Journal articles on the topic 'Latin and classical Greek literature'
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1
Heath, Malcolm. "Greek Literature." Greece and Rome 69, no. 1 (March 7, 2022): 135–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383521000280.
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The influence of Greek poetry on Latin poetry is well known. Why, then, is the reciprocal influence of Latin poetry on Greek not so readily discernible? What does that reveal about Greek–Latin bilingualism and biculturalism? Perhaps not very much. The evidence that Daniel Jolowicz surveys in the densely written 34-page introduction to his 400-page Latin Poetry in the Ancient Greek Novel amply testifies to Greek engagement with Latin language and culture on a larger scale than is usually recognized. That this engagement is more readily discernible in Greek novels than in Greek poetry is no reason to dismiss the evidence that the novels provide. On the contrary, the seven main chapters provide ‘readings of the Greek novels that establish Latin poetry…as an essential frame of reference’ (2). In Chapters 1–3 Chariton engages with the love elegy of Propertius, Ovid and Tibullus, with Ovid's epistolary poetry and the poetry of exile, and with the Aeneid. In Chapters 4–5 Achilles Tatius engages with Latin elegy and (again) the Aeneid, and also with the ‘destruction of bodies’ (221) in Ovid, Lucan, and Seneca. In Chapter 7 Longus engages with Virgil's Eclogues and the Aeneid. The strength of the evidence requires only a brief conclusion. Jolowicz's rigorously argued and methodologically convincing monograph deserves to be read widely, and with close attention.
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Camilleri, Anna. "Byron and Antiquity, ‘Et Cetera - ’." Byron Journal 48, no. 2 (December 1, 2020): 145–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/bj.2020.20.
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Byron’s interest in the classical past is manifest throughout his life and work. Alongside citations from and references to a remarkable catalogue of writers, thinkers, and historical figures, we also have extensive poetic responses to classical places, classical architecture, and to Greek and Roman art and sculpture. Yet it is clear that Byron’s classical pretentions are by no means underpinned by a thorough grasp of classical languages. His Greek in particular was extremely poor, and his Latin compositions barely better than the average eighteenth-century schoolboy’s. As I shall go on to demonstrate, this does not mean that attending to those moments when he does stray into classical allusion or composition is uninteresting, but it is Latin and not Greek that Byron engages with most frequently. Specifically, Byron’s less than proper Latin becomes a means by which he negotiates less than proper subject matter in his poetry.
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Jaeger, Mary. "Blame the Boletus? Demystifying Mushrooms in Latin Literature." Ramus 40, no. 1 (2011): 15–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00000187.
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Keeping in mind Emily Gowers's dictum that ‘food, for the Roman writer who chose to discuss it, was simultaneously important and trivial’, let us go on a mushroom hunt through the fragmented habitat of Latin literature, with some preliminary nosing about in the Greek. We are looking for μύκαι and μύκητες in Greek, and fungi in Latin, and we are keeping an eye open for one kind in particular, the boletus, although we also will stumble upon the occasional interesting fungus suillus (‘pig fungus’). We are not truffle hunting: tubera (Greek ὕδνα) are a topic for another day. Although no survey, however comprehensive, of the appearances of one foodstuff in Latin literature can do full justice to the individual sources, we can still gain something from an overview of the tradition; and although what we learn may be trivial, even the trivial can make its own small contribution to our understanding of a larger matter, in this case the representation of time and change in the Roman world.Ahead of us with knife and collecting basket roams the ghost of the Reverend William Houghton M.A., F.L.S., Victorian parson, Rector of Wellington parish in Preston township, Shropshire, a man with time on his hands—and at least two cats—who in 1885 compiled a list titled, ‘Notices of Fungi in Greek and Latin Authors’. Dr Denis Benjamin, author of Mushrooms: Poisons and Panaceas, says that ‘it would take the persistence of another classical scholar to discover if he [Houghton] missed or misrepresented anything’. Persistence, in the form of the TLL—in its infancy when Houghton was doing his research—the RE entry ‘Pilze’, Maggiulli's Nomenclatura Micologica Latina, and the PHI database, has indeed added to the good Rector's basket a few more specimens on the Latin side, some of which are useful for our inquiry.
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JOHN, ALISON. "LEARNING GREEK IN LATE ANTIQUE GAUL." Classical Quarterly 70, no. 2 (December 2020): 846–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838821000112.
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Greek had held an important place in Roman society and culture since the Late Republican period, and educated Romans were expected to be bilingual and well versed in both Greek and Latin literature. The Roman school ‘curriculum’ was based on Hellenistic educational culture, and in the De grammaticis et rhetoribus Suetonius says that the earliest teachers in Rome, Livius and Ennius, were ‘poets and half Greeks’ (poetae et semigraeci), who taught both Latin and Greek ‘publicly and privately’ (domi forisque docuisse) and ‘merely clarified the meaning of Greek authors or gave exemplary readings from their own Latin compositions’ (nihil amplius quam Graecos interpretabantur aut si quid ipsi Latine composuissent praelegebant, Gram. et rhet. 1–2). Cicero, the Latin neoteric poets and Horace are obvious examples of bilingual educated Roman aristocrats, but also throughout the Imperial period a properly educated Roman would be learned in utraque lingua. The place of Greek in Quintilian's Institutio Oratoria reveals the importance and prevalence of Greek in Roman education and literature in the late first century a.d. Quintilian argues that children should learn both Greek and Latin but that it is best to begin with Greek. Famously, in the second century a.d. the Roman author Apuleius gave speeches in Greek to audiences in Carthage, and in his Apologia mocked his accusers for their ignorance of Greek.
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Garland, R., Thomas M. Falkner, Judith de Luce, George Minois, and S. H. Tenison. "Old Age in Greek and Latin Literature." Phoenix 46, no. 1 (1992): 66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1088776.
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deAngeli, Edna, Thomas Falkner, and Judith de Luce. "Old Age in Greek and Latin Literature." Classical World 84, no. 3 (1991): 252. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350792.
