Journal articles on the topic 'Latin America – Economic conditions – 19th century'

Patterns of child health and well-being in Latin America's past - have been assumed to be delayed and derivative of European and North Americanexperiences. Through an examination of recent historiography, this essay traces a more complex reality: interest in infant and child health in Latin America arose from a range of domestic and regional prerogatives. This attention was rooted in preColumbian cultures, then relegated to the private sphere during the colonial period, except for young public wards. Starting in the 19th century, professionals, reformers, and policy-makers throughout the region regarded child health as a matter central to building modern societies. Burgeoning initiatives were also linked to international priorities and developments, not through one-way diffusion but via ongoing interaction of ideas and experts. Despite pioneering approaches to children's rights and health in Latin America, commitment to child well-being has remained uneven, constrained in many settings by problematic political and economic conditions uch.

Alexander von Humboldt's expedition from 1799 till 1804 to the "equinoctial regions of the new world" led through Venezuela, Cuba, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, and Mexico. In Europe an increased knowledge of the "New World" was connected with the privately funded journey, which served purely scientific purposes and had nothing to do with the exploration and exploitation of natural resources. Besides the research results, which were based on new measuring methods and the quantitative ascertainment of scientific basics, the journey also made possible detailed descriptions in matters of regional studies including social, socio-economic, political, and economic-geographic circumstances, which were based on empirical field studies. The expedition took place shortly before the political change in Latin America. Humboldt, who still experienced the feudal character of global economy based on slave labor in the colonies, vehemently criticized this economic structure - although he was a noble - and its unbearable social conditions. This is the reason why Humboldt is still admired in Latin America till this day. In Europe the scientific insights of his journey to the tropics and his innovative impulses in geog raphy as well as in many other disciplines brought him fame and lasting recognition as a universal scholar, who had crucial influence on the development of the sciences during the first half of the 19th century.

Turbulent states, structural changes and systemic crises of the world economy have been one of the decisive factors influencing the activity of large integration associations in all centuries. A particularly clear example is the integration processes in the Eurasian space. «The Great Silk Road» – a huge branched system of caravan routes. The Great Silk Road was a kind of connecting link between countries, civilization and socio-economic systems. The path «From the Varangians to the Greeks functioned along the Volga route. The end of the 17th and the first quarter of the 18th centuries was the period of Peter's reforms. Peter I regarded foreign trade as an important means of integrating Russia into Western European culture. Major bans related to the outside world were imposed on the Russian economy in the early 19th century. Anglo-German rivalry and antagonism played a decisive role in the complex system of imperialist contradictions that led to the First World War in 1914–1918. The Second World War almost six times exceeded the First in terms of the total number of victims: 50 million people. The consequence of the Second World War was the formation of the world socialist system, the disintegration of the colonial system and the beginning of the formation and development of major integration projects in Europe, Latin America, East Asia and Africa. Since January 2015, the Eurasian Economic Union functions. The possibilities of cooperation between the EAEU and other integration associations are widely discussed. The interface with the project of the Economic belt of the Silk Road Road is of particular interest.

AbstractThis essay examines three recent historical approaches to the political economy of Latin America's relative economic backwardness. All three locate the origins of contemporary underdevelopment in defective colonial institutions linked to inequality. The contrasting view offered here affirms the significance of institutional constraints, but argues that they did not arise from colonial inequalities, but from the adaptation of Iberian practices to the American colonies under conditions of imperial weakness. Colonial inequality varied across the Americas; while it was not correlated with colonial economic performance, it mattered because it determined the extent of elite resistance to institutional modernisation after independence. The onset of economic growth in the mid to late nineteenth century brought economic elites to political power, but excluding majorities as inequality increased restrained the region's twentieth-century growth rates and prevented convergence.

The paper compares for the first time in historiography the Lithuanian manorial-serf economy and Latin American hacienda economic systems of the second half of the 18th century to the second half of the 19th century in the context of the capitalist world system (CWS). The main focus will be on the explication in macro level of similarities and differences of structures and development trends of these systems. The analyzed period corresponds to the stage of both the dominance and intensification of manorial-serf economy in Lithuania and predominance and intensification of hacienda economy in Latin American countries and it was determined by the same factor of the industrial revolution. The study confirms the thesis that these economic systems belonged to typologically closed economic kind (they were focused on the serfdom method of production) in the global division of labor. It shows that both Lithuanian manorial-serf economy and haciendas of Latin America were not typical feudal enterprises, but displayed only peripheral (agrarian) capitalism features.

