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1
Bianchi, Ana Maria. "For Different Audiences, Different Arguments: Economic Rhetoric at the Beginning of the Latin American School." Journal of the History of Economic Thought 24, no. 3 (September 2002): 291–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/104277102200004749.
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This paper consists of a rhetorical interpretation of two essays published fifty years ago, at the beginning of the so-called “Latin American economic school.” Both were written by the Argentinean economist Raúl Prebisch (1901–1986), who was then working at the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America (ECLA). As the most prominent Latin American economist, Prebisch fostered the construction of a theoretical framework that heavily influenced Latin American development policies after World War II.
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Olander, Marcia. "Costa Rica in 1948: Cold War or Local War?" Americas 52, no. 4 (April 1996): 465–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1008474.
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The years following World War Two produced a strong resurgence of U.S. intervention in Central America and the Caribbean couched in Cold War terms. Although the U.S. intervention in Guatemala to overthrow the government of Jacobo Arbenz in 1954 has generally been seen as the first case of Cold War covert anti-Communist intervention in Latin America, several scholars have raised questions about U.S. involvement in a 1948 Costa Rican civil war in which Communism played a critical role. In a 1993 article in The Americas, Kyle Longley argued that “the U.S. response to the Costa Rican Revolution of 1948, not the Guatemalan affair, marked the origins of the Cold War in Latin America.” The U.S. “actively interfered,” and achieved “comparable results in Costa Rica as in Guatemala: the removal of a perceived Communist threat.” Other authors have argued, even, that the U.S. had prepared an invasion force in the Panama Canal Zone to pacify the country. The fifty years of Cold War anti-Communism entitles one to be skeptical of U.S. non-intervention in a Central American conflict involving Communism. Costa Ricans, aware of a long tradition of U.S. intervention in the region, also assumed that the U.S. would intervene. Most, if not all, were expecting intervention and one key government figure described U.S. pressure as like “the air, which is felt, even if it cannot be seen.” Yet, historians must do more than just “feel” intervention. Subsequent Cold War intervention may make it difficult to appraise the 1948 events in Costa Rica objectively. Statements like Longley's that “it is hard to believe that in early 1948 … Washington would not favor policies that ensured the removal of the [Communist Party] Vanguard,” although logical, do not coincide with the facts of the U.S. role in the conflict.
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Clemens, Michael A., and Jeffrey G. Williamson. "Why were Latin America's tariffs so much higher than Asia's before 1950?" Revista de Historia Económica / Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History 30, no. 1 (September 26, 2011): 11–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s021261091100019x.
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AbstractLatin America had the highest tariffs in the world before 1914; Asia had the lowest. Heavily protected Latin America also boasted some of the most explosivebelle époquegrowth, while open Asia registered some of the least. What brought the two regions to the opposite ends of the tariff policy spectrum? We find that limits to Asian tariff policy autonomy may have lowered tariffs substantially there, but by themselves they cannot explain why Asian tariffs were so much lower than the Latin American tariffs before 1914; that natural barriers, domestic political economy and strategic tariff policy seems to have contributed much to the difference and that the origins of Asian post-World War 2 import-substitution policies seem to lie in the interwar years when Asian tariff levels caught up with those of Latin America.
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Rojas-Castro, Daniel Emilio. "Bolivar’s Total War." Revista Científica General José María Córdova 19, no. 35 (July 1, 2021): 643–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.21830/19006586.794.
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This article proposes introducing the concept of total war into the study of Latin American Independence in the 1810s and 1820s. We argue that total war was not an exclusively North Atlantic phenomenon, but an experience that also manifested itself at the beginning of the nineteenth century in the Spanish Viceroyalty of New Granada. To prove it, we analyze the social militarization caused by the enlightened reforms of the eighteenth century, the impact of political revolution in the Atlantic world and the decisive role of religion in creating an enemy that should be exterminated. The article concludes by pointing out two topics that underline the uniqueness of total war in a region of Latin America: the spatial and temporal unity of different forms of regular and irregular warfare, and the fact that total war was not the consequence of state action, but the starting point for State-building.
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Sahni, Varun. "Not Quite British: A Study of External Influences on the Argentine Navy." Journal of Latin American Studies 25, no. 3 (October 1993): 489–513. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00006647.
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Political studies of military institutions in Latin America have tended to lay heavy stress on their external linkages, with a good deal of emphasis being placed upon the ‘differential degrees of dependence upon other countries for supplies, parts, training and equipment by the various service branches’. This particularly the case when scholars attempt to explain why two military institutions differ in their political behaviour and ideological orientation. Thus, we find Lieuwen asserting that[t]he aristocratic tendencies of [Latin American] naval officers… often were moderated by the democratic views of the British and United States officers who were their professional advisers. Conversely, before World War II, authoritarian attitudes of some Latin American armies were reinforced by the influence of German, Spanish, and Italian military missions.
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Yıldız, Nilay. "Sino–US Trade War: A Mini Review on Latin American Involvement." Management and Economics Research Journal 5 (2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.18639/merj.2019.874701.
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This article is written to summarize what has been going on in trade war between the United States and China and to express how this war affects trade relations of Latin America with both of the actors being involved in the trade war. The reason why Latin America is chosen as a region to work on rests on the fact that both the United States and China have been conducting considerable trade relations with the region. This article is organized to analyze what kind of a position Latin America would be at during the upcoming moves from two giants and how the region should revise its ties with both economies considering the past relations it has had with before this trade war emerged. There have been many moves taken by the United States and China after the dispute started to show up; however, Latin America has been conducting considerable relations in terms of trade, politics, historical orientation, and geographical ties with both giants since long before the trade dispute began. Therefore, this article has an aim to recover the historical trade relations of Latin America and to have some clues to determine what can come next for the region’s economic position and trade relations. Colonial past of the region, the role it has played during the Cold War, the involvement of the Latin America in trade relations with China, and Chinese presence in the region are the factors that are included in the article to understand the critical position of Latin America in the Sino–US trade war.
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LeoGrande, William M. "From Havana to Miami: U.S. Cuba Policy as a Two-Level Game." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 40, no. 1 (1998): 67–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166301.
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For thirty years, Cuba was a focal point of the Cold War. Before the demise of the Soviet Union, Cuba’s close ideological and military partnership with the communist superpower posed a challenge to U.S. foreign policy, especially in the Third World (see, e.g., Domínguez 1989). With the end of the Cold War, Cuba retrenched, ending its aid programs for foreign revolutionaries and regimes. Without the Soviet Union’s sponsorship, Cuba could no longer afford the luxury of a global foreign policy exporting revolution. Instead, its diplomats focused on reorienting Cuba’s international economic relations toward Latin America and Europe, building friendly relations with former adversaries.
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SCHMIDT, DÖRTE. "In Between: Cultural Exchange and Competing Systems." Twentieth-Century Music 17, no. 3 (October 2020): 347–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147857222000016x.
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AbstractAfter the Second World War, cultural politics has become a central medium for international relations. Owing to the particular conditions of their development, the relations between Latin America and Europe constituted an interesting case study in which the positioning of different nations in the realm of two competing political systems and the politics of memory concerning the recent war are intertwined. This article highlights five ‘moments’ in West Germany with respect to the relationship between Europe and Latin America in the field of music: the papers of the German Federal Foreign Office, the Berlin Festival week, the Darmstadt summer courses, the DAAD Berlin Artists Program, and the Horizonte Festival in Berlin. These sources invite an observation as to how – from the perspective of cultural politics – contrasting notions of the ‘international’ have tended to ‘fade out’ after the end of Cold War polarizations, leading to a more or less common acceptance of a notion of the ‘global’ as a privileged concept in contemporary cultural debates.
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Cardoso, Eliana, and Albert Fishlow. "Latin American Economic Development: 1950–1980." Journal of Latin American Studies 24, S1 (March 1992): 197–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00023841.
