Journal articles on the topic 'Latin and South American history'
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1
Colburn, Forrest D. "Liberalism Takes Root in Central America." Current History 103, no. 670 (February 1, 2004): 74–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2004.103.670.74.
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Central America's unlikely route to liberal democracy may not have been perceived as leading to durable regimes. However, democracy has been resilient and even stable in Central America. Indeed, Central Americans, accustomed to being perceived as poor and unstable by their Mexican and South American brethren, have been smug about the locus of Latin America's ills being shifted to South America.
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BETHELL, LESLIE. "Brazil and ‘Latin America’." Journal of Latin American Studies 42, no. 3 (August 2010): 457–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x1000088x.
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AbstractThis essay, part history of ideas and part history of international relations, examines Brazil's relationship with Latin America in historical perspective. For more than a century after independence, neither Spanish American intellectuals nor Spanish American governments considered Brazil part of ‘América Latina’. For their part, Brazilian intellectuals and Brazilian governments only had eyes for Europe and increasingly, after 1889, the United States, except for a strong interest in the Río de la Plata. When, especially during the Cold War, the United States, and by extension the rest of the world, began to regard and treat Brazil as part of ‘Latin America’, Brazilian governments and Brazilian intellectuals, apart from some on the Left, still did not think of Brazil as an integral part of the region. Since the end of the Cold War, however, Brazil has for the first time pursued a policy of engagement with its neighbours – in South America.
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Kempe, Deborah, Deirdre E. Lawrence, and Milan R. Hughston. "Latin American art resources north of the border: an overview of the collections of the New York Art Resources Consortium (NYARC)." Art Libraries Journal 37, no. 4 (2012): 5–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307472200017673.
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The New York Art Resources Consortium (NYARC), consisting of The Frick Art Reference Library and the libraries of the Brooklyn Museum and the Museum of Modern Art (MoMA), houses significant collections of material on Latin American art that document the cultural history of Mexico, Central America, the Caribbean and South America, as well as the foundation of New York City as an epicenter of US Latino and Latin American cultural production since the 19th century. Ranging from historic archeological photographs to contemporary artists’ books, the holdings of the NYARC libraries are varied in their scope and record the contributions of Latin American and Latino artists to the international art scene. With the creation of Arcade, the shared online catalog of the Frick, MoMA and Brooklyn Museum, the ‘collective collection’ of material about and from Latin America has been strengthened in ways both expected and unanticipated. Techniques for integrating Latin American bibliographic information into discovery platforms, strategies for increasing the visibility of these collections, and ideas for providing improved access to the Latin American subset of the NYARC collections are being explored, and many further opportunities exist to engage in co-operative collection development in this area, across the NYARC consortium and with other peer institutions.
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Chasteen, John Charles. "Fighting Words: The Discourse of Insurgency in Latin American History." Latin American Research Review 28, no. 3 (1993): 83–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100016964.
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“What I suffer is pleasant because it shows that I am putting myself above the run of common men, that I am worthy of my Patria and of you…” Insurgent officer to his wife, 1893 The appeal of sacrifice so frequently encountered in expressions of nationalism is an equally familiar theme in the rhetoric of political warfare in Latin America. Stories of political warfare take up a considerable part of Latin American historiography. The intent of this exploratory article is to suggest how the rhetoric and narrative written about nineteenth-century insurgency can be read to illuminate the political history of Latin America. Two South American civil wars of the 1890s constitute the empirical starting point for my speculations, although they are scarcely a convincing sample of the hundreds of insurgencies that have occurred since independence. Consequently, these observations on a Latin American discourse of insurgency must largely be content to ask questions, raise issues, and suggest hypotheses.
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Rostagno, Irene. "Waldo Frank's Crusade for Latin American Literature." Americas 46, no. 1 (July 1989): 41–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007393.
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Waldo Frank, who is now forgotten in Latin America, was once the most frequently read and admired North American author there. Though his work is largely neglected in the U.S., he was at one time the leading North American expert on Latin American writing. His name looms large in tracing the careers of Latin American writers in this country before 1940. Long before Franklin D. Roosevelt launched the Good Neighbor policy, Frank brought back to his countrymen news of Latin American culture.Frank went to South America when he was almost forty. The youthful dreams of Frank and his fellow pre-World War I writers and artists to make their country a fit place for cultural renaissance that would change society had waned with the onset of the twenties.1 But they had not completely vanished. Disgruntled by the climate of "normalcy" prevailing in America after World War I, he turned to Latin America. He started out in the Southwest. The remnants of Mexican culture he found in Arizona and New Mexico enticed him to venture further into the Hispanic world. In 1921 he traveled extensively in Spain and in 1929 spent six months exploring Latin America.
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Penny, H. Glenn. "Latin American Connections: Recent Work on German Interactions with Latin America." Central European History 46, no. 2 (June 2013): 362–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938913000654.
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German interactions with Latin America have a long history. Indeed, early modern historians have demonstrated that people from German-speaking central Europe took part in all aspects of the European conquest of Central and South America. They have shown that these people were critical to mining operations and publishing in sixteenth-century Mexico; they have found them among Portuguese and Spanish sailors and soldiers almost everywhere; and they have located them playing important roles in a wide range of professions from Mexico to the south of Chile.
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Preuss, Ori. "Discovering "os ianques do sul": towards an entangled Luso-Hispanic history of Latin America." Revista Brasileira de Política Internacional 56, no. 2 (December 2013): 157–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0034-73292013000200009.
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The article reconstructs the largely forgotten role of key Brazilian intellectuals in the Latins-versus-Anglo-Saxons debates that developed around 1898, emphasizing the embeddedness of their thinking in the transnational crossings of men and ideas within South America. It thus challenges the common depiction of late-nineteenth-century Latin Americanism as a purely Spanish American phenomenon and of the United States as its major catalyst, allowing a more nuanced understanding of this movement' s nature.
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Schembs, Katharina. "The invention of the “third-world city”: urban planning in Latin America in the 1960s and early 1970s." Esboços: histórias em contextos globais 28, no. 47 (March 30, 2021): 77–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.5007/2175-7976.2021.e75358.
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While the first half of the 20th century was mainly characterized by the importation of urban planning models from Europe and the USA to Latin America, the 1960s represent a turning point: In the context of different development theories, local planners first started to emphasize the supposed structural similarities of Latin American cities and then their parallels with other cities of the Global South. Social theorists, economists and urbanists of the time conceptualized cities not only as litmus tests of the developmental stage of the individual country, but also as motors to enable economic progress. Analyzing different Latin American architectural and urban planning publications, the article traces references toother Latin American and “Third-World” countries that grew in size in the course of the 1960s. In some cases, this even led to South-South contacts in the field of urban planning to the research of which this article is a start.
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Vadell, Javier A., and Clarisa Giaccaglia. "Brazil’s Role in Latin America’s Regionalism." Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations 27, no. 1 (February 18, 2021): 25–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19426720-02701007.