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BITTARELLO, MARIA BEATRICE. "The Construction of Etruscan ‘Otherness’ in Latin Literature." Greece and Rome 56, no. 2 (September 14, 2009): 211–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383509990052.
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This paper deals with issues of ethnic representation; it aims at highlighting how Roman authors tend to portray the Etruscans as ‘others’, whose cultural models deeply differ from those proposed by Rome. Several studies, conducted from different disciplinary and methodological positions, have highlighted the existence, in the Greek world, of complex representations of ‘other peoples’, representations that served political, cultural, and economic purposes. Whether the study of alterity is to be set in the context of a Greek response to the Persian wars (as P. Cartledge and others have pointed out, the creation of the barbarian seems to be primarily a Greek ideology opposing the Greeks to all other peoples), or not, it seems clear from scholarly studies that the Romans often drew upon and reworked Greek characterizations, and created specific representations of other peoples. Latin literature, which (as T. N. Habinek has noted), served the interests of Roman power, abounds with examples of ethnographic and literary descriptions of foreign peoples consciously aimed at defining and marginalizing ‘the other’ in relation to Roman founding cultural values, and functional to evolving Roman interests. Outstanding examples are Caesar's Commentarii and Tacitus' ideological and idealized representation of the Germans as an uncorrupted, warlike people in the Germania. In several cases there is evidence of layering in the representation of foreign peoples, since Roman authors often re-craft Greek representations: thus, the biased Roman portrayal of the Near East or of the Sardinians largely draws on Greek representations; in portraying the Samnites, Latin authors reshaped elements already elaborated by the Tarentines.
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Biosca i Bas, Antoni. "Michel de Montaigne, traductor de griego. Sobre dos citas griegas y la traducción latina de Conrad Gessner." Çédille, no. 20 (2021): 237–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.25145/j.cedille.2021.20.13.
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"Montaigne has traditionally been attributed a certain mastery of classical Greek. One of the arguments is the inclusion in his essays of abundant Greek quotations, some of them translated into French. It has never been disputed that Montaigne used anthologies to include classical quotations in his Essays, especially of Stobaeus, and that he was probably assisted by the Latin translation of Conrad Gessner. Some cases suggest that Montaigne, when translating the Greek quotations into French, followed the Latin version even when he disagreed with the original. These cases must be considered in order to better gauge Montaigne’s level of knowledge of the Greek language"
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Alonso Serrano, Carmelo A. "The Name ‘Palestine’ in Classical Greek Texts." Journal of Holy Land and Palestine Studies 20, no. 2 (November 2021): 146–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hlps.2021.0270.
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This article provides a contextualised exposition of classical Greek texts, in chronological order, from Herodotus to Eusebius of Caesarea (5th century BC-4th century AD), with brief biographical reviews and in which the name ‘Palestine’ appears. A Latin text by Pomponius Mela is also included for its reference to Gaza which, with the exception of the Septuagint texts, predates Arrian, Arrian of Nicomedia, a Greek historian of the Roman period, by nearly a century. The selection of classical texts explored in this article is not intended to be exhaustive; however, the exploration of these texts in connection with Palestine has never been attempted before. While avoiding historical, philosophical or literary criticism of these texts, this article focuses on the specific considerations of the name ‘Palestine’ in the classical literature.
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Lewis, A. M. "Latin translations of Greek literature : the testimony of Latin authors." L'antiquité classique 55, no. 1 (1986): 163–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/antiq.1986.2175.
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Manuwald, Gesine. "MEDEA: TRANSFORMATIONS OF A GREEK FIGURE IN LATIN LITERATURE." Greece and Rome 60, no. 1 (March 12, 2013): 114–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383512000290.
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Latin writers in the ancient world are well known to have been familiar with earlier Greek writings, as well as with the first commentaries on those, and to have taken over literary genres as well as topics and motifs from Greece for their own works. But, as has been recognized in modern scholarship, this engagement with Greek material does not mean that Roman writers typically produced Latin copies of pieces by their Greek predecessors. In the terms of contemporary literary terminology, the connection between Latin and Greek literature is rather to be described as an intertextual relationship, which became increasingly complex, since later Latin authors were also influenced by their Roman predecessors.
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Robins, William. "Latin Literature's Greek Romance." Materiali e discussioni per l’analisi dei testi classici, no. 35 (1995): 207. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40236073.
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Cummings, Robert, and Stuart Gillespie. "Translations from Greek and Latin Classics 1550–1700: A Revised Bibliography." Translation and Literature 18, no. 1 (March 2009): 1–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0968136108000538.
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This is the first instalment of a two-part revision of the classical translation sections of the second edition of The Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature, Vols 2–3. The recent discontinuation of the revised edition of CBEL deprives the scholarly world of an up-to-date version of the most complete bibliography of its kind; this contribution makes good that loss for this topic. Over its eventual two parts 1550–1800 it runs to some 1,500 items of translation for what might be held to constitute the golden age of the English classical translating tradition. Checking of existing entries in the listings has led to a large number of internal corrections, including deletions, but the records have been expanded by a net 20%, with several minor classical authors added. As compared to the previous CBEL editions of the 1940s, this reflects the availability of digital-era resources such as the English Short Title Catalogue.
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Gonis, N. "LATIN LOANWORDS IN GREEK." Classical Review 53, no. 1 (April 2003): 93–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/53.1.93.
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Marciak, Michał. "Hellenistic-Roman Idumea in the Light of Greek and Latin Non-Jewish Authors." Klio 100, no. 3 (December 19, 2018): 877–910. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/klio-2018-0132.