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In the thirty years between 1950 and 1980, Latin America experienced rapid growth. During this period, output expanded at an annual rate of 5.5% with per capita increases averaging 2.7% a year. Table 1 provides country details. The star is clearly Brazil, whose share in regional product increased from less than a quarter to more than a third. At the other extreme are two groups: the Southern Cone (Argentina, Chile and Uruguay), whose mid-century leading position in the region was eroded by below average performance; and a group of smaller countries, including several in Central America. On average, Latin America's record, viewed from an immediate post-World War II perspective, is impressive. It far exceeded the target of the Alliance for Progress implemented in 1961, which called for an annual rate of 2% per capita. It also compared very favourably with European per capita income growth in the aftermath of the Industrial Revolution, which was 1.3% from 1850 to 1900 and 1.4% between 1900 and 1950. Long-term US economic growth has been at 1.8%.Yet two factors combine to make the 1950–80 Latin American growth performance seem less positive. One is its dramatic reversal in the 1980s, a period in which GDP per capita fell by 8.3%. By 1989, with the exception of Brazil, Chile, Colombia and the Dominican Republic, per capita GDP had fallen below its 1980 level. At the extreme, Venezuela, Nicaragua and El Salvador show levels below those attained in 1960. The 1980s have truly been a lost decade and thus one tends to underestimate the earlier achievement.
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Rinke, Stefan, and Karina Kriegesmann. "Globalizing Violence: The Mexican Revolution and the First World War." Anuario de Historia de América Latina 54 (December 27, 2017): 39–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/jbla.54.15.
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Without doubt, since its very beginning, the 20th century has been a century of violence. Latin America, too, partook in that experience. This can be illustrated clearly by paying attention to the Mexican Revolution. The protracted civil war in which the various factions fought during many years demanded even more victims per capita than the First World War in all the belligerent European countries. In fact, the Mexican case emphasized that there was no possibility to keep out of the global spiral of violence that during the war years reached a hitherto unknown dimension and went beyond war-torn Europe or single nation states. In order to obtain a more detailed understanding of the interpretive models of the World War developed in Latin America and especially in Mexico, a consideration of the circumstances of cruelty in the subcontinent in the early decade of 1910 appears to be important. This does not mean to establish a causal connection between the developments in Mexico and the World War. However, an analysis of the viewpoint of numerous contemporaries reveals that both events were linked to a world in crisis. From the contemporaries’ perspective, a wave of violence had caught the whole globe and underpinned the end of its self-certainty. This article aims to depict the Mexican perceptions and connotations of the First World War while considering the specific regional circumstances and the interactions between global transformations and local experiences. For Mexico, in particular, the war appeared to be inserted in a period of social revolutionary turmoil and political disturbance, which reached its peak between 1917 and 1919. This process opened up new spaces for understanding the role of the nation as well as for its position in a world which was profoundly changing.
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Zvijer, Nemanja. "Hollywood industry: Correlation between film production and political discourse." Sociologija 47, no. 1 (2005): 45–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc0501045z.
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The paper focuses on the relation between Hollywood industry and political establishment of the USA, particularly US foreign policy and the military intervention as its specific form. Only the biggest and the most significant US military interventions were considered: World War Two, Korean War, Vietnam War, military interventions in Latin America, in the Middle East, Asia, Africa and on Balkan, concerning their treatment in Hollywood movies without analyzing them in broader socio-political context. In addition, the anticommunism in Hollywood is also considered, which was perhaps the most perennial content of the US foreign policy.
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Ohanian, Lee E., Paulina Restrepo-Echavarria, and Mark L. J. Wright. "Bad Investments and Missed Opportunities? Postwar Capital Flows to Asia and Latin America." American Economic Review 108, no. 12 (December 1, 2018): 3541–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.20151510.
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After World War II, international capital flowed into slow-growing Latin America rather than fast-growing Asia. This is surprising as, everything else equal, fast growth should imply high capital returns. This paper develops a capital flow accounting framework to quantify the role of different factor market distortions in producing these patterns. Surprisingly, we find that distortions in labor markets, rather than domestic or international capital markets, account for the bulk of these flows. Labor market distortions that indirectly depress investment incentives by lowering equilibrium labor supply explain two-thirds of observed flows, while improvement in these distortions over time accounts for much of Asia's rapid growth. (JEL E22, E24, E32, F21, F32, O16, O47)
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Heuser, Beatrice. "European defence before and after the ‘Turn of the Tide’." Review of International Studies 19, no. 4 (October 1993): 409–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500118297.
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The last fifty years were bloody and dismal for many war-torn regions of the world. The end of the Second World War ushered in a new era of local and ‘limited’ wars throughout Asia, Africa and Latin America. Hardly a day went by without a war, civil or international, claiming its victims somewhere on our planet. Yet Europe experienced a ‘Long Peace’ (J. L. Gaddis). The direct confrontation of the superpowers, the Soviet and US tanks on either side of the inner German border, immunized Europe from the plague of war. In the great wrestling match between East and West, Europe was the prime prize, and too much was at stake for all sides to allow any wars, even minor wars, to erupt anywhere on this continent.1
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Vazquez, Adriana. "The cruelest harvest: Virgilian agricultural pessimism in the poetry of the Brazilian colonial period." Classical Receptions Journal 12, no. 4 (July 26, 2020): 445–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/crj/claa006.
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Abstract Classical imagery and mythological narratives provided ready literary analogues for framing European expansion into the New World in the colonial and early modern periods. This article examines the manipulation of classical images of agricultural fecundity and Virgilian pessimism in select works of two Brazilian poets working in the neoclassical tradition during the colonial period, José Basílio da Gama (1740–95) and Inácio José de Alvarenga Peixoto (1744–93), by which both poets advance a critique of Iberian expansion into Latin America. I argue that both poets, writing in dialogue with one another, activate an especially Virgilian agricultural imagery that sets war in contradiction to agricultural production in a post-colonial critique of European imperialist expansion into Brazil. The poetry of these figures exhibits a remarkable reversal of sympathies that distinguishes South American treatment of ancient material from that of European receptions that aligned imperial Europe with the Roman empire and its traditional heroes, a comparison established in order to justify colonialist expansion into the New World.
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Fortmann, Michel, and David G. Haglund. "Public diplomacy and dirty tricks: Two faces of united states ‘informal penetration’ of Latin America on the eve of world war II." Diplomacy & Statecraft 6, no. 2 (July 1995): 536–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592299508405975.
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Bartley, Russell H. "The Cold War and Latin American Area Studies in the Former USSR: Reflections and Reminiscences." Latin American Perspectives 45, no. 4 (May 7, 2018): 115–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x18773729.
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All bodies of scholarship reflect societal mindsets and ideologies. Academic fields of geopolitical area studies exemplify this fact, having developed historically in response to the global objectives and related policy requirements of major nation-states over the past century and a half. In the case of Latin American area studies, the field was given decisive impetus by the Cold War, as were the related fields of Soviet and United States studies in each of the two contending superpowers. Discussion of a representative selection of Latin Americanists in the former USSR, their varied statuses within the Soviet academic establishment, and their professional relations with their U.S counterparts and of the development of Soviet Latin American area studies from the post–World War II years down to the demise of the USSR in the early 1990s makes clear that both Soviet and American academic establishments were constrained by Cold War political imperatives and accompanying mindsets that hampered but did not preclude the pursuit and achievement of genuine scholarship. Todos los campos de estudio reflejan mentalidades e ideologías sociales. Los campos académicos de los estudios geopolíticos dan ejemplo de esto, dado que se desarrollaron en respuesta a los objetivos globales y requisitos políticos pertinentes de las principales naciones-estado durante el último siglo y medio. Los estudios sobre América Latina recibieron un impulso decisivo durante la Guerra Fría, junto con los estudios soviéticos y estadounidenses en cada una de las dos superpotencias contendientes. Un vistazo a una selección representativa de latinoamericanistas en la antigua URSS, sus variantes condiciones dentro del status quo académico soviético, y sus relaciones profesionales con sus contrapartes estadounidenses, así como al desarrollo de los estudios soviéticos sobre América Latina después la Segunda Guerra Mundial y hasta la desaparición de la URSS a principios de la década de 1990, dejan en claro que tanto los establecimientos académicos soviéticos como estadounidenses estaban constreñidos por los imperativos políticos de la Guerra Fría y la mentalidad acompañante. Esto obstaculizaba, pero no impedía, la búsqueda y el logro de auténtica investigación.