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Abstract At the beginning of the twenty-first century, Brazil became a crucial player as the principal advocate of South American integration. To Mercado Común del Sur (Mercosur) was added the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR), reaffirming regional policies around the idea of “South America.” Today, however, the withdrawal of Brazilian leadership along with the reversals and loss of focus in UNASUR and Mercosur have damaged the credibility of the region’s initiatives, as well as finding South America’s common voice. Despite this, this article argues that Brazil has not entirely disengaged from the region or abandoned the principle of regionalism. Recognition of Latin America’s distinctive history the authors to construct a model that incorporates complexity and disorder in which Brazil’s institutional political development will have significant repercussions for the future of the region.
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Stepanova, O. "Piano culture of South and Latin America: features of formation and transformation." Culture of Ukraine, no. 74 (December 20, 2021): 66–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.31516/2410-5325.074.11.
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The purpose of the article involves a thorough study of the original sources of the emergence in Latin and South America of such an instrument as the piano. In addition, it is necessary to trace the historical stages of the transformation of the composer’s style — from European classical to a new ideological and artistic musical embodiment of a specific Latin American culture.
The methodology. The main research method in the article is based on next principals: cultural-historical, comparative-typological, structural, analysis and synthesis and ascent from the abstract to the concrete.
The results. The conducted historical and musical analysis revealed the importance of the piano for the formation of the musical culture of South and Latin America. Thanks to touring artists from Europe, the piano gradually gained popularity. Its evolution has gone from European imitation to the formation of its own identity in world music culture. The path of Latin and South American composers to national identity took place through rethinking and interpreting the musical styles of past eras (baroque, classicism, romanticism) and folklore. During the period of experiments, study and introduction of national cultural elements, piano works by composers of Latin and South America had a high level of professionalism and popularity.
The scientific novelty. It is that the work is a comprehensive scientific study, which substantiates a holistic system of evolution and transformation of piano culture in South and Latin America.
The practical significance. The materials of the article can be used in further research on the phenomenon of Latin America piano culture, as well as in classes on the history of piano art and world music history.
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Gil-Riaño, Sebastián, and Sarah Walsh. "Introduction: Race science in the Latin world." History of Science 60, no. 1 (March 2022): 4–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00732753211053517.
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This essay outlines the various analytical frameworks related to the history of race science that contribute to a “Latin” intellectual culture and tradition. In addition to defining Latinity as applied to the history of science, this article examines the troubled relationship between Latin American history and histories of science characterized as global. Similarly, it explores intellectual linkages across the Global South regarding racial mixture and the legacy of colonialism. It concludes by considering how a Latin perspective can illuminate the continued hegemony of ideas and scientific practices originating in North America and northern Europe.
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Mount, Graeme S., and Edelgard E. Mahant. "Review of Recent Literature on Canadian-Latin American Relations." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 27, no. 2 (1985): 127–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165721.
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In 1976, Macmillan of Canada published the first recent book-length study of Canadian-Latin American relations, Gringos from the Far North: Essays in the History of Canadian-Latin American Relations, 1866-1968, by Professor J.C.M. Ogelsby of the University of Western Ontario (1976a). Ogelsby deals with interactions between the residents of Canada and those of the Latin American republics – diplomatic, trade, business and religious relations; he includes subjects such as the emigration of Canadian Mennonites to South America. Ogelsby, who consulted Canadian and Spanish-American archives and travelled to the scenes of many of the events he describes, sets a standard for others in the field.
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Heok Lee, Tae. "Regional institutions in global “south”: the rationale of regional institutionalization in south america since the 21st century." Revista de Economía del Caribe, no. 06 (June 29, 2022): 131–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.14482/ecoca.06.335.942.
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Particularly, beginning the 21st century the Political landscape saliently changed and shifted to debunk the notion of "the end of history" in South America. Several Latin American scholars including Bjorn Hettne, Osvaldo Sunkel, and Philippe De Lombaerde and the international organizations including United Nations for Latin American Economic Commission (UN ECLAC) have paid attention to the left-leaning governments which have eventually governed these states. In this vein, this study (as an initial step for the research proposal) attempts to understand the logic of (new) regionalism under globalism and particularly to contribute to its academic value. This study is mainly approaching the subject from a theoretical foundation in order to understand and then to apply the rationale of politically-oriented regional institutions.
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Kudeyarova, N. Yu. "Latin America: Demographic Dynamics and the Migration Processes Transformation." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 13, no. 1 (May 30, 2020): 119–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2020-13-1-7.
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Latin America is one of the high level migration activity regions. The mass migration flows are the part of the Western Hemisphere South nations history for more than a century and a half. Both the structure and direction of that flows have been significantly transformed during that period. While being the transatlantic flows recipients at the end of the XIX – beginning of the XX centuries, the Latin American States turned into donors of human resources in the second half of the XX century due to the profound demographic transformation. The aim of this paper is to analyse the demographic transformations impact on the emigration mobility models development in Latin America and the Caribbean countries. Demographic changes were manifested in different ways in countries with a large share of European migrants and those that were not affected by mass migrations flows at the turn of the XIX – XX centuries. The Central America countries and Mexico have experienced the most profound population explosion that subsequently affected the intensity of the migration movement to the United States. The paper examines the main migration directions of Latin America and the Caribbean residents, identifies two basic mobility source areas that demonstrate different strategies via different destination countries choice. While the United States has become the leading destination country for Latin American migrants, accounting for 93% of migrants from Central America and Mexico, the South American migration is mostly intraregional. The largest regional integration associations migration policies implementation reflects this difference. Spain has become a significant extra-regional migration destination for South America. At the end of the second decade of the XXI century, global economic transformations affect the migration dynamics of Latin American subregions, producing powerful migration crises and local tensions.
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Schilling, Annegreth. "Between context and conflict: the ‘boom’ of Latin American Protestantism in the ecumenical movement (1955–75)." Journal of Global History 13, no. 2 (June 21, 2018): 274–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022818000086.
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AbstractThe article looks at the entanglement of the international ecumenical movement and Latin American Protestantism in the ‘long 1960s’. It investigates the influence and significance of Latin American liberation theology for the churches and theology around the world. During this period, it was particularly the World Council of Churches (WCC), a worldwide fellowship of Christian churches, which strengthened the efforts of churches from the ‘Third World’ to identify their own theological issues and questions. In this way, the WCC strongly supported Latin American Protestant church leaders and theologians in giving specific attention to their own context. The article argues that the ‘boom’ of Latin American Protestantism within the WCC in the 1960s and early 1970s brought into the global ecumenical movement both new theological concepts, such as revolution and liberation, and individuals exiled from Latin America. Yet this contextual and emancipatory approach revealed at the same time fundamental differences and conflicts between churches of the North and South.