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Summary Although ancient Idumea was certainly a marginal object of interest for classical writers, we do possess as many as thirteen extant classical non-Jewish authors (from the 1st c. BCE to the 3rd c. CE) who explicitly refer to Idumea or the Idumeans. For classical writers, Idumea was an inland territory between the coastal cities of Palestine, Egypt, and Arabia that straddled important trade routes. Idumea is also frequently associated in ancient literature with palm trees, which grew in Palestine and were exported throughout the Mediterranean. In the eyes of classical authors, the Idumeans were a distinctive ethnos living in the melting pot of southern Palestine. Ancient writers emphasized the Idumeans’ ethnic and cultural connections with the Nabateans, the Phoenicians and Syrians, and, finally, the Judeans, and also indicated that a great deal of Hellenization occurred in western Idumea in an urban context.
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Crawford, Gregory A. "A Citation Analysis of the Classical Philology Literature: Implications for Collection Development." Evidence Based Library and Information Practice 8, no. 2 (June 10, 2013): 214. http://dx.doi.org/10.18438/b8hp56.
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Objective – This study examined the literature of classical (Greek and Latin) philology, as represented by the journal Transactions of the American Philological Association (TAPA), to determine changes over time for the types of materials cited, the languages used, the age of items cited, and the specificity of the citations. The overall goal was to provide data which could then be used by librarians in collection development decisions.
Methods – All citations included in the 1986 and 2006 volumes of the Transactions of the American Philological Association were examined and the type of material, the language, the age, and the specificity were noted. The results of analyses of these citations were then compared to the results of a study of two earlier volumes of TAPA to determine changes over time.
Results – The analyses showed that the proportion of citations to monographs continued to grow over the period of the study and accounted for almost 70% of total citations in 2006. The use of foreign language materials changed dramatically over the time of the study, declining from slightly more than half the total citations to less than a quarter. The level of specificity of citations also changed with more citations to whole books and to book chapters, rather than to specific pages, becoming more prevalent over time. Finally, the age of citations remained remarkably stable at approximately 25 years old.
Conclusion – For librarians who manage collections focused on Greek and Latin literature and language, the results can give guidance for collection development and maintenance. Of special concern is the continuing purchase of monographs to support research in classical philology, but the retention of materials is also important due to the age and languages of materials used by scholars in this discipline.
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Levene, D. S. "God and man in the classical latin panegyric." Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society 43 (1998): 66–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068673500002157.
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This paper is specifically concerned with the classical Latin panegyric, thus excluding both panegyrics from late antiquity, where the religious context is substantially different, and (at least in the first instance) panegyrical literature in Greek, with its distinctive linguistic and hence ideological background. I am, moreover, defining ‘panegyric’ to comprise only speeches in praise of a living person or persons: the religious status of living people, and the language applied to them, manifestly raise particular problems not present with other objects of praise.But there are on the face of things difficulties with this definition. There is an obvious overlap between panegyrical speeches and other forms of oratory: themes of praise can clearly play a role, for example, in forensic speeches. Conversely, according to both ancient theorists and modern commentators, panegyrics can be used to give advice, either openly or covertly – the latter when, for example, one recommends future clemency to a tyrant under the guise of praising examples of clemency in the past. I shall be dealing only with speeches that are overtly panegyrical in form, those whose ostensible object is not persuasion, but simple praise; but the limitation seems rather artificial.
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Nutton, Vivian. "A new fragment of Posidonius?" Classical Quarterly 45, no. 1 (May 1995): 261–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800041938.
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Galen's intellectual autobiography, On my own opinions, has challenged, and frustrated, potential editors for over a century. It is preserved in Greek excerpts, in a Latin translation made from the Arabic and with a spurious conclusion, and, for its last three chapters, in a passage of continuous Greek that circulated under the misleading title of On the substance of the natural faculties. Around 1340, the Italian translator Niccolo da Reggio made an extremely faithful Latin version from a Greek manuscript of the last two chapters. Although by itself no one source offers a complete text of the treatise, together they apparently cover it in its entirety. The Latino-arabic version, called variously De sententiis, De sententiis medicorum, and De credulitate Galeni, is the most extensive, but, as a comparison with the surviving Greek shows, it frequently departs considerably from the wording, and even general meaning, of the Greek. Indeed, without the availability of many parallel passages elsewhere in the Galenic corpus, much of this Latin translation would remain unintelligible.
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Dementyeva, Vera V. "Athenaeum litterarum Demidowianum Jaroslaviense: Teaching Classical Philology and Ancient History." Vestnik Yaroslavskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta im. P. G. Demidova. Seriya gumanitarnye nauki 16, no. 3 (September 24, 2022): 370. http://dx.doi.org/10.18255/1996-5648-2022-3-370-393.
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The article discusses the teaching of a number of subjects of classical studies - Latin and ancient Greek, ancient history and literature - by professors of the Demidov Higher Sciences School. The attention of P. G. Demidov to humanitarian subjects in the Athenaeum founded by him is noted (the official Latin name of the school was Athenaeum litterarum Demidowianum Jaroslaviense), as well as his personal invitations of classical philologists for teaching. The author connects the formation of P. G. Demidov’s interest to classical languages and to the sciences in general with his studies in Revel with Professor A. F. Sigismundi, about whom the article provides biographical information. The activity in Yaroslavl of classical philologists I. E. Sreznevsky, F. Schmidt and M. O. Khanenko, as well as A. F. Klimenko and S. A. Vilinsky is characterized. The content of speeches by S A. Vilinsky about the history and «successes of enlightenment» of the three ancient peoples - the Egyptians, Greeks and Romans is analyzed. It is concluded that classical studies at the Demidov School were originally an essential and very significant part of the formation of higher education in Yaroslavl.
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Gillespie, Stuart. "Translations from Greek and Latin Classics, Part 2: 1701–1800: A Revised Bibliography." Translation and Literature 18, no. 2 (September 2009): 181–224. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0968136109000557.