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Roelofse-Campbell, Z. "Enlightened state versus millenarian vision: A comparison between two historical novels." Literator 18, no. 1 (April 30, 1997): 83–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/lit.v18i1.531.
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Two millenarian events, one in Brazil (Canudos Rebellion, 1897) and the other in South Africa (Bulhoek Massacre, 1921) have inspired two works of narrative fiction: Mario Vargas Llosa's The War of the End of the World (1981) and Mike Nicol’s This Day and Age (1992). In both novels the events are presented from the perspectives of both the oppressed landless peasants and the oppressors, who were the ruling élites. In both instances, governments which purported to be models of enlightenment and modernity resorted to violence and repression in order to uphold their authority. Vargas Llosa's novel was written in the Latin American tradition where truth and fiction mingle indistinguishably while in the South African novel fictional elements override historical truth.
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Findley, Michael G., and Joseph K. Young. "Terrorism and Civil War: A Spatial and Temporal Approach to a Conceptual Problem." Perspectives on Politics 10, no. 2 (May 25, 2012): 285–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592712000679.
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What is the relationship between civil war and terrorism? Most current research on these topics either explicitly or implicitly separates the two, in spite of compelling reasons to consider them together. In this paper, we examine the extent to which terrorism and civil war overlap and then unpack various temporal and spatial patterns. To accomplish this, we use newly geo-referenced terror event data to offer a global overview of where and when terrorist events happen and whether they occur inside or outside of civil war zones. Furthermore, we conduct an exploratory analysis of six separate cases that have elements of comparability but also occur in unique contexts, which illustrate some of the patterns in terrorism and civil war. The data show a high degree of overlap between terrorism and ongoing civil war and, further, indicate that a substantial amount of terrorism occurs prior to civil wars in Latin America, but yet follows civil war in other regions of the world. While the study of terrorism and of civil war mostly occurs in separate scholarly communities, we argue for more work that incorporates insights from each research program and we offer a possibility for future research by considering how geo-referenced terror and civil war data may be utilized together. More generally, we expect these results to apply to a wide variety of attitudes and behaviors in contentious politics.
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UY, MICHAEL SY. "Performing Catfish Row in the Soviet Union: The Everyman Opera Company andPorgy and Bess, 1955–56." Journal of the Society for American Music 11, no. 4 (October 20, 2017): 470–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1752196317000384.
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AbstractFor three weeks in 1955 and 1956 the Everyman Opera Company stagedPorgy and Bessin Leningrad and Moscow. In the previous two years, the Robert Breen and Blevins Davis production of Gershwin's opera had toured Europe and Latin America, funded by the U.S. State Department. Yet when Breen negotiated a performance tour to Russia, the American government denied funding, stating, among other reasons, that a production would be “politically premature.” Surprisingly, however, the opera was performed with the Soviet Ministry of Culture paying the tour costs in full. I argue that this tour, negotiated amid the growing civil rights movement, was a non-paradigmatic example of cultural exchange at the beginning of the Cold War: an artistic product funded at different times byboththe United Statesandthe Soviet Union. Through an examination of the tour's archival holdings, interviews with surviving cast members, and the critical reception in the historically black press, this essay contributes to ongoing questions of Cold War scholarship, including discussions on race, identity, and the unpredictable nature of cultural exchange.
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Hinton, Diana Davids. "Introduction." Business History Review 84, no. 2 (2010): 195–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007680500002579.
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This issue brings together five articles on the modern petroleum industry. Two cover the growth of the industry in the early twentieth century: Michael Adamson's study of the development of California's coastal oil region by independent oilman Ralph Lloyd; and the study by Lisa Bud-Frierman, Andrew Godley, and Judith Wale of the British entrepreneur Weetman Pearson's operations in Mexico. Two articles treat the post–World War II period: Nathan Citano looks at the budding interests of U.S. oilmen in the Middle East and Daniele Pozzi traces the transformation of the Italian company ENI into an international oil firm. Finally, Keetie Sluyterman examines the ways in which Royal Dutch Shell handled environmental issues from its inception in 1907 to the present. The issue also contains a survey of recent historiography on the oil industry in Latin America by Marcelo Bucheli and a review essay by James Bamberg on a recent four-volume history of Royal Dutch Shell.
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Grachikov, Evgeny N. "China in Global Governance: Ideology, Theory, and Instrumentation." Russia in Global Affairs 18, no. 4 (2020): 132–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.31278/1810-6374-2020-18-4-132-153.
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Over the past few years, the global political landscape has changed dramatically. Trump’s aggressive foreign policy has broken the precarious balance between the centers of world politics established in the past two decades. The U.S. trade war with China and accusations of creating COVID-19 have added a significant imbalance to the distribution of power in global governance. The current political global space is characterized by a tough struggle between the main centers of power for spheres of influence in macro regions, global power and redistribution of world incomes. In fact, it is a struggle for competition in setting the principles, norms and models of the future world order. Most of the developing countries in Asia, Africa, and Latin America are distancing themselves from the West on many international issues, and advocating the creation of national concepts of world order (in “non-West,” “post-West,” “outside the West” formats), which would take into account the political and cultural traditions of their countries, and the specific experience of their interaction with neighboring states and the world as a whole. Thus, the competition in global governance between the United States and China is for a new global order, including influence on the vast Global South. This article offers an analysis of China’s strategy of global governance and Chinese academic discourse on this issue. The paper also examines China’s instrumentation for formatting its own structure of global governance and forms of strategic rivalry with the United States.
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Singh, Balwinder. "NON-ALIGNMENT MOVEMENT: IT’S RELEVANCE IN PRESENT CONTEXT." International Journal of Research -GRANTHAALAYAH 5, no. 6 (June 30, 2017): 272–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.29121/granthaalayah.v5.i6.2017.2026.
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After the end of Second World War, the two power bloc was raising in world politics and the revelry between the blocs was on top. The Cold War politics emerged as a bitter experience of international relations. Both blocs were mollifying the other countries of the world. It had to become stronger because of many newly independent countries. For the sake their independence many countries choose the third path to avoiding war and keeping their independence, they framed NAM (Non-alignment Movement). Most of these countries was belong to Asia and Africa and also newly independent. The US (United States) and European countries criticized NAM and revoked it as a group of opportunist countries. The NAM emerged as an international platform as a third alternative of two power blocs. The NAM was the international phenomenon of developing and third world countries. Non-alignment grew out of the cold war bitter relationship between US and USSR. Some developing and third world newly independent countries refused to post Second World War world politics through the eyes of their erstwhile colonial rulers. Indian Prime Minister Nehru was one of the paramount leaders of NAM since its inception. After the demise of British rule in India, India also refused to join any bloc in Cold War time. Nehru did not want to enter in two bloc politics due to India’s national interests. He thought that Indian independence could diminish if India going toward any blocs and adopted Non-alignment as an instrument of foreign policy. He also made effort to discuss other world leader to formulate NAM as platform of collective voice of newly independence countries. The paper also aims to explain India’s contribution to the Non-alignment Movement.
The first formal conference of NAM was in Bandung in 1961. Nehru and others NAM leaders uttered against new imperialism in Asia and Africa in Bandung Summit by the western countries. Some countries raise questions about the importance and relevance of NAM and produce it as a callous movement after the end of the Cold War. However the broader membership of NAM proved its relevance and importance. Most of the world countries adopted NAM membership due to its popularity and momentous agenda. While the Cold War strategic environment underestimates Non-alignment movement and the two power blocs tried to demoralize Non-alignment movement, however the Non-alignment movement was accomplishing their work with a greater momentum.
Non-alignment, both as a foreign policy perspective of most newly independence states of Asia, Africa and Latin America and as well as an international movement was a critical factor of contemporary international relations. The Non-alignment movement was the collective voice of developing and third world countries since the first official meeting of its leaders in Belgrade in 1961. The policy of the Non-alignment has been being the issue of debate in international politics since its origin. In 1970’s, its importance and relevance had questioned, with the emergence of détente in international relations. The US and European countries did not consider the NAM movement at that time. Both power blocs were also questioned the role of NAM in cold war era. The western countries always tagged NAM as a collaboration of opportunist countries. It was such a big thing that NAM survived in fracas of cold war. The study tried to remove skepticism on Non-alignment and NAM in post-Cold War arena. It is also suggesting a new way for making the movement effective and relevant in present context.