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Balloffet, Lily, Fernando Camacho Padilla, and Jessica Stites Mor. "Pushing Boundaries. New Directions in Contemporary Latin America-Middle East History." Anuario de Historia de América Latina 56 (December 20, 2019): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/jbla.56.154.
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This dossier addresses some of the lesser-explored historical legacies of the Cold War by delving into the newly emerging landscape of Middle East-Latin American relations of this period. Informing this investigation of geopolitical power and concomitant South-South dialogues that coalesced as part of that Cold War reality, the dossier brings together work that not only transgresses the typical boundaries between area studies of these regions but also pushes for a departure from the way in which Middle East-Latin American relations have often been relegated to and siloed within specific subfields of historical consideration, such as the study of the migration of Arabic-speaking peoples or the field of international relations. The dossier takes advantage of the ability to present several distinctive case studies in order to raise a challenge to historians of this period to broaden their contextualization of the relations between the two regions and to reposition Middle East-Latin American ties within a more complex historical framework of interaction and exchange.
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Freije, Vanessa. "The ‘emancipation of media’: Latin American advocacy for a New International Information Order in the 1970s." Journal of Global History 14, no. 2 (July 2019): 301–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022819000081.
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AbstractThroughout the 1970s, journalists and leaders in the Global South organized around the concept of a New International Information Order (NIIO), premised upon the self-determination of news access and production. Though largely forgotten today, the NIIO constituted a key platform of the ‘Third World’ solidarity movement. Latin America was a prominent site for NIIO activism, and this article examines the regional and local meetings that frequently brought together governing officials, reporters, and academics. Focusing on the shifting expectations of exiled Latin Americans living in Mexico City, the article explores the domestic political factors that eventually attenuated enthusiasm for the NIIO. By the late 1970s, Latin American advocates argued that repressive governments could not be trusted to safeguard socially responsible information initiatives, such as regional wire services. Moreover, they underscored that national democratization was necessary before global inequities could be resolved.
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Langer, Erick D. "The Eastern Andean Frontier (Bolivia and Argentina) and Latin American Frontiers: Comparative Contexts (19th and 20th Centuries)." Americas 59, no. 1 (July 2002): 33–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2002.0077.
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The epic struggles between Mexicans and the Apaches and Comanches in the far northern reaches of the Spanish empire and the conflict between gauchos and Araucanians in the pampas in the far south are the images the mind conjures up when thinking of Latin American frontiers. We must now add for the twentieth century the dense Amazon jungle as one of the last frontiers in popular (and scholarly) minds. However, these images ignore the eastern Andean and Chaco frontier area, one of the most vital and important frontier regions in Latin America since colonial times, today divided up into three different countries (Argentina, Bolivia, Paraguay) in the heart of the South American continent. This frontier region has not received sufficient attention from scholars despite its importance in at least three different aspects: First, the indigenous peoples were able to remain independent of the Creole states much longer than elsewhere other than the Amazon. Secondly, indigenous labor proved to be vitally important to the economic development along the fringes, and thirdly, a disastrous war was fought over the region in the 1930s by Bolivia and Paraguay. This essay provides an overview based on primary and secondary sources of the history of the eastern Andean frontier and compares it to other frontiers in Latin America. It thus endeavors to contribute to frontier studies by creating categories of analysis that make possible the comparisons between different frontiers in Latin America and placing within the scholarly discussion the eastern Andean region during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.
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Desiderato, Agustín Daniel. "Death lurks in grey seas: Experiences of the maritime crossing between Argentina and Europe during the First World War." International Journal of Maritime History 33, no. 4 (November 2021): 707–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/08438714211061656.
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In recent years, the repercussions of the First World War in Latin America have received increasing attention in the academic literature. However, the impact of the war at sea on the continent has not been exhaustively investigated. With the belligerents fighting for control of overseas communication and trade routes, passengers and sailors embarked on ocean liners and cargo ships to travel between South America and Europe. This article explores and analyses the experiences of those who crossed the Atlantic to and from the Argentine Republic. In so doing, it adds a Latin American dimension to the knowledge and understanding of the 1914–18 naval war.
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Quesada, Sarah M. "Latinx Internationalism and the French Atlantic: Sandra María Esteves in Art contre/against apartheid and Miguel Algarín in “Tangiers”." Cambridge Journal of Postcolonial Literary Inquiry 9, no. 3 (September 2022): 353–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/pli.2022.17.
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AbstractThis article interrogates the South-South internationalism of two renowned US Latinx poets: Miguel Algarín’s abjection in Morocco in his poem “Tangiers” and Sandra María Esteves’s anti-apartheid poetry for the French Art contre/against apartheid project, which included the controversial participation of Jacques Derrida. Although these poems focus on different contexts of African liberation, both react to French coloniality. For Algarín, his Orientalist evocations of underage child prostitution operate under a French hegemony, coming into crisis when a third world alliance fails. In Esteves’s work, her poetic solidarity draws on Frantz Fanon’s experience of French colonization in Algeria but also comes into crisis when Derrida’s foreword for Art contre/against apartheid is challenged as Eurocentric. Although both engagements with African self-determination exhibit residues of a French hegemony undergirding and undercutting what I term is a poetic Latin-African solidarity, their South-South approach enriches postcolonial studies, in which Latin American, and by extension, Latinx identities have been sidelined.
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Pappademos, Melina. "Romancing the Stone: Academe’s Illusive Template for African Diaspora Studies." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 24, no. 2 (1996): 38–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700502364.
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I began graduate school in 1994 to study the history of American peoples of African descent; I saw important similarities between their cultures and their resistance struggles and sought to develop a comparative project. However, as I began casting my long term research plan— which was to compare Afro-Cubans and Afro-North Americans—I discovered and uncovered many stumbling blocks. The primary one was that academe grouped African descended people by their European and colonially derived relationships (ex: North America, Latin America, South America, and the Caribbean) and not by their Black derived positions. I may have been naive but this seemed problematic to me.
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Tayar, Violetta M. "Latin America and the European Union: Conceptual Approaches and Practice of Economic Cooperation." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 22, no. 3 (December 15, 2022): 520–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2022-22-3-520-536.
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The article deals with North - South cooperation between the European Union (EU) and Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) with an emphasis on bilateral trade. Over the past decades, cooperation with the EU has been perceived in LAC as a counterweight to the US dominance and one of the priorities of external economic relations. The article presents a retrospective of theoretical approaches of the non-Western Latin American school of UN Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC, CEPAL in Spanish) to the economic cooperation with the EU. A feature of the article is the study of trade interaction between the LCA and the EU countries. When analyzing the dynamics of trade during the first two decades of the 21st century the author of the article comes to the conclusion that the trade exchange between the EU and the LCA is uneven. There are many LAC countries that continue to export low-value-added products to the EU. Thus, the dichotomy between two models of commercial specialization of LAC has exacerbated. On one hand, there is a model of South American countries focused on raw materials (MERCOSUR, Andean Community), and, on the other hand, there is a model that includes the export of manufactured products and participation in industrial production chains (Mexico, Central America). The article concludes that MERCOSUR will probably face a number of trade challenges related to its model of economic globalization, particularly with regard to its export specialization in commodities and food. The relevance of the study is due to the fact that in the context of exacerbation of geopolitical contradictions and a changing world order, it is important to analyze the Latin American approach to economic cooperation with the EU countries, among which, in turn, there is a growing understanding that still free niches in the Latin American market can be occupied by China or other partners not belonging to the collective West.