The essay by Murillo, Shrank, and Luna constitutes a much-needed and welcome wake-up call for those of us who study Latin America—and for political scientists more generally. The authors make a plea for “a rigorous, comparative, and empirically grounded” study of Latin American political economy. I fully agree with their diagnosis of this field and their recommendations. I also praise the authors for defining political economy broadly—rather than narrowly, through a focus on research methods. They understand political economy to encompass all the economic, social, and political factors that are either contextual conditions or consequences of major macroeconomic transformations. Thus the authors lay out an important research agenda for the study of Latin American political economy that includes not only issues of economic development and inequality, but also patterns of democratic politics, state capacities, the rule of law, identity politics, and international linkages, among others. For the authors, the major political and economic transformations that the region has undergone since the start of the twentyfirst century—in its postneoliberal era—cry out for a contextualized research agenda and, I would add, open a host of opportunities for theoretical and conceptual innovation.

This brief survey of 19th century Latin America countries economy offered for reader’s attention represents the second article within a series of papers thought by the author in order to follow historical genesis of economical complex of regional states. The indicated period is to be of special interest due to the fact that within it happened development of its specialization accompanied by fundamental processes in commodity production based on destructing of communal Indian land ownership, abolition of slavery and stimulating of European immigration. The experience obtained during application of liberal conceptions in Latin America’s states at the beginning of capitalist economy clearly showed senselessness to borrow alien ideology without taking into consideration local specifics, because this fact frequently contradicted the needs of authentic development in the receiving countries. As a rule these conceptions represented requirements of foreign agents as well as interests of small part of local society aimed at intensification in exploitation of labour and natural resources. Moreover, its implementation led to strengthening of financial and political dependence, imposing rapid economic transformation and converting young creole republics into pseudo-state political formations («banana republics» in Central America, Puerto Rico, Cuba). Submitting more advanced South American areas (La Plata, Brazil, Peru) neocolonial methods have been tested: ruinous foreign loans, direct and indirect control of local industries and change of its structure in the interests of overseas investors. Here could be mentioned artificial boom of raw material export, control and destruction of local processing works. The said economic paradigm conditioned convulsive forms of social life: appearance of caudillos, dictatorships and authoritarian regimes as well as interregional conflicts (Pacific «Salitre» War between Chile, Peru and Bolivia, intervention of Triple Alliance in Paraguay, separation of Panama for constructing of interocean channel etc.). In particular, dynamics and correlation of these events in context of struggle for real national emancipation laid foundations for contemporary state of economic situation in each country including its alliances and determined its peripheral position in international division of labour. This phenomenon should be considered for building effective cooperation with the most of regional partners.

Current efforts of reconciling economics with ethics, as exemplified by the works of Amartya Sen, may be assisted by a glance back into the history of ideas. A tradition typically overlooked in Anglo-American scholarship, the Spanish and Latin America movement of krausismo, proposed a conception of a humanistic economics already in the late 19th century. This article reconstructs the intellectual premises of said tradition, portrays its participatory agenda for an integration of ethical norms into economic policy in a selected case and concludes with reflections on how to advance an economics in tune with society’s normative aspirations.

The epic struggles between Mexicans and the Apaches and Comanches in the far northern reaches of the Spanish empire and the conflict between gauchos and Araucanians in the pampas in the far south are the images the mind conjures up when thinking of Latin American frontiers. We must now add for the twentieth century the dense Amazon jungle as one of the last frontiers in popular (and scholarly) minds. However, these images ignore the eastern Andean and Chaco frontier area, one of the most vital and important frontier regions in Latin America since colonial times, today divided up into three different countries (Argentina, Bolivia, Paraguay) in the heart of the South American continent. This frontier region has not received sufficient attention from scholars despite its importance in at least three different aspects: First, the indigenous peoples were able to remain independent of the Creole states much longer than elsewhere other than the Amazon. Secondly, indigenous labor proved to be vitally important to the economic development along the fringes, and thirdly, a disastrous war was fought over the region in the 1930s by Bolivia and Paraguay. This essay provides an overview based on primary and secondary sources of the history of the eastern Andean frontier and compares it to other frontiers in Latin America. It thus endeavors to contribute to frontier studies by creating categories of analysis that make possible the comparisons between different frontiers in Latin America and placing within the scholarly discussion the eastern Andean region during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