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Rao, R. Rama. "Developing Countries: Threats to Their Security." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 42, no. 1 (January 1986): 27–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492848604200102.
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Most developing countries in Asia, Africa and the Caribbean were, until recently, colonies of one or other Western power. The nations of Central and South America too were under the colonial rule of Spain and Portugal. But these Western powers had to vacate their Latin American colonies partly because of pressures by United States and partly because of indigenous freedom movements. In contrast, Asian and African people enslaved by European powers regained their freedom only when the latter had to retreat to their home countries after the Second World War. The United States had then also played its part in facilitating this retreat by Western powers. Colonial rule extending over centuries had effectively reduced the local inhabitants of colonial Asia and Africa to the status of serfs in their own countries impoverishing them and stifling their initiative. This was inevitable considering that the objectives of colonial rulers were to exploit the natural resources of their colonies and utilise the latter's geo-strategic locations to serve their own imperial interests.
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Herman, Rebecca. "The Global Politics of Anti-Racism: A View from the Canal Zone." American Historical Review 125, no. 2 (April 1, 2020): 460–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhaa150.
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Abstract During World War II, when Axis theories of racial supremacy became purported antonyms to Allied values, leaders of “non-white” countries gained a new framework for challenging a global order grounded in racialized notions of fitness for self-government. But the story is more complex than a sole focus on the international sphere allows, as those leaders who adopted anti-racist rhetoric to challenge their disadvantaged position in international politics were sometimes architects of racial hierarchy at home. This article examines how anti-racist struggles within Panama and the Canal Zone mapped onto the anti-imperialist project of a racist Panamanian state. Scholars of race and international relations have highlighted the challenges that anti-imperialist struggles posed to racialized criteria for international legitimacy, on the one hand, and the impact of geopolitical conflict on domestic struggles for racial equality, on the other. The view from the Canal Zone reveals the interplay between those two phenomena. Foregrounding Latin America in a history of the global politics of anti-racism precludes escape into binary visions of a world divided between colonizers and colonized, a racist Global North and an anti-racist Global South, or a tidy color line that splits humanity in two.
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Ayerbe, Luis Fernando. "Expansionismo das Grandes Potencias e Questão Nacional. A Revolução Mexicana na era dos Impérios." Revista de Estudos e Pesquisas sobre as Américas 11, no. 1 (April 30, 2017): 14. http://dx.doi.org/10.21057/repam.v11i1.24687.
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ResumoO objetivo do artigo é analisar, a partir de uma breve descrição das disputas políticas e das mudanças de governo que marcaram o processo da Revolução Mexicana entre 1911 e 1917, o entrelaçamento entre dinâmicas locais e internacionais, em que se destaca a projeção de interesses das principais potências da época, cuja agenda no México incorpora determinantes impostas pela guerra mundial de 1914-1918.Para tratar da temática proposta, serão contemplados dois níveis de análise: 1) contextualização histórica da chamada “Era dos Impérios”, entre o último quartel do século XIX e o final da Primeira Guerra, situando as posturas de Estados Unidos e Alemanha com relação ao México; 2) dimensionamento da Revolução Mexicana no debate de esquerda da época sobre a caracterização e impacto do imperialismo nas relações internacionais e nas dinâmicas revolucionarias de países de capitalismo atrasado, retomando abordagens nacionalistas cuja influência em processos políticos posteriores na América Latina nos parece significativa, apesar do reconhecimento pouco destacado como fonte de pesquisa sobre o período.Palavras-chaves: Imperialismo – Questão nacional – Revolução Mexicana – Pensamento social latino-americano Expansionismo de las grandes potencias y cuestión nacional. La revolución mexicana en la era de los imperiosResumenEl objetivo del artículo es analizar, a partir de una breve descripción de las disputas políticas y los cambios de gobierno que marcaron el proceso de la Revolución Mexicana entre 1911 y 1917, el entramado entre las dinámicas locales e internacionales, en que se destaca la proyección de intereses de las principales potencias de la época, cuya agenda en México incorpora determinantes impuestos por la guerra mundial de 1914-1918.Para tratar de la temática propuesta, serán contemplados dos niveles de análisis: 1) contextualización histórica de la llamada “Era de los Imperios”, entre el último cuartel del siglo XIX y el final de la Primera Guerra, situando las posturas de Estados Unidos y Alemania con relación a México; 2) dimensionamiento de la Revolución Mexicana en el debate de izquierda de la época sobre la caracterización e impacto del imperialismo en las relaciones internacionales y en las dinámicas revolucionarias de países de capitalismo atrasado, retomando abordajes nacionalistas cuya influencia en procesos políticos posteriores en América Latina nos parece significativo, aunque de reconocimiento poco destacado como fuente de investigación sobre ese período.Palabras-clave: Imperialismo – Cuestión nacional – Revolución Mexicana – Pensamiento social latino-americano Great powers expansionism and national question. The Mexican revolution in the age of empiresAbstractThe objective of the article is to analyze, from a brief description of the political disputes and the changes of government that marked the process of the Mexican Revolution between 1911 and 1917, the network between local and international dynamics, emphasizing the projection of interests of the major powers at the time, whose agenda in Mexico incorporates determinants imposed by world war 1914-1918.To discuss the proposed theme they will be referred to two levels of analysis: 1) historical contextualization of the “Age of Empires” between the last quarter of the nineteenth century and the end of the First World War, bringing the positions of the US and Germany with regard to Mexico; 2) sizing of the Mexican Revolution in the debate on the left at the time on the characterization and impact of imperialism in international relations and in the revolutionary dynamics of late capitalism countries, taking back nationalists approaches whose influence on later political processes in Latin America seems significant, despite the lack of recognition as a source of research on the period.Keywords: Imperialism – National question – Mexican revolution – Latin American social thought
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Ansaldi, Waldo. "Entre perpejidades y angustias. Notas para pensar las ciencias sociales latinoamericanas." Revista de Estudos e Pesquisas sobre as Américas 8, no. 2 (December 30, 2014): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.21057/repam.v8i2.12963.