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Bortz, Jeffrey. "The Genesis of the Mexican Labor Relations System: Federal Labor Policy and the Textile Industry 1925-1940." Americas 52, no. 1 (July 1995): 43–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1008084.
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By comparison with the rest of Latin America, Mexico's post-revolutionary political stability has long fascinated historians and social scientists. One explanation for relative political peace is the comprehensive land and labor reforms President Lázaro Cárdenas implemented in the 1930s. These created a base of social support for post-revolutionary elites. In contrast, the absence of significant land reforms and the failure to devise hegemonic labor regimes in South America resulted in class stalemates, forcing elites to fall back on the militarized state. Land and labor explain the difference between Mexican stability and South American instability since 1920.
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Bisso Schmidt, Benito, and Rubens Mascarenhas Neto. "History and Memory of Dissident Sexualities from Latin America." International Journal of Information, Diversity, & Inclusion (IJIDI) 5, no. 4 (December 21, 2021): 69–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/ijidi.v5i4.36914.
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This article focuses on Red Latinoamericana de Archivos, Museos, Acervos y Investigadores LGBTQIA+ (AMAI LGBTQIA+), a network composed of researchers and institutions related to LGBTQIA+ memory in Latin America, founded in 2019. First, the authors analyse the network’s creation arising from the discontent of some participants of the June 2019 Archives, Libraries, Museums and Special Collections (ALMS) Conference, in Berlin, who felt bothered by the lack of attention given to subaltern perspectives on LGBTQIA+ history and memory. Next, the authors describe and analyse the network’s first year of activities communicated through its Facebook group. Multiple challenges arose from creating a network with members from different national origins, languages, and identities, especially considering the conservative political contexts of several Latin American countries and the social distancing measures imposed by the COVID-19 pandemic. Next, the authors present a general profile of the network’s members and a map of partner institutions. Finally, the article points out some challenges to the network’s continuity and its desire to render Latin America more visible in the broader panorama of global LGBTQIA+ history. The authors conclude by highlighting the importance of AMAI LGBTQIA+ in stimulating further discussions about the participation of global-south researchers and perspectives on global queer history initiatives.
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Febres-Cordero, Belen. "From the Margins to the Centre(s) of Social Change: An Exploration of the Contributions of Latin American Communication Research." Stream: Interdisciplinary Journal of Communication 10, no. 2 (April 24, 2018): 15–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.21810/strm.v10i2.236.
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Latin American communication research has a long history of considering communication as a participatory and horizontal process. However, this research is not necessarily widely known in the West. This paper analyzes the work of some of the main foundational and contemporary communication scholars from Latin America, and the contributions and limitations of this body of work in relation to global communication. This paper draws mainly from the work of foundational and contemporary scholars from Latin America. To a lesser extent, it draws from the work of scholars from other countries from the West and the Global South that can inform the understanding of communication research in Latin America. An exploration of the main work and thought of some of the foundational Latin American communication scholars indicates that most of this literature has focused on empirical contributions, assessing, questioning, re-contextualizing and adapting the theories from the West to the local settings, and that less emphasis has been placed on generating unique theoretical concepts and frameworks emerging from the region. However, a review of the work of some contemporary scholars from Latin America – especially the ones focusing on participation, decoloniality and the conceptualization of the margins – suggests that there could be a shift in the focus of Latin American communication research, and the contributions that it could have to the theory and practice of global communication. The analysis of the literature indicates that the work of some of the contemporary Latin American scholars focusing on decoloniality and the conceptualization of the margins could contribute to build theoretical work emerging from the region and, in this way, help increase, re-value, and distribute the literature making unique theoretical contributions to the study of communication from Latin America. This work could have important theoretical and empirical contributions to communication research in Latin America and beyond. Future research in the region should take these considerations into account, while also studying the possibilities and limitations of emerging information technologies in different contexts.
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León-Manríquez, José Luis. "Power Vacuum or Hegemonic Continuity?" World Affairs 179, no. 3 (December 2016): 59–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0043820017690946.
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This article argues that the gradual decline of the United States’ economic presence in Latin America—and particularly in South America—reads as a manifestation of Washington’s hegemonic attrition in the world. Indeed, concerns over the Chinese incursion in Latin America and the increase of the pressures of the American hard line could transform the region into a scenario of geopolitical dispute between the two great powers. I first analyze the history of the relations between the United States and Latin America, which have followed a complex trajectory of interest, coercion, consensus, and carelessness. I then focus on bilateral relations since the 1990s and specify the political and economic transformations of Latin America in the first years of the twenty-first century and the consequent paralysis of the United States to understand these changes. The article then summarizes the contours of the dynamic commercial relations between Latin America and China, an emergent actor in the region. I conclude with an examination of the U.S. responses to Chinese presence in the Western hemisphere.
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Kudelko, Bohdan. "Influence of the United States of America on Politics of Latin American Countries." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 45 (June 27, 2022): 86–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2022.45.86-91.
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This article examines the history of relations between the United States and Latin American countries. The main stages of the development and the defining characteristics of each of them are outlined. It is studied how these actors coexisted after gaining the independence from Spain of most Latin American countries. This article also describes how US expanded its territory by the treaties and wars. The content of the Monroe Doctrine, the Big Stick Policy and the Neighborhood Policy are defined. It analyses impact of these policies on US and Latin American countries. Differences in relations in the period before the Second World War and during the Cold War are outlined. Article demonstrates examples of US interference in Latin American region. The actions of the USA concerning the influence on the domestic policy of the countries of this region during the aggravation of the Cold War are analyzed. Article describes actions that were used against communism in certain countries of the region It analyses Cuban Revolution and political crisis across the whole region in late 1970s - early 1980s and its impact on US. It is argued that the United States became a hegemon first in South America and later expanded its influence on a global scale. It is established that after the collapse of the Soviet Union, the presence of the United States in the region decreased, but they continue to actively interfere in the domestic politics of Latin American countries, albeit to a lesser extent. Article shows how globalization influenced Latin American countries and political changes that happened in this region. Author shares the opinion that USA still plays leading role in foreign policy of the region and as well trying to control to some extent everything that concerns domestic policy of the countries in the region of Latin America.
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Jeifets, Viktor L., and Kseniya A. Konovalova. "Latin American Integration against the Backdrop of a Conservative Wave: Between Irrelevance and the Search for New Meanings." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 22, no. 3 (December 15, 2022): 447–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2022-22-3-447-463.