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This is the second instalment of a two-part revision of the classical translation sections of the second edition of The Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature, Vols 2-3. The recent discontinuation of the revised edition of CBEL deprives the scholarly world of an up-to-date version of the most complete bibliography of its kind; this contribution makes good that loss for this topic. Over its now complete two parts 1550-1800 it runs to some 1,500 items of translation for what might be held to constitute the golden age of the English classical translating tradition. Checking of existing entries in the listings has led to a large number of internal corrections, including deletions, but the records have been expanded by a net 20%, with several minor classical authors added. As compared to the previous CBEL editions of the 1940s, this reflects the availability of digital-era resources such as the English Short Title Catalogue.
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Sciarrino, Enrica. "Beyond Greek: The Beginnings of Latin Literature by Denis Feeney." Phoenix 70, no. 1-2 (2016): 204–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/phx.2016.0020.
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Horsley, G. H. R., Elizabeth Minchin, and K. H. Lee. "The Teaching of Latin and Greek in Universities in Australia and New Zealand: Present and Future." Antichthon 29 (1995): 78–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066477400000952.
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Most classical journals report on research on literary, historical and linguistic questions, and rarely allocate space to discussions of pedagogy at tertiary level. This article, however, falls into the latter category. It takes the form of a report on the teaching of Latin and Greek (both classical and post-classical) in universities in Australia and New Zealand; and it makes a number of suggestions regarding the future of the classical languages in this region.Any general examination by an outsider of the situation of Classics in Australian and New Zealand universities would readily conclude that most departments are managing well, or at least holding their own, compared to other disciplines. Student enrolments are high overall, since most departments, like those in Britain and North America, have expanded their teaching range to embrace ancient history, classical literature in translation and, in some cases, archaeology. This has been the situation for the best part of the last two decades. Often these subjects were introduced in order to ‘subsidise’ and protect the continuance of Greek and Latin with their smaller numbers; but they have been extremely popular with students in every university in Australasia in which they are taught. And so these teaching areas have come to have a life and a rightful presence of their own.
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Novokhatko, Anna A. "Contemporary Metaphor Studies and Classical Texts." Mnemosyne 74, no. 4 (June 3, 2021): 682–703. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-bja10109.
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Abstract This article reviews recent studies on metaphor theories applied to the classical corpus and argues that approaches from cognitive linguistics are essential for the re-interpretation of Greek and Latin texts. Its main focus are two monographs, Andreas T. Zanker’s Metaphor in Homer and Tommaso Gazzarri’s Theory and Practice of Metaphors in Seneca’s Prose. The volume of collected papers on spatial metaphors in ancient texts edited by Fabian Horn and Ciliers Breytenbach proposes that the Lakoff-Johnson approach to cognitive metaphor is productive and that mappings from empirically accessible domains construct abstract concepts in spatial models of mental activity.
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Delwiche, Theodore. "“And why may not I go to college?” Alethea Stiles and Women’s Latin Learning in Early America." Humanistica Lovaniensia 70, no. 2 (February 18, 2022): 305–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.30986/2021.305.
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Presented here for the first time are the letters of a young, little-known American woman, Alethea Stiles (1745-1784), to her learned cousin Ezra Stiles (1727-1795), the seventh president of Yale College. Brief and no doubt modest though these two English and one Latin letter may be, they provide an important point of entry into the women’s world of classical education in early America. Increasingly, American classical receptionists are trying to look beyond the “founding fathers” and consider what the classics meant in early America for men and women alike. We might do well, however, to reconsider one of the long-standing premises of reception research: that women interacted with the classical past largely outside of Latin and Greek texts and wrote little in the ancient languages. Leveraging both her knowledge of Roman history and the Latin language itself, Alethea advocated for admissions into Yale College over two centuries before the institution would welcome women. Though this attempt would not succeed, the presence of Alethea in the historical record demonstrates that even institutions that explicitly excluded precocious young women still include them in the archives.
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Geiger, Joseph. "Some Latin authors from the Greek East." Classical Quarterly 49, no. 2 (December 1999): 606–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/49.2.606.
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In a discussion of the spread of Latin in ancient Palestine it has been argued that, apart from Westerners like Jerome who settled in the province and a number of translators from Greek into Latin and from Latin into Greek, three Latin authors whose works are extant may have been, with various degrees of probability, natives of the country. These are Commodian of Gaza, arguably the earliest extant Christian Latin poet; Eutropius, the author of abreviariumof Roman history, who apparently hailed from Caesarea; and the anonymous author of theDescriptio totius mundi et gentium, who certainly was a native of the Syro-Palestinian region, and conceivably of one of the Palestinian cities. Here I wish to discuss another case, which seems to me characteristic of the reluctance of scholars to admit that Latin, and Latin authors, were more prevalent in the East than is usually acknowledged. In fact, it may be not misleading to assert that the invariably adduced exceptions of Ammianus Marcellinus and Claudian as Latin writers from the East are exceptions by virtue of the quality of their work rather than by its very existence.
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Sayeed, Ollie. "Osthoff’s Law in Latin." Indo-European Linguistics 5, no. 1 (2017): 147–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22125892-00501005.
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The sound change known as Osthoff’s Law, shortening a long vowel before a resonant-consonant cluster, was first explicitly described to have applied in the prehistory of Greek by Osthoff (1884). Since then, the existence of a similar sound change in Latin has been controversial in the literature, with claimed examples such as *vēntus > ventus ‘wind’. At one end, Simkin (2004) argues that Osthoff’s Law never took place in Latin; at the other, Weiss (2009) claims at least three independent rounds of Osthoff’s Law in the history of the Italic branch. I summarize the synchronic facts about pre-cluster vowel length in classical Latin using a comprehensive survey of the Latin lexicon, with a historical explanation for the vowel length in every form containing a cluster. I argue that Osthoff’s Law happened in Latin (contra Simkin), but only once (contra Weiss), around the 2nd century BCE.
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Davidson, J., Florence Dupont, and Janet Lloyd. "The Invention of Literature from Greek Intoxication to the Latin Book." Phoenix 54, no. 1/2 (2000): 142. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1089095.