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Resumen El artículo es, en rigor, una propuesta de cuestión a investigar: una sociología histórica de las ciencias sociales latinoamericanas que, en una perspectiva de larga duración, recupere la extensa etapa protocientífica (o estudios sociales de primera generación), básicamente ensayística, pero generadora de dos legados que las ciencias sociales institucionalizadas y profesionalizadas (desde mediados del siglo XX) asumieron y potenciaron: la vocación por el cambio social, es decir, la interacción entre conocimiento y política, y la constitución de redes (personales en el primer caso, institucionales, en el segundo). El proceso de constitución de las ciencias sociales latinoamericanas, se sostiene, debe analizarse teniendo en cuenta la estrecha relación con las sucesivas coyunturas internacionales, especialmente a partir de la segunda posguerra, coyunturas que permiten explicar mejor la cambiante agenda de problemas abordados por los científicos sociales -básicamente desde una perspectiva de pensamiento crítico- a lo largo de los últimos setenta años. Así, por caso, los debates sobre el carácter feudal o capitalista de la colonización, los estudios de situaciones de dependencia, el Estado y la democracia. Estas cuatro grandes cuestiones derivan, de algún modo, de las críticas a la teoría de modernización, tan importante en los inicios de la institucionalización. Para el análisis de ésta, asimismo, debe tenerse en cuenta el primordial papel desempeñado por tres organismos internacionales -CEPAL, FLACSO y CLACSO- y por los centros académicos independientes. Se enfatiza el carácter innovador de nuestras ciencias sociales, particularmente durante las décadas de 1960 y 1970, el cual se diluyó a partir de fines o mediados de los años 1980, cuando se produjo un retorno a prácticas caracterizadas por el colonialismo cultural. Empero, en los últimos años se está gestando un proceso de retorno a pensar América Latina desde América Latina, proceso que abre la perspectiva de un rico debate. Palabras claves: ciencias sociales latinoamericanas,ResumoO artigo é, a rigor, uma proposta de questão a investigar: a sociologia histórica das ciências sociais latino-americanas que, em uma perspectiva a longo prazo, recupere a extensa fase protocientífica (ou estudos sociais de primeira geração), basicamente ensaística, mas que acabou gerando dois legados que as ciências sociais institucionalizadas e profissionalizadas, em meados do século XX, assumiram e reforçaram: a vocação para a mudança social, ou seja, a interação entre conhecimento e política, e o networking (pessoal, no primeiro caso, e institucional, no segundo). O processo de formação das ciências sociais latino-americanas, argumenta-se, deve ser considerado tendo em conta a estreita relação mediante sucessivas articulações internacionais, especialmente desde a Segunda Guerra Mundial. Tais articulações permitem explicar melhor a variante agenda de questões abordadas pelos cientistas sociais - basicamente, a partir da perspectiva de pensamento crítico ao longo dos últimos 70 anos. Assim, por exemplo, as discussões sobre o caráter feudal ou capitalista da colonização estudam situações de dependência, do Estado e da democracia. Estas quatro grandes questões derivam de alguma forma, das críticas à teoria da modernização, tão importante no início da institucionalização. Para esta análise também deve ser observado o papel fundamental desempenhado por três organizações internacionais -ECLAC, FLACSO e CLACSO- e pelos centros acadêmicos independentes. O caráter inovador de nossas ciências sociais são enfatizados, principalmente durante os anos 1960 e 1970, que foi diluída a partir de finais ou meados dos anos 1980, quando houve um retorno a práticas caracterizadas pelo colonialismo cultural. No entanto, nos últimos anos se tem feito um processo de volta para a América Latina pensada pela América Latina, tal processo expõe a possibilidade de um debate mais profundo. Palavras-chave: --- AbstractThe article is, in fact, a proposed research question: a historical sociology of Latin American social sciences, in a long term perspective, recall the vast stage of the social studies of first generation basically essays, but generating two legacies that institutionalized and professionalized social sciences (from mid-twentieth century) assumed and reinforced: the vocation for social change, the interaction between knowledge and policy, network building (personal in the first case, institutional, in the second). The process of formation of Latin American social sciences should be analyzed taking into account the close relationship between the successive international situation, especially since the Second World War, joints that allow better explain the changing list of problems approached by social scientists from basically perspectives critical thinking over the last seventy years. So, for instance, the discussions on the feudal or capitalist nature of colonization, studies of dependency situations, the state, and democracy. These four major issues arise, somehow criticism of modernization theory, so important in the early institutionalization. For this analysis, it should also be noted the key role played by three international agencies -CEPAL, FLACSO, and CLACSO- and independent academic centers. The innovative nature of our social sciences is emphasized, particularly during the 1960s and 1970s, which was diluted from mid or late 1980s, when there was a return to practices characterized cultural colonialism. However, in recent years it is developing a process to think back to Latin America from Latin America, a process that opens up the prospect of a rich discussion. Keywords: Latin American Social Sciences,
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Oslington, Paul. "History of Development Economics." Pakistan Development Review 32, no. 4II (December 1, 1993): 631–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v32i4iipp.631-638.
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There are many ways we could approach the history of development economics. We could tell a story of theories replacing and supplementing each other, finishing with the current body of knowledge. Alternatively we could explore the relationship between the evolution of theory and the development experience. Another way of telling the story would be to put the evolution of theory in a wider social, political and philosophical context and explore the interactions. This historical outline will be mainly restricted to the first and simplest method but at certain points where insights from the other two methods can be gained they will be used. Searching for the roots of development economics is also problematic. One possible beginning for this historical outline would be the beginnings of peoples reflections on the evolution of societies, perhaps to the reflections embodied in early mythology. A less extreme approach would begin with the first systematic reflections on the material progress of societies. Moving closer to the approach of most histories of development economics we could begin with systematic reflections on the first industrial revolutions in Europe or finally we could begin after World War II when this sort of enquiry was applied to Asia, Africa and Latin America and began to be called development economics. The beginning chosen depends on the purpose of the history, and here because the focus is on the academic discipline of development economics the story will begin after WWII.
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Laviosa, Flavia. "Six continents at the Centro Sperimentale di Cinematografia in Rome: Flavia Laviosa in conversation with Alfredo Baldi." Journal of Italian Cinema & Media Studies 9, no. 2 (March 1, 2021): 261–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jicms_00065_7.
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In this interview Alfredo Baldi, historian of the Centro Sperimentale di Cinematografia (CSC) in Rome, gives a detailed overview of the political, cultural and artistic reasons for the prevalent presence of students from about 100 countries and six continents in all the specializations offered at the CSC in Rome (directing, photography, set design and acting), since its foundation in 1935. More specifically, Baldi explains why the CSC was popular in the 1930s and 1940s among students from the Axis nations in pre-war Europe, mentions the fascination of world artists with Italian neorealism, attributes international interest of the CSC to the artistic reputation of the film professionals who taught at the CSC and expresses his interpretation of the reasons for the large numbers of students from Greece, the Arab nations, Latin America and the United States in the 1950s and 1960s. Since its foundation, the CSC has granted diplomas at the end of the two- or three-year cycle of studies, but starting in the 2021–24 academic cycle, it will grant university degrees. Baldi explains what led to this critical and long overdue academic and administrative shift.
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Rupprecht, Tobias. "Socialist high modernity and global stagnation: a shared history of Brazil and the Soviet Union during the Cold War." Journal of Global History 6, no. 3 (October 17, 2011): 505–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s174002281100043x.
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AbstractThis article questions a prevailing bipolarity of traditional Cold War history by examining commonalities and interactions between the Soviet Union and Brazil in the 1950s and 1960s. After outlining the common characteristics of both states around 1960, it analyses the cultural diplomacy of the post-Stalinist Soviet Union towards Brazil. Transforming its hitherto prevailing image as the cradle of world revolution and communist class struggle, the USSR now represented itself as a role model for the quick industrialization of the economy and education of the masses. Many Brazilian intellectuals and political reformers from President Kubitschek to President Goulart shared with the Soviets an interest in what is here called ‘socialist high modernity’. Contacts with the Soviet Union were connected to the putsch and the end of Brazilian democracy in 1964. However, the new military leaders also had their own interests in, and surprisingly good relations with, the stagnating Soviet Union. This was again based on a set of commonalities in the historical development of the two ostensibly idiosyncratic and distant states on either side of the Iron Curtain. Eschewing teleological interpretations of the period and exploring the ideational basis of actors in the conflict, this article – based on new documents from Moscow archives and recently declassified sources from the Brazilian Foreign Ministry – aims to link Cold War historiography to the debates on global history, which have lately neglected both Latin America and eastern Europe.
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Łapaj-Kucharska, Justyna. "Selected Aspects of Polish-Mexican Relations on the Political, Economic and Cultural-Scientific Level in the 21st Century." Ad Americam 19 (February 8, 2019): 59–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/adamericam.19.2018.19.05.
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Polish-Mexican relations on the political, economic, cultural and scientific levels have developed over the decades. The first political contacts between our two countries, after Poland regained its independence, were established in the 1920s. However, interstate contacts have not been developed on a larger scale. This was due, among others, to the fact that the Latin American countries did not occupy a priority position in Polish foreign policy neither before or after World War II. After 1990, Mexico became one of Poland’s most important Latin American partners. The Polish-Mexican trade exchange has been growing systematically. In 2015, it exceeded USD 1 billion for the first time in history. In April 2017 the first, historic visit at the highest level of the President of the Republic of Poland, Andrzej Duda, took place in Mexico. It was a positive manifestation of the need to strengthen relations at the highest level and to testify the political will to intensify Poland’s relations with Mexico. In the second decade of the 21st century, we can talk about a “new opening” in Polish-Mexican relations. This manifests itself in both political and economic as well as cultural and scientific contacts. This article shows the most important manifestations of Poland’s relations with Mexico in the first and second decade of the 21st century with some references to previous years.