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The evolution of regionalism in Latin America has historically been greatly influenced by changes in governments and their ideological programs. In this article, looking at the courses of the administrations of Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil, Ivan Duque in Colombia, Sebastian Piñera (second term, 2018-2022) in Chile, Mario Abdo Benítez in Paraguay, it is proposed to examine transformations in integration against the backdrop of increased influence of right-wing forces in regional alignments in the mid-2010s to the early 2020s. Analyzing foreign policy steps, rhetoric, content of conceptual documents, the authors focus on the peculiarities of the national views of various right forces on integration initiatives. The paper concentrates on the decline of Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) and Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC), creation of Forum for the Progress and Integration of South America (PROSUR) and Lima Group, activities of the Pacific Alliance and Southern Common Market (MERCOSUR) in the context of the demand for flexible and pragmatic integration “without politicization.” The authors come to several conclusions which show ambiguity of the right turn impact on the integration landscape in Latin America. First, although the rise of liberal-conservative forces has reformatted philosophy, key ideas of integration, participation in multilateral groups remains important for governments that seek to solve pressing problems and expand their own reputational and political capital with its help. Second, despite the fluidity of electoral dynamics, which may soon put an end to the dominance of the right, they have raised a number of issues of long-term relevance in the context of the future path of integration associations in the region. The contribution of the work is explained by its appeal to the very factor of ideology in the development of Latin American integration, detailed analysis of specific country experiences and new conclusions based on it.
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López-Guerra, Claudio. "Tocqueville on Catholicism and Democracy : Views from Latin America." Tocqueville Review 25, no. 2 (January 2004): 141–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.25.2.141.
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Tocqueville proposed that mores or what he called “habits of the heart” were the main reason why a democratic republic—characterized by the mixture of political freedom and equality—had subsisted in the United States.1 After comparing North and South America, Tocqueville went further to argue that the lack of appropriate customs accounted for the fragility of the nascent Latin American republics. This raises a fundamental question: what are the origins of republican mores? Tocqueville concluded that in the United States the social state was the most important factor.
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Cameselle-Pesce, Pedro. "Italian-Uruguayans for Free Italy: Serafino Romualdi's Quest for Transnational Anti-Fascist Networks during World War II." Americas 77, no. 2 (April 2020): 247–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2019.107.
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AbstractIn 1941, the well-known international Cold War actor Serafino Romualdi traveled to South America for the first time. As a representative of the New York-based Mazzini Society, Romualdi sought to grow a robust anti-fascist movement among South America's Italian communities, finding the most success in Uruguay. As Romualdi conducted his tour of South America, he began writing a series of reports on local fascist activities, which caught the attention of officials at the Office of the Coordinator for Inter-American Affairs (OCIAA), a US government agency under the direction of Nelson Rockefeller. The OCIAA would eventually tap Romualdi and his growing connections in South America to gather intelligence concerning Italian and German influence in the region. This investigation sheds light on the critical function that Romualdi and his associates played in helping the US government to construct the initial scaffolding necessary to orchestrate various strategies under the umbrella of OCIAA-sponsored cultural diplomacy. Despite his limited success with Italian anti-fascist groups in Latin America, Romualdi's experience in the region during the early 1940s primed him to become an effective agent for the US government with a shrewd understanding of the value in shaping local labor movements during the Cold War.
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Easterbrook, Rhiannon. "Reception." Greece and Rome 69, no. 1 (March 7, 2022): 167–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383521000346.
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While this issue's selection of books on classical reception is diverse in subject area and methodology, one theme they all share is a focus on place and space. The Classics in South America by Germán Campos Muñoz and Time and Antiquity in American Empire by Mark Storey are particularly focused on Classics and the spatiality of empire. South America's location beyond the extent of the world known to the Roman Empire provided an interesting point of departure for the classically inclined inhabitants of the continent as they considered continuities and disjunctures with the time and space of classical antiquity. Campos Muñoz's second and third case studies discuss an array of material and literary evidence in examining how both colonial and anti-imperial activities were framed with respect to ancient history and epic. We see how a sixteenth-century Spanish nobleman celebrated becoming Viceroy of Peru in a procession through a triumphal arch adorned with Latin hexameter and classical motifs. Similarly, Simón Bolívar, the revolutionary and subject of classical odes celebrating his liberation of South American territories, enjoyed classicizing triumphs and parades (140). These contrasting case studies show the ongoing significance of the Roman Empire to South America, even as its imperial status changed dramatically.
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Kaltmeier, Olaf, and Frederico Freitas. "Beyond the “Yellowstone Model:” The Origins of National Parks in Brazil and Argentina." Historia Ambiental Latinoamericana y Caribeña (HALAC) revista de la Solcha 11, no. 3 (December 14, 2021): 400–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.32991/2237-2717.2021v11i3.p400-410.
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Book Review
Kaltmeier, Olaf. National Parks from North to South: An Entangled History of Conservation and Colonization in Argentina. Inter-American Studies 34. Trier; New Orleans: WVT Wissenschaftlicher Verlag Trier; University of New Orleans Press, 2021.
Freitas, Frederico. Nationalizing Nature: Iguazu Falls and National Parks at the Brazil-Argentina Border. Latin American Studies 122. Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press, 2021.
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Razifard, Hamid, Alexis Ramos, Audrey L. Della Valle, Cooper Bodary, Erika Goetz, Elizabeth J. Manser, Xiang Li, et al. "Genomic Evidence for Complex Domestication History of the Cultivated Tomato in Latin America." Molecular Biology and Evolution 37, no. 4 (January 7, 2020): 1118–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/molbev/msz297.
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Abstract The process of plant domestication is often protracted, involving underexplored intermediate stages with important implications for the evolutionary trajectories of domestication traits. Previously, tomato domestication history has been thought to involve two major transitions: one from wild Solanum pimpinellifolium L. to a semidomesticated intermediate, S. lycopersicum L. var. cerasiforme (SLC) in South America, and a second transition from SLC to fully domesticated S. lycopersicum L. var. lycopersicum in Mesoamerica. In this study, we employ population genomic methods to reconstruct tomato domestication history, focusing on the evolutionary changes occurring in the intermediate stages. Our results suggest that the origin of SLC may predate domestication, and that many traits considered typical of cultivated tomatoes arose in South American SLC, but were lost or diminished once these partially domesticated forms spread northward. These traits were then likely reselected in a convergent fashion in the common cultivated tomato, prior to its expansion around the world. Based on these findings, we reveal complexities in the intermediate stage of tomato domestication and provide insight on trajectories of genes and phenotypes involved in tomato domestication syndrome. Our results also allow us to identify underexplored germplasm that harbors useful alleles for crop improvement.