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Middleton, Fran. "THE POETICS OF LATER GREEK ECPHRASIS: CHRISTODORUS COPTUS, THE PALATINE ANTHOLOGY AND THE PERIOCHAE OF NONNUS’ DIONYSIACA." Ramus 47, no. 2 (December 2018): 216–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rmu.2018.15.
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There is increasing interest in what might be thought ‘special’ about late antique poetry. Two volumes of recent years have focused on Latin poetry of this time, Classics Renewed: Reception and Innovation in the Latin Poetry of Late Antiquity edited by Scott McGill and Joseph Pucci (2016) as well as The Poetics of Late Latin Literature edited by Jaś Elsner and Jesús Hernández Lobato (2017), while it has become increasingly acceptable to remark on late antiquity as a cultural period in its own right, rather than a point of transition between high antiquity and the middle ages. Greek poetry of late antiquity has yet to receive the level of attention offered to Latin literature of this time, and so it is to help answer the question of what may be thought special about late antique Greek poetry that I here discuss the poetics of later Greek ecphrasis.
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Lapidge, Michael. "The archetype ofBeowulf." Anglo-Saxon England 29 (January 2000): 5–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675100002398.
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It is a cardinal tenet of classical textual criticism that medieval scribes were most prone to error when copying from an unfamiliar system of script. Accordingly a good deal of attention has been given by classical scholars to what happens to a text when it is copied from one system of script to another, and to the characteristic sorts of error which such copying involves. The great French textual critic, Alphonse Dain, even coined a Greek term,metacharakterismos(μεταχαρακτηρισμός), to describe the scribal process of copying, character by character, from one script to anodier. (The Latin equivalent would betranslitteratio, which might be rendered ‘transliteration’ in English.) Dain was thinking principally of the transliteration of Greek uncial manuscripts into minuscule script; but the process is also known to have taken place in the transmissional histories of Latin texts, when works of classical literature in (say) rustic capital script were transliterated into the various regional minuscules. By observing patterns of repeated error, Latin textual critics have often been able to demonstrate that the archetype of such-and-such a text must have been written in a particular system of script. The first attempt at such a demonstration was apparently that by the humanist scholar Joseph Scaliger (1540–1609), who in hisCastigationes in Catullum(1577) showed that the archetype of all surviving manuscripts of Catullus was written in what he calledLangobardicae litterae, what we should describe as a form of pre-Caroline minuscule.
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Srika, M. "A Critical Analysis on “Revolution 2020” - An Amalgam of Socio- Political Commercialization World Combined with Love Triangle." SMART MOVES JOURNAL IJELLH 7, no. 10 (October 31, 2019): 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.24113/ijellh.v7i10.10255.
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Literature is considered to be an art form or writing that have Artistic or Intellectual value. Literature is a group of works produced by oral and written form. Literature shows the style of Human Expression. The word literature was derived from the Latin root word ‘Litertura / Litteratura’ which means “Letter or Handwriting”. Literature is culturally relative defined. Literature can be grouped through their Languages, Historical Period, Origin, Genre and Subject. The kinds of literature are Poems, Novels, Drama, Short Story and Prose. Fiction and Non-Fiction are their major classification. Some types of literature are Greek literature, Latin literature, German literature, African literature, Spanish literature, French literature, Indian literature, Irish literature and surplus. In this vast division, the researcher has picked out Indian English Literature. Indian literature is the literature used in Indian Subcontinent. The earliest Indian literary works were transmitted orally. The Sanskrit oral literature begins with the gatherings of sacred hymns called ‘Rig Veda’ in the period between 1500 - 1200 B.C. The classical Sanskrit literature was developed slowly in the earlier centuries of the first millennium. Kannada appeared in 9th century and Telugu in 11th century. Then, Marathi, Odiya and Bengali literatures appeared later. In the early 20th century, Hindi, Persian and Urdu literature begins to appear.
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Holford-Strevens, Leofranc. "Kai For Et." Classical Quarterly 42, no. 1 (May 1992): 284–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800042841.
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The late Sir Roger Mynors, in a letter to Sebastiano Timpanaro quoted in the latter's Contributi difilologia e di storia della lingua latina (Rome, 1978), p. 543 n. 15, states that he had wondered ‘whether it might be a habit of Latin writers, when they were putting only one or two “parolette” between two pieces of Greek’, to use Greek rather than Latin: he invents as an example ‘ἦθος κα πθος where logic demanded ἦθος et πθος’. The answer is that they sometimes did: the present paper will concentrate on the type instantiated by his imaginary example, the use of κα for et. I do not claim to have recorded every case, but those I have observed are the following.
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Seppänen, Minna, and Antti Lampinen. "‘Interpreters of Interpreters’." Mnemosyne 72, no. 6 (October 31, 2019): 883–907. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12342602.
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AbstractWe discuss analogies between oracular and grammatical interpretation, as reflected in our Greek and Latin sources from the Classical era to the High Empire. The two hermeneutical professions of µάντις and γραµµατικός both aim at elucidating the thought (διάνοια) involved in the interpretandum. This is a notion quite frequently made at one level or another in ancient literature, as evidenced for example in writings by Plato, Crates of Mallus, Aristarchus, Cicero, Nigidius Figulus, and Sextus Empiricus.
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Yasin, Ghulam, Shaukat Ali, and Kashif Shahzad. "Resonances of greek-latin classics in the works of Fyodor Dostoevsky: a critical analysis." Acta Scientiarum. Language and Culture 43, no. 1 (April 8, 2021): e55354. http://dx.doi.org/10.4025/actascilangcult.v43i1.55354.