In this article, the intellectual thought of a group of key late 19th century national administrative reformers is isolated and analyzed. These reformers were interested in reforming the civil, military and business administrative functions of the executive branch to provide for greater elite administrative supervision over and intervention in the national society and economy. The reformers often articulated their reform purposes, motives and goals in the Hamiltonian language of administrative authority and popular deference to executive administrative counsels. An important key to understanding this article is recognizing that while environmental social and economic conditions had changed significantly for the Gilded Age reformers since the American constitutional founding, many elements of the Hamiltonian tradition still resonated with the reformers a full century later. In this way, the historically transmitted ideology and rhetoric of Hamiltonian thought can be seen as having an independent, causative impact on the administrative reformers' purposes, motives and goals related to executive administrative reform. Points for practitioners This article explores an era of American administrative reform that should be of interest to practitioners of administration in other countries. The article's narrative displays a route to reform that is distinct from the more conventionally studied pathways of bureaucratic efficiency and administrative legal mechanisms applied to administrative organizations. The particular American ideas and thinkers examined in this article give a glimpse of a pathway to reform that is absent in many other societies.

Abstract Capitalist globalization has accelerated technological development but the result has been to intensify global inequalities and reproduce the structures of underdevelopment in entire world regions. In Latin America, the era of Keynesian developmentalism sought to overcome foreign domination that prevailed in modernization-style development regimes. Advances made in that era were halted and later reversed through the imposition of neoliberalism throughout the region. Neoliberal development increased developing country dependency upon foreign technologies and reproduces the structures of underdevelopment. Anti-neoliberal alternatives are possible even under conditions of severe economic crisis as illustrated by the Cuban socialist model. Other countries will likewise need to pursue more endogenously oriented technology policies if they are to overcome the crippling impact of the neoliberal period.

Maritime piracy is an activity that was considered defunct long ago and that Latin American countries experience it again in the 21st century. Since 2016 the number of attacks has increased dramatically involving armed robbery, kidnapping and massacre. Modern day piracy has nothing to do with the romantic illusion of the pirates of the Caribbean, this phenomenon is associated with the governmental, social or economic crisis of a state. When it appears, we can make further conclusions regarding the general conditions of the society in these states. But do these attacks really constitute piracy under international law? Does Latin American piracy have unique features that are different from piracy in the rest of the world? The study attempts to answer the questions why piracy matters in Latin America and how it relates to drug trafficking and terrorism. Apart from that, the study presents a legal aspect comparing the regulation of international law to domestic law, especially to the national law of Latin American states.

The article shows that during the two decades of the 21st century, a new reality of trade and economic relations between the Russian Federation and Latin America (Latin-Caribbean America – LCA) has been formed and filled with concrete content, which, it can be argued, has passed the test of complementarity, and in a number of cases reached the level of large-scale partnership. According to the author, these relations are not artificially done geoeconomic construction, but a consequence of both objective factors that bring Russia and the LCA closer together (including in approaches to achieving the sustainable development goals and restructuring of the existing system of world economic relations), and the efforts of state bodies, business circles, representatives of the expert community interested in the development of Russian-Latin American cooperation. Of course, over the past decades the dynamics of trade and economic relations between Russia and Latin America has not always been stable, at some point it was largely lost, there was some pullback and “surrender” of some significant positions. This happened in large part because in the conditions of increased turbulence in the international markets and rapid global changes, the parties sometimes lost a promising vision of the future of Russian-Latin American economic cooperation, did not find opportunely new areas of cooperation attractive to both sides. In fact, positive introductory approaches to strengthening relations on the principles of strategic partnership have been periodically tested, especially in times of renewed international instability that has eroded the established world order. But each time the parties mobilized existing internal reserves and offered extraordinary areas of interaction. An example of the most recent time is the Russian vaccine Sputnik V, which has crossed political boundaries on the map of Latin-Caribbean America, became the core of the so called “vaccine diplomacy” and opened a “second breath” in the relationship between Russia and the LСA in the key area of business cooperation.