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Wasserman, Renata R. Mautner. "Mario Vargas Llosa, Euclides da Cunha, and the Strategy of Intertextuality." Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 108, no. 3 (May 1993): 460–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/462615.
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When revisiting Euclides da Cunha's Os sertões with La guerra del fin del mundo, Mario Vargas Llosa constructs an intertextual sequence analogous to that constituted by literary and other texts within European culture, the sphere against which Latin American writings are usually measured. As the two books examine a complex historical event, they consider the composition, physical environment, and history of South American populations, attempting to define a characteristically Latin American culture and to question the relevance of European explanatory schemes for such a definition. The relation between the two texts suggests that intertextuality can be a tool in the service of shaping a national — or continental — consciousness. (RRMW)
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Carson, Scott Alan. "Health on the Nineteenth-Century U.S. Great Plains: Opportunity or Displacement?" Journal of Interdisciplinary History 48, no. 1 (June 2017): 21–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_a_01087.
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A population’s average stature reflects its cumulative net nutrition and provides important insight when more traditional measures for economic well-being are scarce or unreliable. Heights on the U.S. Central Plains did not exhibit the antebellum paradox instantiated in the eastern urban areas; they increased markedly during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, becoming the tallest in the world. Whites were taller than blacks on the Central Plains where slavery was not the primary source of labor, but whites were also taller than blacks in the American South where it was. Immigrants from industrialized Europe were shorter than black and white Americans but taller than Latin Americans and Asians.
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Mercer, Danielle, Mariana I. Paludi, Albert J. Mills, and Jean Helms Mills. "Images of the “other”." International Journal of Cross Cultural Management 17, no. 3 (July 24, 2017): 327–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1470595817720952.
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This article explores the relationship between Pan American World Airways (Pan Am) and Latin America to understand the role of Western multinational corporations in the historical processes of postcoloniality—that is, the representation of the non-Western “other” to Western audiences. Informed by postcoloniality and the use of a critical hermeneutics method, we draw on 64 years of archived materials from the Pan American World Airways Collection 341, housed at the Otto Richter Library at the University of Miami, as well as numerous histories of the airline. Our findings show how Pan Am gained a powerful position, both politically and economically, which facilitated its ability to construct influential images of Latin American employees, citizens, and the idea of Latin America. Although Pan Am ceased operations in 1991, its years of dominance in South America had the capability to contribute and provide insights into our understanding of the continued postcolonial processes and the idea of (North) “Americanism.” More importantly, our article demonstrates how using a postcolonial framework can assist organizational and business scholars to better understand the role that historical patterns play in organizations still today. We hope that using alternative methodologies and theories such as postcolonialism to examine contemporary management culture, we will better be able to understand how history has been “written” in an effort to lessen “Western” ideologies and include diverse epistemological perspectives.
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Seales, Chad. "Parades and Processions: Protestant and Catholic Ritual Performances in a Nuevo New South Town." Numen 55, no. 1 (2008): 44–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852708x271297.
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AbstractSince the early 1990s, the American South has changed drastically and Siler City, North Carolina reflects those changes. Like larger southern cities, Siler City has received a significant number of migrants from Latin America in a short amount of time. New migrants, many but not all of them Roman Catholic, bring diverse sets of ethnic, cultural, and religious practices to a town traditionally dominated by Baptists and Methodists. One of the most visible examples of local religious disruption in Siler City has been the public display of Good Friday processions by Latino Catholics. That performance signified the presence of new migrants in downtown space. White Protestants, in turn, drew on the long standing ritual tradition of downtown Fourth of July parades to reassert their presence in that same space. Annually performed since 1901, the parades revealed a moral order based on the logic of southern Christian sacrifice. And the vitality of downtown parades indicated the political strength of white Protestants to maintain established order. That strength diminished with the local economic decline of downtown businesses in the 1980s and was challenged by the arrival of Latino migrants in the 1990s. The parades ended in 1988 but were renewed in 1997, the year following the first Good Friday procession in city streets. In the revitalized parade, white Protestants expressed nostalgia for a southern way of life and publicly remembered a time and place — downtown Siler City — before economic decline and Latino arrival.
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Fólica, Laura. "Digital humanities and big translation history in the Global South: A Latin American perspective." World Literature Studies 13, no. 3 (September 30, 2021): 104–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.31577/wls.2021.13.3.10.
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Baquero Cruz, Gesny Yadira, Greys M. Florez Torres, and Gerhard Hanappi. "Growth and cooperation of Latin American Countries: The role of industrial knowledge." TECCIENCIA 17, no. 33 (August 16, 2022): 13–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.18180/tecciencia.2022.33.2.
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A direct comparison of the welfare implications of pure competition between the states of Latin America and the outcome of a cooperative set of actions of these states is not possible. Laboratory experiments in the social sciences are impossible; societies experience just one run through history. Nevertheless, a concise study of the performance of a specific tool of cooperation, namely the Industrial Knowledge Bank (IKB), can be performed. If over time, such a tool attracts more and more countries, which formerly relied on competitive forces only, then an indirect proof of the superiority of cooperation can be assumed. The industrial knowledge is exchanged via specified projects, which form a network in the IKB data-bank. Then, the evolution of the structure of this network mimics the growth of the actual cooperative industrial projects. This paper provides a brief history and description of this institutional attempt to increase cooperation. It also shows the most relevant bottlenecks met by this project. Further, a clear picture of the state of industrial cooperation across South America is studied in detail through the development of the nodes of this network. We then use two indices typical for welfare increase to compare Latin American countries being part of the cooperation with those not taking part. The visible correlation can be interpreted as a hint of the advantages of cooperation. In conclusion, we provide some possible future scenarios for further industrial development in Latin America based on the study of this Industrial Knowledge Bank.
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Alarcón, Renato D., Antonio Lozano-Vargas, Elvia Velásquez, Silvia Gaviria, José Ordoñez- Mancheno, Miriam Lucio, and Alina Uribe. "Venezuelan Migration in Latin America: History and sociodemographic aspects." Revista de Neuro-Psiquiatria 85, no. 2 (June 21, 2022): 107–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.20453/rnp.v85i2.4228.
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The migration of millions of Venezuelans to South American countries in the last two or three decades is one of the most significant social phenomena in the continent’s history. This article presents a brief historical account of the process and describes a variety of dramatic aspects of the migrants’ experiences throughout the long road towards Colombia, Ecuador, Perú and other countries. The main socio-demographic characteristics of the migrant population (numbers, population types, geographic location in the host country, age, gender and civil status, work and employment) in the above three countries, are described as a relevant basis of further inquiries on the repercussions of migration on the mental health of its protagonists. The information covers important aspects of the journey and the arrival as the initiation of a painful and uncertain process of acculturation and adaptation.
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Parola, Giulia, and Loyuá Ribeiro Fernandes Moreira da Costa. "Novo constitucionalismo latino americano: um convite a reflexões acerca dos limites e alternativas ao direito." Teoria Jurídica Contemporânea 3, no. 2 (May 20, 2019): 6–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.21875/tjc.v3i2.23890.