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This research aims to probe the classical elements in the works of Fyodor Dostoevsky and to show the author’s bent towards the classical authors and traditions. Dostoevsky is the giant literary figure of 19th-century Russian literature and he belongs not only to a particular time but to all times like many other great classic writers. The research is significant for exposing the author’s affiliation towards the epic poetry of Homer and Hesiod and the dramas of the preeminent Athenian tragedians, Aeschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides. Dostoevsky also becomes classic based on his dealings with the themes dealt by the classics like love, fight for honour, real-life presentation, the conflict between vice and virtue and the struggle of his tragic heroes to reach their goal. The research proves that Dostoevsky is a classic among the classics because of having close resonance with the classics in the art of characterization, the portrayal of tragic heroes, theme building and by including some elements of tragedy. The qualitative research is designed on the descriptive-analytic method by using the approach of Classicism presented by Mark Twain.
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de Jong, Irene J. F. "Pluperfects and the Artist in Ekphrases." Mnemosyne 68, no. 6 (December 4, 2015): 889–916. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12341706.
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This study discusses the figure of the artist in classical ekphrases, in particular the pluperfects of verbs of making of the type ἐτέτυκτο, ἤσκητο, ἐκεκόσµητο, ἐτετείχιστο, caelaverat, fecerat, struxerat which evoke that artist. After setting up a framework of the various other ways in which the artist can be represented in ekphrases, I zoom in on the pluperfects and show how they are used differently in Greek and Latin ekphrases: in Greek the medio-passive pluperfect describes a finished object while at the same time acknowledging the act of making and hence the maker; in Latin the active pluperfect occurs in analepses which evoke the act of making by a maker as an event of the past. I end with the remarkable use of the pluperfect by Vergil in the shield of Aeneas in Aeneid 8. He uniquely combines the Greek epic tradition of the refrain of verbs of making with the Latin analeptic force of the tense, in order to keep reminding the narratees of the maker of the shield, Vulcan, and his prophetic powers and of the earlier, crucial scene of the divine smith forging the shield.
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Suthren, Carla. "Translating Commonplace Marks in Gascoigne and Kinwelmersh's Jocasta." Translation and Literature 29, no. 1 (March 2020): 59–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/tal.2020.0409.
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This essay locates the moment at which commonplace marks were ‘translated’ from printed classical texts into English vernacular drama in a manuscript of Gascoigne and Kinwelmersh's Jocasta, dated 1568. Based on a survey of the use of printed commonplace marks in classical drama between 1500 and 1568, it demonstrates that this typographical symbol was strongly associated with Greek tragedy, particularly Sophocles and Euripides, and hardly at all with Seneca. In light of this, it argues that the commonplace marks in the Jocasta manuscript should be read as a deliberate visual gesture towards Euripides. In this period, commonplace marks evoked printed Greek rather than Latin tragedy, and early modern readers might bring such associations to the English dramatic texts in which these marks also appeared, including the First Quarto of Hamlet (1603).
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Faragher, M. "The fourth ‘R’ is rooted belief: Rex Warner and the politics of revisionist classicism." Literature & History 28, no. 2 (September 14, 2019): 214–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306197319870377.
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This article traces the historical devaluation of classicism within British academic and intellectual circles in the interwar years. I argue that the political tensions of the 1930s contributed to the movement away from a traditional classical approach and towards one informed by political and civic responsibility. In his novels and essays, Rex Warner’s focus on pedagogy repeatedly suggests that Latin or Greek tutelage, without the necessary focus on the liberal democratic values, can inadvertently bolster right-wing fascistic thought. Concern about classicism’s value within modern democracies is mirrored in interwar debates amongst contemporaneous educational reformers, whose concerns about classicism’s exclusivity would lead to the post-war dissolution of classical entrance exams and the complete reformation of the classics.
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Reis, Rafael Vidal dos. "A interculturalidade entre a literatura italiana do Duecento e a literatura árabe-siciliana do Emirado da Sicília." Revista Italiano UERJ 12, no. 1 (September 5, 2021): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.12957/italianouerj.2021.62147.
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RESUMO: Neste artigo, busca-se apresentar e confirmar as seis marcas da literatura e da cultura árabe, do período do Emirado da Sicília para o nascimento da literatura italiana no Duecento, período que remete a Scuola Siciliana. Os objetivos são comprovar a inserção das seis marcas utilizadas por Ibn Hamdis, mas que a partir do processo de interculturalidade e transferência cultural, e a adoção dos seus conceitos foi possível comprovar as contribuições/heranças árabes para o nascimento da Literatura Italiana, além de refutar a hipótese de que a poesia lírica amorosa ter sido originada da Literatura Provençal, assim como, colocar a Literatura Árabe Clássica no mesmo pé de igualdade das Literaturas Clássicas: Grega e Latina para a fundação da Literatura Italiana no mapa literário.Palavras-Chave: Poesia Lírica. Poesia Sarcástica. Scuola Siciliana. Duecento. Interculturalidade. ABSTRACT: In questo articolo cerca di presentare e confermare le sei marche della Letteratura e Cultura Araba nel periodo dell’Emirato di Sicilia per il nascimento della Letteratura Italiana nel Duecento, periodo che fa riferimento alla Scuola Siciliana. Gli obbiettivi sono verificare le inserzioni delle sei marche usati per Ibn Hamdis, ma che attraverso del processo d’interculturalità e di trasferimento culturale ed adozione dei suoi concetti fu possibile dimostrare i contributi arabi per il nascimento della Letteratura Italiana, oltre di rifiutare l’ipotesi di che la poesia lirica amorosa fu originata della Letteratura Provenzale, così come a mettere la Letteratura Classica Araba nella stessa egualità delle Letterature Classiche: Greca e Latina per la fondazione della Letteratura Italiana nel cammino letterario.Parole-Chiave: Poesia Lirica. Poesia Sarcastica. Scuola Siciliana. Duecento. Interculturalità. ABSTRACT: In this article, we will intend to present and confirm the six signatures of Arab literature and culture, from the Sicily emirate to the birth of the Italian Literature during the Duecento, the age of Scuola Siciliana. Our main goal is to prove the insertion of the six signatures used by Ibn Hamdis. Through the process of interculturality and cultural transfer as well as the adoption of his concepts, it was possible to inform the Arab contributions and heritages tot the birth of Italian literature; on the other side, we want to refute the hypothesis that the lyric poetry had its origin in the Provençal poetry. Furthermore, we intend to match the Classical Arab literature with Greek and Latin literatures regarding of the foundation of Italian literature in the studies of literature.Keywords: Lyric poetry. Satirical poetry. Scuola Siciliana. Duecento. interculturality.
