.The absence of manuscripts is most strongly felt in the advanced schools. For instance, in the school of Qene, poetic literature is created through an in-depth study of the vocabulary and grammar of Ge’ez. A Qene student is required to develop a deep knowledge of Ge’ez in order to understand ancient and medieval Ge’ez texts which are used to produce poetry with multiple meanings. Without Ge’ez manuscripts, students cannot draw their creative works from the broad intellectual tradition of their ancestors. When asked how students gain access to textbooks, one student commented:we don’t have access to Birana books (Ge’ez manuscripts written on vellum). We cannot learn the ancient wisdom of painting, writing, and computing developed by our ancestors. We simply buy paper books such as Dawit (Psalms), Sewasew (grammar) or Degwa (book of songs with notations) and depend on our teachers to teach us the rest. We also lend these books to each other as many students cannot afford to buy them. Without textbooks, we expect to spend double the amount of time it would take if we had textbooks. (Interview, 3 Sep. 2019)Many students interrupt their studies and work as labourers to save up and buy paper textbooks, but they still don’t have access to the finest works taken to Europe. Most Ge’ez manuscripts remaining in Ethiopia are locked away in monasteries, church stores or other places to prevent further looting. The manuscripts in Addis Ababa University and the National Archives are available for researchers but not to the students of the indigenous system, creating a condition of internal knowledge grabbing.While the absence of Ge’ez manuscripts denied, and continues to deny, Ethiopians the chance to enrich their indigenous education, it benefited western orientalists to garner intellectual authority on the field of Ethiopian studies. In 1981, British Museum Director John Wilson said, “our Abyssinian holdings are more important than our Indian collection” (Bell 231). In reaction, Richard Pankhurst, the Director of Ethiopian Studies in Addis Ababa, responded that the collection was acquired through plunder. Defending the retaining of Maqdala manuscripts in Europe, Ullendorff wrote:neither Dr. Pankhurst nor the Ethiopian and western scholars who have worked on this collection (and indeed on others in Europe) could have contributed so significantly to the elucidation of Ethiopian history without the rich resources available in this country. Had they remained insitu, none of this would have been possible. (Qtd. in Bell 234)The manuscripts are therefore valued based on their contribution to western scholarship only. This is a continuation of epistemic violence whereby local knowledges are used as raw materials to produce Eurocentric knowledge, which in turn is used to teach Africans as though they had no prior knowledge. Scholars are defined as those western educated persons who can speak European languages and can travel to modern institutions to access the manuscripts. Knowledge grabbing regards previous owners as inexistent or irrelevant for the use of the grabbed knowledges.Knowledge grabbing also means indigenous scholars are deprived of critical resources to produce new knowledge based on their intellectual heritage. A Qene teacher commented: our students could not devote their time and energy to produce new knowledges in the same way our ancestors did. We have the tradition of Madeladel, Kimera, Kuteta, Mielad, Qene and tirguamme where students develop their own system of remembering, reinterpreting, practicing, and rewriting previous manuscripts and current ones. Without access to older manuscripts, we increasingly depend on preserving what is being taught orally by elders. (Interview, 4 Sep. 2019)This point is important as it relates to the common myth that indigenous knowledges are artefacts belonging to the past, not the present. There are millions of people who still use these knowledges, but the conditions necessary for their reproduction and improvement is denied through knowledge grabbing. The view of Ge’ez manuscripts as artefacts dismisses the Ethiopian view that Birana manuscripts are living persons. As a scholar told me in Gondar, “they are creations of Egziabher (God), like all of us. Keeping them in institutions is like keeping living bodies in graveyards” (interview, 5 Oct. 2019).Recently, the collection of Ethiopian manuscripts by western institutions has also been conducted digitally. Thousands of manuscripts have been microfilmed or digitised. For example, the EU funded Ethio-SPaRe project resulted in the digital collection of 2000 Ethiopian manuscripts (Nosnitsin). While digitisation promises better access for people who may not be able to visit institutions to see physical copies, online manuscripts are not accessible to indigenous school students in Ethiopia. They simply do not have computer or internet access and the manuscripts are catalogued in European languages. Both physical and digital knowledge grabbing results in the robbing of Ethiopian intellectual heritage, and denies the possibility of such manuscripts being used to inform local scholarship. Epistemic Violence: The European as ExpertWhen considered in relation to stolen or appropriated manuscripts, epistemic violence is the way in which local knowledge is interpreted using a foreign epistemology and gained dominance over indigenous worldviews. European scholars have monopolised the field of Ethiopian Studies by producing books, encyclopaedias and digital archives based on Ethiopian