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RESUMO:A história do direito demonstra a estreita relação do Direito com a dominação de povos subalternizados e a legitimação de atos opressores, instituídos em benefício de interesses econômicos. Diante disso, a busca por um direito descolonial mostrase urgente. Para tanto, são analisadas as origens epistemológicas do direito, do constitucionalismo, dos direitos humanos e da dignidade humana, indagando se o Novo Constitucionalismo Latino-Americano seria um passo rumo à descolonização do direito. Isso porque este movimento ainda contempla um paradigma que vai de encontro às premissas dos sistemas constitucionais tradicionalmente adotados. O Novo Constitucionalismo Latino-Americano se caracteriza por constituições que inserem epistemologias indígenas em seus textos, aportando um conceito de viver bem mais amplo que o do liberalismo. As epistemologias do Sul, ao serem constitucionalmente introduzidas, exibem potencial para lidar com os dilemas da sociedade global. A urgência de se interrogar sobre um Direito pautado nas epistemologias do Sul advém da inquietação quanto às promessas não cumpridas da modernidade, que convocam o Direito a acolher estas epistemologias como seu fundamento. ABSTRACT:Legal history established a strong link between Law, subaltern’s domination, and the legitimation of oppressive acts to the benefit of economic interests. Taking this into account, the need to decolonize Law is urgent. For that reason, we intend to analyze the epistemological origins of law, constitutionalism, human rights and human dignity, questioning whether the New Latin American Constitutionalism is a step towards to the decolonization of Law. The motivation that lies behind that question is the convergence of New Latin American Constitutionalism with the premises held by traditional constitutional systems. Latin American constitutionalism marks itself by inserting indigenous epistemologies into constitutional texts and bearing a concept of good living that surpass the liberal conception. The constitutionalization of Southern epistemologies has also shown potential in dealing with global society dilemmas. The urgency to consider a legal system based on the epistemologies of the South derives from the unfulfilled promises of modernity, which requires Law itself to account for these alternatives as its foundation.
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Beverton, Alys. "Transborder Capitalism and National Reconciliation: The American Press Reimagines U.S.-Mexico Relations after the Civil War." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 21, no. 1 (November 15, 2021): 40–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781421000578.
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AbstractThe end of the Civil War did not eradicate Americans’ concerns regarding the fragility of their republic. For many years after Appomattox, newspapers from across the political spectrum warned that the persistence of sectionalism in the postwar United States threatened to condemn the country to the kind of interminable internal disorder supposedly endemic among the republics of Latin America. This article examines how, from the early 1870s onward, growing numbers of U.S. editors, journalists, and political leaders called on Americans to concentrate on extending their nation’s commercial reach into Mexico. In doing so, they hoped to topple divisive domestic issues—notably Reconstruction—from the top of the national political agenda. These leaders in U.S. public discourse also anticipated that collaboration in a project to extend the United States’ continental power would revive affective bonds of nationality between the people of the North and South. In making this analysis, this article argues that much of the early impetus behind U.S. commercial penetration south of the Rio Grande after the Civil War was fueled by Americans’ deep anxieties regarding the integrity of their so-called exceptional republic.
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Grabendorff, Wolf. "Germany and Latin America: A Complex Relationship." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 35, no. 4 (1994): 43–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165955.
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Aside from the United States, Germany is Latin America's .most important economic partner. Despite this fact, Germany has never appeared to have a very strong overall relationship with the region and, due to its postwar history, has never developed a true “Latin American policy.” For obvious reasons, Germany has given high priority to (1) relations with its Western neighbors and (2) its security relationship with the United States. As far as its policy towards the South goes, it has tended to concentrate on major actors, such as Egypt and India, and its relations with Brazil should be viewed in that context.The absence of a defined policy does not mean that Germany lacks a visible profile in the region. The role and image it projects reflects a relationship that is much broader, and far more complex, than its economic and diplomatic activities in the region would indicate.
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Martynov, Boris F. "Some Reflections on the 40th Anniversary of the War in the South Atlantic : Interview with Boris F. Martynov, Dr. of Sc. (Political Sciences), Professor, Head of the Department of International Relations and Foreign Policy of Russia, MGIMO University. Interviewed by A. A. Eremin." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 22, no. 3 (December 15, 2022): 613–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2022-22-3-613-624.
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The 40th anniversary of the British-Argentinian war in the South Atlantic is a proper time to speak about some unresolved regional questions. One of them is how are the results of that far-off conflict connected with the present-day realities? To answer it, we turned to a renowned specialist in the region of Latin America, Boris Fedorovich Martynov. His profound regional expertise and extensive academic background helped to establish some logical connections that explain unobvious links between the Malvinas war of 1982 and today’s regional troubles. According to Professor Martynov, it was then that the “solidarity” between the United States and Britain first manifested itself so openly, outlining the true position and priority (or the lack of it) for Latin American countries in the so-called “Western” world. In the course of the interview we came to the conclusion that the present state of international relations doesn’t allow to expect much as for a peaceful resolution of this conflict between Argentina and UK in short or medium term. At the same time, there remains some hope of growing solidarity of the Latin American countries with the Argentinian case, which could provide the country with an opportunity to reshape the current balance of power in the long run. This interview suggests that the crisis in the South Atlantic has had a significant impact on the current state of world politics and international law.
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Lois, Carla. "De las fronteras coloniales del imperio hispánico en América a los límites internacionales entre Estados latinoamericanos independientes: génesis de la imposibilidad de un mapa político de Sudamérica consensuado = From the colonial borders of the Hispanic Empire in America to the international borders between independent Latin American states: the genesis of the impossibility of a consensual political map of South America." REVISTA DE HISTORIOGRAFÍA (RevHisto) 30 (May 28, 2019): 207. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/revhisto.2019.4749.