Most recent explanations of social welfare and development outcomes have focused on the role and impact of formal institutional arrangements, particularly the state. The institutional legacies of colonial rule and the role of democratic institutions have been common explanatory variables. This article focuses on the historical origins, persistence, and increases in inequality in Mexico and Chile during the twentieth century. It argues that despite important historical economic and political institutional differences, similar processes account for the unequal distributional outcomes that characterize the two cases. Critical conjunctures involved bitter struggle between social groups. While popularly based countermovements (along the lines predicted by Karl Polyani) arose periodically and struggled to improve social conditions, these movements were unable to alter the underlying sources of inequality. By mid-twentieth century, popular pressure had been able to exact only an unequal form of embeddedness (or social protection from the market) that contributed to inequality. Further, waves of popular mobilization linked to critical conjunctures produced reactive historical sequences involving fierce resistance from propertied elites and their middle-class allies. This resistance inevitably gave rise to new conjunctures ushering in new institutional arrangements that entrenched or increased inequality. The absence of a distributive settlement between propertied classes and popular groups was at the heart of the mobilization and countermobilization cycles in both cases; indeed, it was the depth of this disagreement, particularly the disagreement over private property, that fueled reactive sequences and their unequalizing outcomes.

Abstract Over the past half century, Chile has fluctuated wildly in terms of economic prosperity and democratic health. Using 78 surveys archived at the Roper Center for Public Opinion Research, we document the evolution of Chileans’ perceptions of their personal, family, and national economic conditions during major political and economic changes. The data show that prior to the Pinochet dictatorship, despite a growing economic crisis, Chileans’ perceptions of their family’s economic situation—particularly among the lower socio-economic class—improved, suggesting that Allende’s social and economic policies may have had their intended effect. In contrast, through the democratic transition and the contemporary period, economic evaluations typically tracked objective economic conditions. We conclude by discussing how these patterns can inform public opinion research in Latin America and beyond.

Abstract. This paper contributes to the ongoing debate on the extent to which climate and climatic change can have a negative impact on societies by triggering migration, or even contribute to conflict. It summarizes results from the transdisciplinary project Climate of migration (funded 2010–2014), whose innovative title was created by Franz Mauelshagen and Uwe Lübken. The overall goal of this project was to analyze the relation between climatic and socioeconomic parameters and major migration waves from southwest Germany to North America during the 19th century. The article assesses the extent to which climatic conditions triggered these migration waves. The century investigated was in general characterized by the Little Ice Age with three distinct cooling periods, causing major glacier advances in the alpine regions and numerous climatic extremes such as major floods, droughts and severe winter. Societal changes were tremendous, marked by the warfare during the Napoleonic era (until 1815), the abolition of serfdom (1817), the bourgeois revolution (1847/48), economic freedom (1862), the beginning of industrialization accompanied by large-scale rural–urban migration resulting in urban poverty, and finally by the foundation of the German Empire in 1871.The presented study is based on quantitative data and a qualitative, information-based discourse analysis. It considers climatic conditions as well as socioeconomic and political issues, leading to the hypothesis of a chain of effects ranging from unfavorable climatic conditions to a decrease in crop yields to rising cereal prices and finally to emigration. These circumstances were investigated extensively for the peak emigration years identified with each migration wave. Furthermore, the long-term relations between emigration and the prevailing climatic conditions, crop yields and cereal prices were statistically evaluated with a sequence of linear models which were significant with explanatory power between 22 and 38 %.

In modern international conditions Russia is forced to change the vectors of its foreign policy. Moscow paying attention to the countries of Latin America, seeing them as its political and economic partner. However, Russian-Latin American relations have historical traditions formed during the Cold War. The purpose of this article is to show the development of bilateral relations between the USSR and Uruguay in the second half of the 20th century in the context of the development of the Latin American left movement. Based on archival materials, press, memoirs, the article shows how contacts between the left parties of Uruguay and the CPSU influenced to the formation of relations between the two states. Using diplomatic documents, the author reveals the main stages and events of bilateral relations.

Two aspects of the aging process in Latin America should be specially taken into account in order to evaluate future perspectives of morbidity among the elderly in the region: 1) Cohorts who will compose the bulk of the elderly population in the 21st century in Latin America survived to old age largely because of improvements in medicine and to a much lesser extent to amelioration of living standards, as it is the case in high income countries, and 2) a high proportion of the Latin American population still live in poor economic conditions and even these vulnerable individuals continue to experience gains in (adult and older adult) survival. We aim to evaluate to what an extent recent levels of poverty and indigence among young children in Argentina could impact future levels of disability and demands for long-term care of older people. Our results show that given the levels of poverty and indigence in childhood observed between 1988 and 1994, the relationship between poor early conditions, and the risk of being disabled among the elderly in Argentina, life expectancy with disability at age 60 years old would increase substantially between 2000 and 2040, both in absolute and relative terms.