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Halla-Aho, Hilla, and Martti Leiwo. "A Marriage Contract: Aspects of Latin-Greek Language Contact (P. Mich. VII 434 and P. Ryl. IV 612 = ChLA IV 249)." Mnemosyne 55, no. 5 (2002): 560–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852502760347441.
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In this paper we approach a Latin marriage contract from Philadelphia, Egypt, taking into account various viewpoints. The document is written in Latin, a language that was not commonly used in the community. As a result of the language choice the contract offers a possibility for a contact linguistic analysis. The names of the father of the bride and the future husband, Nomissianus and M. Petronius Servillius respectively, are Roman, so there probably was some connection with the Roman army. The contact between Latin and Greek is studied from social, philological and linguistic perspectives. We suggest that together with some other known persons with Roman nomina from Philadelphia Nomissianus and M. Petronius Servillius belonged to a social network where Latin was the prestige language. This was the reason for choosing to write the marriage contract in Latin, which otherwise was minimally used in the Philadelphian documents. Greek was used normally, so that interference from Greek can be expected. The language of the contract is, however, clearly Latin, not Greek flavoured with Latin legal idioms. It is noteworthy that all Latin legal formulae and phrasing were composed correctly and the scribe definitely knew enough of the morphophonological correspondence between Latin and Greek to be able to latinize a majority of the original Greek words (which are mainly technical terms for objects given as dowry or part of the parapherna ).
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Lowe, J. C. B. "Aspects of Plautus' Originality in the Asinaria." Classical Quarterly 42, no. 1 (May 1992): 152–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000983880004266x.
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That the palliatae of Plautus and Terence, besides purporting to depict Greek life, were in general adaptations of Greek plays has always been known. Statements in the prologues of the Latin plays and by other ancient authors left no room for doubt about this, while allowing the possibility of some exceptions. The question of the relationship of the Latin plays to their Greek models was first seriously addressed in the nineteenth century, mainly by German scholars, under the stimulus of Romantic criticism which attached paramount importance to originality in art. Since then the question has been constantly debated, often with acrimony, and to this day very different answers to it continue to be given. Yet the question is obviously important, both for those who would measure the artistic achievement of the Latin dramatists and for those who would use the plays to document aspects of Greek or Roman life. It is not disputed that Plautus' plays contain many Roman allusions and Latin puns which cannot have been derived from any Greek model and must be attributed to the Roman adapter. What is disputed is whether this overt Romanization is merely a superficial veneer overlaid on fundamentally Greek structures or whether Plautus made more radical changes to the structure as well as the spirit of his models.
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D'Aronco, Maria Amalia. "The botanical lexicon of the Old EnglishHerbarium." Anglo-Saxon England 17 (December 1988): 15–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675100003999.
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Recent research has established beyond question that, in the study of medicine at least, Anglo-Saxon England was far from being ‘a backwater in which superstition flourished until the mainstream of more rational and advanced Salernitan practices flowed into the country in late medieval times’. On the contrary, Anglo-Saxon medicine was at least at the same level as that of contemporary European schools. In ninth-century England the medical works inherited by ‘post-classical Latin medical literature (which included translations and epitomes of Greek and Byzantine medical authorities)’ were not only well known, but served as the basis for original reworking and compilation, as the example of theLæcebocshows. More important, it was in pre-Conquest England that, for the first time in Europe, medical treatises were either compiled in or translated into a vernacular language rather than being composed in Latin or Greek. Ancient medicine made substantial use of drugs obtained from plants; and therefore, since the sources of Anglo-Saxon medical lore were in Latin (or in Greek: but invariably known through the medium of Latin), it is not surprising that most medicinal herbs used in the preparation of Old English prescriptions were not indigenous to England or even to continental Germany. And since such medicinal herbs were not indigenous to northern Europe, it is evident that, in using them, speakers of vernacular languages were obliged to create a vocabulary appropriate to denote them.
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Farrell, Joseph. "Classical Closure: Reading the End in Greek and Latin Literature. Deborah H. Roberts , Francis M. Dunn , Don Fowler." Classical Philology 95, no. 1 (January 2000): 88–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/449475.
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Zarzeczny, Rafał. "Euzebiusz z Heraklei i jego "Homilia efeska" (CPG 6143) z etiopskiej antologii patrystycznej Qerellos." Vox Patrum 57 (June 15, 2012): 807–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4175.
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Classical oriental literatures, especially in Syriac, Arabic and Coptic languages, constitute extraordinary treasury for patristic studies. Apart from the texts written originally in their ecclesiastical ambient, the oriental ancient manuscripts include many documents completely disappeared or preserved in their Greek and Latin originals in defective form only. The same refers to the Ethiopian Christian literature. In this context so-called Qerəllos anthology occupies a particular place as one of the most important patristic writings. It contains Christological treaties and homilies by Cyril of Alexandria and other documents, essentially of the anti-nestorian and monophysite character, in the context of the Council of Ephesus (431). The core of the anthology was compiled in Alexandria and translated into Ge’ez language directly from Greek during the Aksumite period (V-VII century). Ethiopic homily by Eusebius of Heraclea (CPG 6143) is unique preserved version of this document, and also unique noted text of the bishop from V century. Besides the introduction to the Early Christian patristic literature and especially to the Qerəllos anthology, this paper offers a Polish translation of the Eusebius’s Homily with relative commentary.
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O'Sullivan, Gerald, L. D. Reynolds, and N. G. Wilson. "Scribes and Scholars: A Guide to the Transmission of Greek and Latin Literature." Classical World 86, no. 2 (1992): 144. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4351260.