manuscripts, almost exclusively in European languages. The contributions of their work for western scholarship is undeniable. However, Kebede argues that one of the detrimental effects of this orientalist literature is the thesis of Semiticisation, the designation of the origin of Ethiopian civilisation to the arrival of Middle Eastern colonisers rather than indigenous sources.The thesis is invented to make the history of Ethiopia consistent with the Hegelian western view that Africa is a Dark Continent devoid of a civilisation of its own. “In light of the dominant belief that black peoples are incapable of great achievements, the existence of an early and highly advanced civilization constitutes a serious anomaly in the Eurocentric construction of the world” (Kebede 4). To address this anomaly, orientalists like Ludolph attributed the origin of Ethiopia’s writing system, agriculture, literature, and civilisation to the arrival of South Arabian settlers. For example, in his translation of the Kebra Nagast, Budge wrote: “the SEMITES found them [indigenous Ethiopians] negro savages, and taught them civilization and culture and the whole scriptures on which their whole literature is based” (x).In line with the above thesis, Dillman wrote that “the Abyssinians borrowed their Numerical Signs from the Greeks” (33). The views of these orientalist scholars have been challenged. For instance, leading scholar of Semitic languages Professor Ephraim Isaac considers the thesis of the Arabian origin of Ethiopian civilization “a Hegelian Eurocentric philosophical perspective of history” (2). Isaac shows that there is historical, archaeological, and linguistic evidence that suggest Ethiopia to be more advanced than South Arabia from pre-historic times. Various Ethiopian sources including the Kebra Nagast, the works of historian Asres Yenesew, and Ethiopian linguist Girma Demeke provide evidence for the indigenous origin of Ethiopian civilisation and languages.The epistemic violence of the Semeticisation thesis lies in how this Eurocentric ideological construction is the dominant narrative in the field of Ethiopian history and the education system. Unlike the indigenous view, the orientalist view is backed by strong institutional power both in Ethiopia and abroad. The orientalists control the field of Ethiopian studies and have access to Ge’ez manuscripts. Their publications are the only references for Ethiopian students. Due to Native Colonialism, a system of power run by native elites through the use of colonial ideas and practices (Woldeyes), the education system is the imitation of western curricula, including English as a medium of instruction from high school onwards. Students study the west more than Ethiopia. Indigenous sources are generally excluded as unscientific. Only the Eurocentric interpretation of Ethiopian manuscripts is regarded as scientific and objective.ConclusionEthiopia is the only African country never to be colonised. In its history it produced a large quantity of manuscripts in the Ge’ez language through an indigenous education system that involves the study of these manuscripts. Since the 19th century, there has been an ongoing loss of these manuscripts. European travellers who came to Ethiopia as discoverers, missionaries and scholars took a large number of manuscripts. The Battle of Maqdala involved the looting of the intellectual products of Ethiopia that were collected at the capital. With the introduction of western education and use of English as a medium of instruction, the state disregarded indigenous schools whose students have little access to the manuscripts. This article brings the issue of knowledge grapping, a situation whereby European institutions and scholars accumulate Ethiopia manuscripts without providing the students in Ethiopia to have access to those collections.Items such as manuscripts that are held in western institutions are not dead artefacts of the past to be preserved for prosperity. They are living sources of knowledge that should be put to use in their intended contexts. Local Ethiopian scholars cannot study ancient and medieval Ethiopia without travelling and gaining access to western institutions. This lack of access and resources has made European Ethiopianists almost the sole producers of knowledge about Ethiopian history and culture. For example, indigenous sources and critical research that challenge the Semeticisation thesis are rarely available to Ethiopian students. Here we see epistemic violence in action. Western control over knowledge production has the detrimental effect of inventing new identities, subjectivities and histories that translate into material effects in the lives of African people. In this way, Ethiopians and people all over Africa internalise western understandings of themselves and their history as primitive and in need of development or outside intervention. African’s intellectual and cultural heritage, these living bodies locked away in graveyards, must be put back into the hands of Africans.AcknowledgementThe author acknowledges the support of the Australian Academy of the Humanities' 2019 Humanities Travelling Fellowship Award in conducting this research.ReferencesBell, Stephen. “Cultural Treasures Looted from Maqdala: A Summary of Correspondence in British National Newspapers since 1981.” Kasa and Kasa. Eds. Tadesse Beyene, Richard Pankhurst, and Shifereraw Bekele. Addis Ababa: Ababa University Book Centre, 1990. 231-246.Budge, Wallis. 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