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Resumen: Los límites coloniales de América Latina habían sido definidos vagamente durante siglos: eran límites administrativos que organizaban la administración de un extenso territorio (para los cánones europeos), ocupado efectivamente de manera dispersa e irregular, con un archipiélago de enclaves urbanos conectados por el Camino Real.Desde las guerras de independencia (1800 - 1860), muchos territorios nacionales quedaron definidos, jurídicamente, a partir del principio del utis possidetis (la aceptación de antiguas unidades administrativas coloniales para los nuevos estados independientes) pero, de facto, el establecimiento efectivo de los límites territoriales se convirtió en uno de los problemas más difíciles de resolver para los nuevos estados latinoamericanos, en primer lugar debido a los constantes desacuerdos entre las partes y también debido la debilidad de los aparatos institucionales burocráticos que no disponían de medios materiales, instrumentales y recursos humanos para zanjar las disputas territoriales.Además, a lo largo del siglo XIX, al mismo tiempo que se constituían los estados nuevos en América latina y configuraban sus propios territorios se estaba reconceptualizando la propia idea de límite territorial, tanto en el terreno de la jurisprudencia internacional como en la teoría política: mientras que durante mucho tiempo los límites podían ser zonas o franjas de bordes difusos, los procesos de formación territorial modernos requirieron límites que pudieran escribirse en forma de líneas sobre los mapas. En la práctica los límites antiguos y nuevos fueron dibujados y rediseñados a lo largo del siglo XX durante complejas negociaciones, alianzas inestables y contiendas militares, e incluso algunos de ellos no pudieron resolverse y continúan sin encontrar solución.A las dificultades técnicas y jurídicas intrínsecas la demarcación de los límites, hay que agregar que las tradiciones historiográficas nacionales (y nacionalistas) que elaboraron relatos de formación territorial y argumentaciones para sostener sus reclamos territoriales que hicieron literalmente imposible que el montaje de los mapas de los nuevos estados nacionales latinoamericanos elaborados por cada país diera por resultado un mismo mapa político coherente de América latina (por el contrario, cada país latinoamericano produjo mapas de Sudamérica demarcando las fronteras de maneras diferentes).Este artículo explora la variedad de situaciones que se generaron para resolver el quimérico mapa político de Sudamérica y cómo los relatos que los propios estados nacionales crearon para narrar sus historias territoriales tendieron a construir historiografías autocentradas que prefirieron ignorar o desdibujar el proceso de formación territorial en el nivel regional de América latina concebido como un asunto de conjunto.Palabras clave: Mapa político, América latina, nación, límites, demarcación territorialAbstract: For centuries colonial boundaries in Latin America had been defined vaguely: they were administrative boundaries organising the administration of an extensive territory (for European canons), effectively occupied in a dispersed and irregular manner, with an archipelago of urban enclaves connected by the Camino Real (Royal Road).Since the wars of independence (1800 - 1860), many national territories were, de jure, defined from the principle of utis possidetis (the acceptance of old colonial administrative units for the new independent states) but, de facto, not effectively established as having territorial limits, giving rise to one of the greatest challenges for the nascent Latin American States. This was first due to the constant disagreement between the parties and second to the weaknesses in bureaucratic institutions lacking the materials, instruments and human resources to settle disputes.In addition, throughout the 19th century, hand-in-hand with the territorial formation of these modern states, there was a progressive reconceptualisation of the idea of the territorial limit, shifting from a strip or zone to a discrete, cartographic line. In practice, the 20th century saw old and new boundaries drawn and redrawn through complex negotiations, unstable alliances and military strife, some never settling and remaining today unresolved.Added to the technical and legal difficulties intrinsic to the demarcation of borders are national (and nationalist) historiographic traditions narrating stories of territorial formation and constructing arguments to sustain their territorial claims, making it literally impossible for the assembly of maps drawn up by the new Latin American nation states ever to result in a coherent political picture of Latin America.This article explores the variety of situations that were generated to solve the chimerical political map of South America and how the stories that the nation states created to narrate their territorial histories tended to build self-centred historiographies that ignored or blurred the global process of territorial formation in Latin America.Key words: Political map, Latin America, nation, borders, territorial demarcation.
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Maduro, Otto. "Notes for a South-North Dialogue in Mission from a Latin-American Perspective." Missiology: An International Review 15, no. 2 (April 1987): 61–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009182968701500205.
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A new way of doing mission—good news for the oppressed—is demanded by the changed context of our current situation. Some of the characteristics needed by missioners in Latin America, as well as in other areas, are a humble spirit, an attitude of open inquiry, a sense of history, vulnerability, the quality of a “double difference,” a more liberating leadership style, a capacity for joyful celebration, a focus upon the church, and an identification with the oppressed in their community life and structures.
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Clausen, Helene Balslev, and Mario Alberto Velázquez García. "Re-writing the Sustainable Development Goals from marketplaces in Argentina, Chile, Colombia and Mexico." Diálogos Latinoamericanos 20, no. 28 (December 21, 2019): 77–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/dl.v20i28.115197.
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The aim of this paper is to reflect on Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and informality which is an economy not acknowledged within the SDGs. Based on anthropological fieldwork the article analyzes how informal, diverse economies in this case, marketplaces in different Latin American countries, might contribute to elaborate and rewrite sustainable development models. Throughout history, marketplaces in Latin America have provoked strong political debates because they operate in the informal sector and now they are increasingly being framed as tourist attractions. This creates an opportunity to reposition marketplaces as an asset in the formal economy. The informal, diverse economies constitute more than half of the GDPs in the Global South including Latin America. Despite repeated claims about the importance of informality as one of the fastest growing phenomena of our time and increasingly an issue of public and political concern, no systematic studies within tourism engages with the SDGs dealing with informality. Consequently, central to this paper is to consider integrating existing practices into SDGs to create pathways for sustainable development models.
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Clark, Mary A. "Transnational Alliances and Development Policy in Latin America: Nontraditional Export Promotion in Costa Rica." Latin American Research Review 32, no. 2 (1997): 71–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100037857.
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In the 1980s, students and practitioners of the political economy of development in Latin America became enthralled with East Asia's spectacular economic performance. Researchers wrote cross-regional comparisons trying to discover where Latin America had gone wrong and how it could catch up to the “four dragons,” meaning South Korea, Taiwan, Singapore, and Hong Kong (see Deyo 1987; Gereffi and Wyman 1990; Haggard 1990). This quest to determine the key ingredients of East Asia's growth held particular policy relevance as many Latin American countries sought to escape from the “lost decade.” The best-known attempts to describe the political basis for East Asia's successful turn toward policies stressing export-led growth have emphasized two factors: initiative of state leadership and highly capable technocracies insulated from societal interference (Haggard 1990; Wade 1990). Among Latin America countries, Chile, the region's premier exporter, seemed to confirm these ideas.
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Borzova, Alla, Vinicio Xavier Medina Gonzalez, Boris Nekrasov, and Jonathan Da Costa Santos. "The Amazon cooperation treaty: problems and prospects for cooperation." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2021, no. 04-1 (April 1, 2021): 109–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202104statyi08.
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The article deals with the study of the interaction between eight South American countries (Brazil, Bolivia, Venezuela, Guyana, Colombia, Peru, Suriname and Ecuador) in the frame of the Amazon Cooperation Treaty Organization (ACTO). The study of ACTO’s activity is becoming a particular relevance currently, when the integration processes in Latin America are going through crisis and it's difficult to predict the prospects of regional dialogue, including the environmental component, connected with the social and economic factors. Considering this research, the authors drew on the theory of regional integration, the neoliberal IR theory and used the problematic-chronological method in considering the program documents and projects of ACTO.
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Baker, Zachary M. "Yiddish South of the Border: An Anthology of Latin American Yiddish Writing (review)." Shofar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies 23, no. 4 (2005): 142–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sho.2005.0130.
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