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Barton, Charles R. "Greek Eirw, Latin Sero, Armenian Yerum." American Journal of Philology 108, no. 4 (1987): 672. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/294789.
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de Jong, Irene. "THE VIEW FROM THE MOUNTAIN (OROSKOPIA) IN GREEK AND LATIN LITERATURE." Cambridge Classical Journal 64 (April 18, 2018): 23–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1750270518000015.
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This paper argues for the existence of the topos oforoskopiain Greek and Latin literature. Gods and mortals are positioned on mountains to watch events or landscapes below. The view from above symbolises power (in the case of the gods) or an attempt at control or desire for power (in the case of mortals). It may also suggest an agreeable and relaxed spectatorship with no active involvement in the events watched, which may metaphorically morph into a historian's objectivity or a philosopher's emotional tranquillity. The elevated position may also have a temporal aspect, gods looking into the future or mortals looking back on their life.
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Horsley, G. H. R. "Homer in Pisidia: Aspects of the History of Greek Education in a remote Roman Province." Antichthon 34 (November 2000): 46–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066477400001179.
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In the pantheon of poets of all cultures and ages, Homer (however we respond to the ‘Homeric Question’) has a unique place. His primacy is due to the fact that his two epic poems encapsulated Hellenic culture, both for the Greeks themselves, and for others steeped in the ‘European tradition’ whether in antiquity or in subsequent ages. So much is this the case that the very name ‘Homer’ became an abstraction, summing up what it was to be Hellenic. All literature written by Greeks, in the Archaic, Classical, Hellenistic, and Imperial periods, and much that was produced by others (including in Latin), looks back to the Iliad and the Odyssey, takes its rise from them, finds its locus in them. A canonicity was conferred on these poems such as on no other Greek text in equal degree. If Shakespeare was representative of an entire age in one culture, Homer summed up a culture itself.
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Gillespie, Stuart. "A Checklist of Restoration English Translations and Adaptations of Classical Greek and Latin Poetry, 1660–1700." Translation and Literature 1, no. 1 (April 1992): 52–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/tal.1992.1.1.52.
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Vasunia, Phiroze. "Greek, Latin and the Indian Civil Service." Cambridge Classical Journal 51 (2005): 35–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1750270500000397.
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The whole question of the future of the East is full of interest, and is, perhaps, the greatest political question in the world.(Benjamin Jowett)… a corps of men specially selected, brought up in a rigour of bodily hardship to which no other modern people have subjected their ruling class, trained by cold baths, cricket, and the history of Greece and Rome …(Philip Mason)In his essay ‘Comparativism and references to Rome in British imperial attitudes to India’, Javed Majeed shows how Greek and Latin figured prominently in the examinations for the Indian Civil Service, the prestigious administrative body that David Lloyd George called ‘the steel frame’. Greek and Latin were not just used to attract and shape a class of ruling ‘gentlemen’, but were also part of a complex structure of attitude and practice designed ‘to preserve the ICS as a monopoly of European officers’. Majeed's insightful essay sheds light on the role of ICS examinations and on the function of Classics in colonial contexts, although it is mainly about comparative approaches to the British and Roman empires.
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Fortuna, Stefania. "Galen's de Constitutione Artis Medicaein the Renaissance." Classical Quarterly 43, no. 1 (May 1993): 302–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800044372.
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During the sixteenth century Galen'sDe constitutione artis medicae(i.224–304 Kühn) enjoyed a great success: in about fifty years it received four different Latin translations and three commentaries. Certainly this is also true of other medical classical texts, but such success is surprising for a treatise which did not have a wide circulation either in the Middle Ages or in the seventeenth century and later. In fact it is preserved in its entirety in only one Greek manuscript (Florence, Laur. plut. 74.3 = L of the twelfth or thirteenth century, with later corrections = L) and in a Latin translation by Niccolò of Reggio, who worked mainly for King Robert I in Naples in the first half of the fourteenth century. Furthermore, in his edition of 1679 René Chartier made a mistake, which the humanistic editors of the Greek Galen had avoided. The last part of theDe const, art. med.itself enjoyed a considerablefortunaas an independent tract on prognosis in the Greek and Latin manuscript tradition. The editors of the Aldine and the Basle editions knew such anexcerptum, at least in the manuscript Par. gr. 2165 (= P) of the sixteenth century, and rightly decided not to print it. Chartier found it in the manuscript Par. gr. 2269 of the fifteenth or sixteenth century, and published it in the wrong belief that it was a new treatise of Galen's (vol. ii. 170–95 = viii.891–5). He was followed by Carl Gottlob Kühn in his edition of 1821, who printed theDe const, art. med.in the first volume (289–304) and theDe praesagiturain vol. xix.497–511. The error was not publicly detected until Kalbfleisch in 1896.
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Nagel, Rebecca. "Literary and Filial Modesty in Silvae 5.3." Ramus 29, no. 1 (2000): 47–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00001685.
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The occasional poems of Statius are an enticing field for critics interested in topics like the interaction of Greek and Roman culture or the relationship between public activities like government and private activities like writing poetry. Most recently John Henderson has explored these issues in Statius' poem for the consular Rutilius Gallicus (Siluae1.4). In this paper I will discussSiluae5.3, an epicedion for Statius' own father. Statius uses the occasion of writing the epicedion to celebrate his father's life as a teacher, writer and performer and, by extension, his own life too. In his poem Statius develops a portrait of himself and his father as Greeks in close sympathy with Roman values. Against a backdrop of teaching and performing Greek literature they value above all filial duty and the skills of Roman government. Yet literature does not remain consistently in the background. Because Statius' father was also his teacher and model in literature, Statius as the dutiful son celebrates his father's literary skill and defers to it. By extension, Statius defers also to the subjects of his father's teaching, the famous masters of Greek and Latin literature.