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Wien, Peter. "Arabs and Fascism: Empirical and Theoretical Perspectives." DIE WELT DES ISLAMS 52, no. 3-4 (2012): 331–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-201200a4.
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The article establishes an interpretive framework for Arab responses to fascism during the 1930s and World War II. Promoters of the Islamofascism paradigm refer to this period as simply a manifestation of the allegedly illiberal inclinations of a vast majority of Arabs and Muslims. They present Arab expressions of sympathy for fascism as conditioned by alleged authoritarian or totalitarian structures inherent in the Islamic religion. In a more nuanced interpretation, Arab reactions to fascism form a phenomenon that can only be understood in the local and chronological contexts of decolonization, in which fascism was a model and reference as a tool of social disciplining with the ultimate goal of getting rid of colonial control. According to this framework, totalitarian references in political discourse were a means to an end that was widespread at the time. Other, equally nuanced interpretations see pro-fascist trends in Middle Eastern states—as they became manifest in party platforms, uniformed youth organizations, or collaboration schemes with Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy—as manifestations of global fascism as a ‘type’. According to this reading, totalitarian and racial ideological systems and leader- and discipline oriented forms of social organization have to be understood as representations of a worldwide trend comparable to Marxist or Capitalist ideology. Examples from India and Latin America provide a comparative framework for this. Neither of the two latter approaches subscribes to a thesis of an Arab “Sonderweg” in the adoption of fascism. Reactions in the Arab world in particular and in Muslim societies in general did not differ substantially from those in other colonial societies.
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Kaup, Monika. "“¡Vaya Papaya!”: Cuban Baroque and Visual Culture in Alejo Carpentier, Ricardo Porro, and Ramón Alejandro." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 124, no. 1 (January 2009): 156–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2009.124.1.156.
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Cuba assumes a special place in the genealogy of the latin American Baroque and its twentieth-century recuperation, ongoing in our twenty-first century—the neobaroque. As Alejo Carpentier has pointed out (and as architectural critics confirm), the Caribbean lacks a monumental architectural baroque heritage comparable with that of the mainland, such as the hyperornate Churrigueresque ultrabaroque of central Mexico and Peru (fig. 1). Nevertheless, it was two Cuban intellectuals, Alejo Carpentier and José Lezama Lima, who spearheaded a new turn in neobaroque discourse after World War II by popularizing the notion of an insurgent, mestizo New World baroque unique to the Americas. Carpentier and Lezama Lima are the key authors of the notion of a decolonizing American baroque, a baroque that expressed contraconquista (counterconquest), as Lezama punned, countering the familiar identification of the baroque with the repressive ideology of the Counter-Reformation and its allies, the imperial Catholic Iberian states (80). Lezama and Carpentier argue that the imported Iberian state baroque was transformed into the transculturated, syncretic New World baroque at the hands of the (often anonymous) native artisans who continued to work under the Europeans, grafting their own indigenous traditions onto the iconography of the Catholic baroque style. The New World baroque is a product of the confluence (however unequal) of Iberian, pre-Columbian, and African cultures during the peaceful seventeenth century and into the eighteenth in Spain's and Portugal's territories in the New World. The examples studied by Lezama and Carpentier are all from the monumental baroque sculpture and architecture of Mexico, the Andes, and Brazil's Minas Gerais province: the work of the Brazilian mulatto artist O Aleijadinho (Antônio Francisco Lisboa [1738–1814]; see fig. 2 in Zamora in this issue) and the indigenous Andean artist José Kondori (dates unknown; see fig. 1 in Zamora), central Mexico's Church of San Francisco Xavier Tepotzotlán (fig. 1), and the folk baroque Church of Santa María Tonantzintla (see fig. 3 in Zamora), to mention a few landmarks and names.
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Parodi, Ella. "A critical investigation of Y7 students’ perceptions of Roman slavery as evidenced in the stories of the Cambridge Latin Course." Journal of Classics Teaching 21, no. 42 (2020): 43–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2058631020000483.
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In an article, ‘The Slaves were Happy’: High School Latin and the Horrors of Classical Studies, Erik Robinson, a Latin teacher from a public high school in Texas, criticises how, in his experience, Classics teaching tends to avoid in-depth discussions on issues such as the brutality of war, the treatment of women and the experience of slaves (Robinson, 2017). However, texts such as the article ‘Teaching Sensitive Topics in the Secondary Classics Classroom’ (Hunt, 2016), and the book ‘From abortion to pederasty: addressing difficult topics in the Classics classroom’ (Sorkin Rabinowitz & McHardy, 2014) strongly advocate for teachers to address these difficult and sensitive topics. They argue that the historical distance between us and Greco-Roman culture and history can allow students to engage and participate in discussions that may otherwise be difficult and can provide a valuable opportunity to address uncomfortable topics in the classroom. Thus, Robinson's assertion that Classics teaching avoids these sensitive topics may not be so definitive. Regardless, Robinson claims that honest confrontations in the classroom with the ‘legacy of horror and abuse’ from the ancient world can be significantly complicated by many introductory textbooks used in Latin classes, such as the Cambridge Latin Course (CLC), one of the most widely used high school Latin textbooks in use in both America and the United Kingdom (Robinson, 2017). In particular, Robinson views the presentation of slavery within the CLC as ‘rather jocular and trivialising’ which can then hinder a reader's perspective on the realities of the violent and abusive nature of the Roman slave trade (Robinson, 2017). As far as he was concerned, the problem lay with the characterisation of the CLC's slave characters Grumio and Clemens, who, he argued, were presented there as happy beings and seemingly unfazed by their positions as slaves. There was never any hint in the book that Grumio or Clemens were unhappy with their lives or their positions as slaves, even though, as the CLC itself states in its English background section on Roman slavery, Roman law ‘did not regard slaves as human beings, but as things that could be bought or sold, treated well or badly, according to the whim of their master’ (CLC I, 1998, p. 78). One might argue, therefore, that there seems to be a disconnect between the English language information we learn about the brutality of the Roman slave trade provided in the background section of Stage 6, and what we can infer about Roman slavery from the Latin language stories involving our two ‘happy’ slaves.
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Gilderhus, Mark T. "Latin America during World War II." Hispanic American Historical Review 88, no. 3 (August 1, 2008): 562–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2008-372.
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De Jesus, Maria, and Carissa Hernandes. "Generalized Violence as a Threat to Health and Well-Being: A Qualitative Study of Youth Living in Urban Settings in Central America’s “Northern Triangle”." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 16, no. 18 (September 18, 2019): 3465. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph16183465.
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El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras rank among the top 10 countries experiencing violence in the world, despite not being at war. Although there is abundant literature on generalized violence in this “northern triangle” of Central America as a driver of out-migration to the United States, very little is known about the perspectives and experiences of youth who do not migrate. This study aimed to elicit the emic perspectives of youth residing in the region on how the day-to-day generalized violence produces a pervasive threat to the overall health and human security of youth as well as the key protective factors and resiliencies at work. We conducted two separate waves of qualitative research in 2015 and 2018 over a 6-month period, which included 60 in-depth interviews and six focus groups among Salvadoran, Guatemalan and Honduran youth living in urban areas. Qualitative thematic analysis revealed two meta-themes: (1) ‘Lack of health,’ defined as not experiencing peace within the family, the community, and the country’ and (2) ‘Resilience.’ Thematic clusters that reflect the first meta-theme are: (1) violence as a common occurrence; (2) living in fear and insecurity; (3) victimization; and (4) lack of state protection and services. Thematic clusters for the second meta-theme are: (1) a positive future outlook and a commitment to education; (2) transnational and local family network support; and (3) engagement in community-based youth groups. To interpret the findings, we adopt the Latin American Social Medicine and Collective Health (LASM-CH) approach that prioritizes perspectives from the region. Generalized violence is conceptualized as a systemic phenomenon that is generated and reproduced through the complex interactions of structural inequities and unequal power relations. The findings of this study provide new insights into the implementation of a different approach to address the generalized violence, insights that may guide multi-sectoral health policies and interventions both in the region and transnationally.
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Escobar, Luis. "A world without statistics?" Innovaciencia Facultad de Ciencias Exactas, Físicas y Naturales 3, no. 1 (December 15, 2015): 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.15649/2346075x.377.
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As a practicing statistician, we frequently are asked questions like: What is the role of statistics in our daily life? Why do we need statistics? What would the world be without statistics? Here are some of my thoughts on these and related matters. Statistics is an ancient tool which has been useful in solving problems of interest and understanding the world we live in. Until recently, say 60 years ago, in Latin America there was the wrong perception that statistics was an exoteric field that did not relate well to the needs of our society. Also, it was incorrectly thought that statistics was a branch of mathematics of interest only to people in academia. Fortunately, the perception is changing. These days, we find more and more people interested on how and where one could use statistics to the advantage of government, business, sciences, and day to day affairs. Careers and training in statistics are becoming more common in our universities, and statisticians are beginning to play an important role in our society. Statistics derives its power from the positive impact that it can have when it interacts with other fields like science, business, government, services, and research in general. There are numerous well documented reports for the interdisciplinary added value due to the use of statistics. The reports are on a wide range of applications from Physics (see, Mahon, B. “How Science Got Statistics”, Significance, June 2015) to improving the quality of beer (see, https:// en.wikipedia.org/wiki/William_Sealy_Gosset). For a very interesting collection of applications in México, see http://www. mundoestadisticacimat.mx/videos. In principle the idea is to use statistics to make decisions based on uncertainty and limited information. The first hurdle to overcome is to agree to the concept that basically there are no predictable or repeatable processes. That variability is inherent on whatever we observe, measure, or manufacture. Also, to understand that it is unrealistic to expect a complete control of variability, if at all possible, at a reasonable cost. In making decisions under uncertainty there are important considerations: The risk in simplistic terms is function of the probability that the decision is incorrect and the cost due to the incorrect decision. If the risk is too high, it might be the case that we should not assume the risk or take action to decrease the probability or cost (or both) of an incorrect decision. Related, suppose that there is a business decision which carries minor lasting economic repercussions in case of failure, other than the cost of implementing it, but with great competitive advantages if it succeeds. The business opportunity is a function of the probability of a successful decision and the benefits derived from this decision. If the investment to try the new venture is low as compared to potential business opportunity, why not try? In either case, getting a good estimate of the probability of an incorrect (or correct) decision is in the realm of work where good statistics combined with subject matter is paramount. Interestingly, statistics thrives in moments of crisis. The need of quick response or understanding of undesirable events has shown the important role of statistics in those decision making situations. A few documented cases that come to mind are: the important work of statisticians in breaking the Enigma code and the developing of the A-bomb during World War II, the role of statistics in understanding the problem and finding adequate treatments for HIV patients since this epidemiologic crisis emerged in the 1980s, understanding the root cause for the Space Shuttle Challenger disaster in 1986, and the work of statisticians in the non-destructive evaluation area caused by the current terrorist attacks. Of course, all these examples are high end applications, but statistics is being used today for more mundane purposes like: what is the remaining life of the battery of a pacemaker that a patient has worn for a certain period of time or how to identify those students in their first college year with the highest probability of abandoning their college education. Another important trait of statistics is its evolving nature. It is a field in the making in the sense that the field is driven by change and innovations (i.e., the discipline grows due to the needs of new problems to solve). We have the challenge and opportunity of forging and building statistical curricula that is useful for our future graduates. Where should we start? This is subject to debate. I am of the opinion that it should be started at the high school level at the latest, but by all means all college students should be exposed to some type of statistics education. Not everybody needs to be a practicing statistician, but at the very minimum, individuals in decision making positions should know when to use statistics or when to bring in statisticians into the decision making process. Paraphrasing A. Gelman, what would be “A world without statistics?” Well, the world most likely would have not disappeared, but we would not understand it so well, it would not be as confortable, and the quality of life would not be as good. Finally, for young generations interested in jobs for the future, the track record of statistics in other countries anticipates that in Latin America statistics would be a promising career with good job security, competitive salaries, and friendly working environments.
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Zahler, Reuben. "Liberal Justice: Judicial Reform in Venezuela’s Courts, 1786–1850." Hispanic American Historical Review 90, no. 3 (August 1, 2010): 489–522. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2010-004.
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Abstract This article addresses two questions regarding the court system in Venezuela, 1780s–1840s, placed within the context of legal reforms throughout Latin America. First, how accurate is the assumption in the historiography that the disruptions of the independence war and the establishment of a republican government prompted Venezuelans to lose confidence in the courts and virtually stop using them? The investigation finds that republican Venezuelans used the courts as much as or more than their colonial counterparts; the number of court cases dropped during periods of intense violence but then quickly rebounded. Second, did the post-independence judicial system effectively integrate liberal legislative reforms into courtroom standards and practices? The study shows that, while republican court reform failed in some measures, it also succeeded in the following four areas: The courts changed the standards of evidence so that they gave clear preference to the empirical observations of the litigants and witnesses rather than their personal reputations; they reorganized court jurisdictions into an unambiguous hierarchy; they increased transparency; and they adopted constitutionally defined civil liberties of defendants in a manner that equates with modern “due process.” The article contextualizes these changes within legal reforms throughout the Atlantic world that, beginning in the eighteenth century, sought to increase state centralization through establishing the dominance of state legislation over other norms of justice (religious law, tradition, and custom) and creating clear bureaucratic hierarchies. Venezuela’s republican government pursued goals previously aspired to by the colonial government, but accelerated them as it promoted legal equality and rational empiricism.
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Janick, Herbert, Stephen S. Gosch, Donn C. Neal, Donald J. Mabry, Arthur Q. Larson, Elizabeth J. Wilcoxson, Paul E. Fuller, et al. "Book Reviews." Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 14, no. 2 (May 5, 1989): 85–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.14.2.85-104.
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Anthony Esler. The Human Venture. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1986. Volume I: The Great Enterprise, a World History to 1500. Pp. xii, 340. Volume II: The Globe Encompassed, A World History since 1500. Pp. xii, 399. Paper, $20.95 each. Review by Teddy J. Uldricks of the University of North Carolina at Asheville. H. Stuart Hughes and James Wilkinson. Contemporary Europe: A History. Englewood Clifffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1987. Sixth edition. Pp. xiii, 615. Cloth, $35.33. Review by Harry E. Wade of East Texas State University. Ellen K. Rothman. Hands and Hearts: A History of Courtship in America. Cambridge and London: Harvard University Press, 1987. Pp. xi, 370. Paper, $8.95. Review by Mary Jane Capozzoli of Warren County Community College. Bernard Lewis, ed. Islam: from the Prophet Muhammad to the Capture of Constantinople. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1987. Volume I: Politics and War. Pp.xxxvii, 226. Paper, $9.95. Volume II: Religion and Society. Pp. xxxix, 310. Paper, $10.95. Review by Calvin H. Allen, Jr. of The School of the Ozarks. Michael Stanford. The Nature of Historical Knowledge. New York: Basil Blackwell, 1986. Pp. vii, 196. Cloth, $45.00; paper, $14.95. Review by Michael J. Salevouris of Webster University. David Stricklin and Rebecca Sharpless, eds. The Past Meets The Present: Essays On Oral History. Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1988. Pp. 151. Paper, $11.50. Review by Jacob L. Susskind of The Pennsylvania State University. Peter N. Stearns. World History: Patterns of Change and Continuity. New York: Harper and row, 1987. Pp. viii, 598. Paper, $27.00; Theodore H. Von Laue. The World Revolution of Westernization: The Twentieth Century in Global Perspective. New York: Oxford University Press, 1987. Pp. xx, 396. Cloth, $24.95. Review by Jayme A. Sokolow of the National Endowment for the Humanities. Marilyn J. Boxer and Jean R Quataert, eds. Connecting Spheres: Women in the Western World, 1500 to the Present. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987. Pp. xvii, 281. Cloth, $29.95; Paper, $10.95. Review by Samuel E. Dicks of Emporia State University. Dietrich Orlow. A History of Modern Germany: 1870 to Present. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1987. Pp. xi, 371. Paper, $24.33. Review by Gordon R. Mork of Purdue University. Gail Braybon and Penny Summerfield. Out of the Cage: Women's Experiences in Two World Wars. Pandora: London and New York, 1987. Pp. xiii, 330. Paper, $14.95. Review by Paul E. Fuller of Transylvania University. Moshe Lewin. The Gorbachev Phenomenon: A Historical Interpretation. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1988. Pp. xii, 176. Cloth, $16.95; David A. Dyker, ed. The Soviet Union Under Gorbachev: Prospects for Reform. London & New York: Croom Helm, 1987. Pp. 227. Cloth, $35.00. Review by Elizabeth J. Wilcoxson of Northern Essex Community College. Charles D. Smith, Palestine and the Arab-Israeli Conflict. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1988. Pp. viii, 308. Cloth, $35.00. Review by Arthur Q. Larson of Westmar College. Stephen G. Rabe. Eisenhower and Latin America: The Foreign Policy of Anticommunism. Chapel Hill & London: The University of North Carolina Press, 1988. Pp. 237. Cloth $29.95; paper, $9.95. Review by Donald J. Mabry of Mississippi State University. Earl Black and Merle Black. Politics and Society in the South. Cambridge and London: Harvard University Press, 1987. Pp. ix, 363. Cloth, $25.00. Review by Donn C. Neal of the Society of American Archivists. The Lessons of the Vietnam War: A Modular Textbook. Pittsburgh: Center for Social Studies Education, 1988. Teacher edition (includes 64-page Teacher's Manual and twelve curricular units of 31-32 pages each), $39.95; student edition, $34.95; individual units, $3.00 each. Order from Center for Social Studies Education, 115 Mayfair Drive, Pittsburgh, PA 15228. Review by Stephen S. Gosch of the University of Wisconsin-Eau Claire. Media Reviews Carol Kammen. On Doing Local History. Videotape (VIIS). 45 minutes. Presented at SUNY-Brockport's Institute of Local Studies First Annual Symposium, September 1987. $29.95 prepaid. (Order from: Dr. Ronald W. Herlan, Director, Institute of Local Studies, Room 180, Faculty Office Bldg., SUNY-Brockport. Brockport. NY 14420.) Review by Herbert Janick of Western Connecticut State University.
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Chrimes, Philip. "Latin America and the First World War." International Affairs 94, no. 2 (March 1, 2018): 474–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiy052.
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Tato, María Inés. "Latin America and the First World War." First World War Studies 10, no. 2-3 (September 2, 2019): 288–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19475020.2020.1728889.
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Rausch, Jane M. "Latin America and the First World War." Hispanic American Historical Review 98, no. 2 (May 1, 2018): 363–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-4379955.
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Esquivel-Santoveña, Esteban Eugenio, Teri L. Lambert, and John Hamel. "Partner Abuse Worldwide." Partner Abuse 4, no. 1 (2013): 6–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/1946-6560.4.1.6.
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Research on partner abuse has lagged in much of the world where attention has been on other problems (such as famine and war) and other crimes against women (e.g., honor killings, genital mutilation). We conducted a sweeping review of scholarly articles published in peer-reviewed journals and by government agencies outside of the United States and English-speaking developed nations that provided quantitative data on physical, psychological, and sexual abuse of intimate partners as well as consequences, risk factors, and attitudes. One hundred sixty-two articles reporting on more than 200 studies in Asia, the Middle East, Africa, Latin America, and Europe met the inclusion criteria from various types of samples. Most of the studies reported on female victimization only, but 73 reported on both male and female victimization.We also conducted an analysis of data from our literature review, including 1 major cross-national study, to determine the relationship among prevalence of abuse, social factors, and women’s empowerment. Results indicate that partner abuse is a widespread problem around the world, with multiple causes. Overall prevalence of abuse is higher in Third World countries compared to the United States, and rates for physical and psychological abuse are comparable across gender in most countries when all types of samples are considered. No significant association was found between rates of partner violence (PV) and a nation’s level of human development. However, a significant relationship was found between a nation’s level of gender empowerment and rates of PV by both males and females but only for university dating samples from the International Dating Violence Study (IDVS). In addition, an analysis of the IDVS indicates that efforts by 1 partner to dominate the other are positively correlated with physical abuse perpetration for women, but not for men. Among the limitations of this review was the relatively few numbers of large population studies that ask about both male and female perpetration and victimization and the consequences and context of PV. Implications of the findings include the need for a broader conceptualization of PV as not merely a gender problem but also (and perhaps primarily) a human problem.
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Desiderato, Agustín Daniel. "Stefan Rinke. Latin America and the First World War." Cuadernos de historia (Santiago), no. 51 (December 2019): 261–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.4067/s0719-12432019000200261.
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Dehne, Phillip. "Stefan Rinke. Latin America and the First World War." American Historical Review 123, no. 3 (May 30, 2018): 986–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/123.3.986.
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Dadzie, K. K. S. "Trade and Development Report, 1993." Foreign Trade Review 28, no. 2-3 (July 1993): 113–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0015732515930201.
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The Trade and Development Report of 1992 had predicted that without a strong boost to global demand the world economy v.�ould continue to stagnate. So it has. Belying almost all other official forecasts, the North has failed to recover. As a result, commodity prices are falling yet again, intensifying poverty in the South, and the unemployed are multiplying, intensifying poverty in the North. Joblessness is now not only the prime issue in domestic politics: by providing humus for protectionist sentiments and xenophobia, it is also forcing itself onto the international agenda. The tide of market-oriented reform has continued to flow strongly in developing countries and the former socialist countries of Eastern Europe. In Asia, the fast-growing economies, which had managed to steer clear of the turbulence of debt and policy shocks, have continued ahead at full steam. Thanks to reform, Latin America has been showered with finance. In Africa, the winds of change have turned into a gale, but the economies are still in the doldrums. In the transition economies of Europe, the worst is over in some hut not in others. International financial flows have been bringing many benefits but also problems. Exchange rates have been under severe strain, and international trade negotiations have been teetering bern�een openness and protectionism. The new era after the Cold War should not be allowed to become one of economic conflict. Governments acknowledge the need for cooperation, but the real challenge remains. It is to translate the aspiration for harmony into practice-and do so in a way that will advance development and push back poverty The right approach is to marry boldness with realism. Without boldness structures will not change, but unless policies are tempered with realism there will be costly excesses. Boldness is also required to clear the debt overhang, which continues to bear down on 1nany developing countries. And unless there is boldness, too, infighting global deflation, the problems of the world economy will further multiply, and instability will overwhelm confidence.
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BETHELL, LESLIE. "Brazil and ‘Latin America’." Journal of Latin American Studies 42, no. 3 (August 2010): 457–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x1000088x.
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AbstractThis essay, part history of ideas and part history of international relations, examines Brazil's relationship with Latin America in historical perspective. For more than a century after independence, neither Spanish American intellectuals nor Spanish American governments considered Brazil part of ‘América Latina’. For their part, Brazilian intellectuals and Brazilian governments only had eyes for Europe and increasingly, after 1889, the United States, except for a strong interest in the Río de la Plata. When, especially during the Cold War, the United States, and by extension the rest of the world, began to regard and treat Brazil as part of ‘Latin America’, Brazilian governments and Brazilian intellectuals, apart from some on the Left, still did not think of Brazil as an integral part of the region. Since the end of the Cold War, however, Brazil has for the first time pursued a policy of engagement with its neighbours – in South America.
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Henderson, Paul, Leslie Bethell, and Ian Roxborough. "Latin America between the Second World War and the Cold War, 1944-1948." Bulletin of Latin American Research 13, no. 3 (September 1994): 343. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3338522.
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Chrimes, Philip. "Latin America between the Second World War and the Cold War, 1944–48." International Affairs 69, no. 4 (October 1993): 785–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2620653.
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Lowenthal, Abraham, Leslie Bethell, and Ian Roxborough. "Latin America between the Second World War and the Cold War, 1944-1948." Foreign Affairs 72, no. 3 (1993): 204. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20045665.
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Buchanan, Paul G., Leslie Bethell, and Ian Roxborough. "Latin America between the Second World War and the Cold War, 1944-1948." Hispanic American Historical Review 74, no. 4 (November 1994): 757. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2517549.
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