Rural sociology is one branch of sociology itself. Historically, it developed after the humanitarian aspects of agriculture gained attention in the United States, namely in 1908. The study began with the writings of a Christian priest who was in the socio-economic conditions of rural communities in northern America. Through this article, they solved the problems that arose in rural areas as a result of the birth of industry, which caused some rural areas to be abandoned. In addition, the end of the exploration of new areas to the West end of the 19th century. In the 1920s, courses on the subject of rural life began to be studied at various universities, especially at The American Sociological Society.

The article observes the evolution of bi-regional cooperation between the EU and Latin-Caribbean America (LCA). The author pays special attention to the obstacles that impede the interregional interaction in recent years. Some other difficulties and prospects in concluding new bi-regional agreements, including «EU-MERCOSUR» Treaty are analyzed. Also, the dynamics of economic cooperation during the first two decades of the 21 st century are traced. The article focuses on the specific characters of mutual foreign trade during the pandemic period. At the same time the author explores the promising forms of interregional «EU-LCA» interaction in the near future. The article shows that during the pandemic a wide range of interregional communication remained within the framework of common economic interests, among them the cooperation in the healthcare, in solving climate problems, investing in renewable energy sources, in protection of the multilateral trade system and searching synergies between the trade policy and the global Agenda 2030. The inclusion of challenges of sustainable development is the important task for partnership agreements with Mexico, Chile, and MERCOSUR - EU format. The European Union remains its status of a leading investor and the donor in the framework of official development assistance (ODA) programs for LCA countries. The author concludes that the post-pandemic period will be characterized by the certain adjustments in the global economic relations in a short-term perspective, especially in the recovery process from a sharp decline in the macroeconomic indicators on both sides of the Atlantic. Under the new conditions, the fragmentation of regional integration may intensify in the foreseeable future, and the role of the state in national economies may increase. At the same time, in the European and Latin American directions there may be an expansion of humanitarian ties between countries.

The stance of the Catholic Church in the United States of America on the problems related to workers’ wages is an interesting issue from the point of view of the ethics of economic life and the development of Catholic social thought. The interpretation of the main Catholic social ideas contained in Leo XIII’s encyclical letter Rerum novarum was made by Father John Augustine Ryan (1896–1945), who soon became a major proponent of the idea that a good economic policy can only result from good ethics. In the history of the United States of America, the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries was a time of the development of labor unions, associations and workers’ organizations as well as the consolidation of efforts to achieve equitable remuneration (a living wage) and regulate working conditions. It was also a time of struggling with the ideas of socialism and nationalism. The Catholic Church played a significant role in the discourse on these issues, including the influence of John A. Ryan. His efforts led to one of the most important interpretations of economic life: The Program of Social Reconstruction (1919), and some of its postulates can be found in the New Deal legislation.

In the last few decades, most Latin American countries have made good progress in improving the living conditions of urban populations, but still face enormous challenges. This paper describes the roles of city and other local governments in designing housing policies and integrating them into governance, planning and finance. This includes many innovations in local governments’ housing policies, especially those implemented in the first decade of this century by progressive city governments. It also includes decentralization that supported municipal governments to develop their housing and urban development plans. Relevant as well are policies to address the quantitative deficit (insufficient supply of housing) and the qualitative deficit (inadequate quality of housing), such as informal settlement upgrading. The paper includes examples of where housing policy decentralization created spaces for democratic, participatory and inclusive city governance. It also highlights the importance for social housing of finance and the measures that may be taken to address this, including land management instruments and capture of real estate surplus value. But much of this innovation has been lost over the last decade, after the economic crisis and the rise of a new wave of conservative regimes in the region.

The world has entered the third decade of the century, gripped by the global crisis and the COVID-19. These specific conditions have undermined the development and sustainability of the less prepared countries of Latin America and the Caribbean (LCA). The authors show that the COVID-19 pandemic was the largest shock for the LCA countries in the social and economic spheres. Before the pandemic, the LCA states had rather modest indicators of economic development. They were strongly influenced by external factors of protectionism opposition to the free trade and the looming global economic crisis. They have accumulated deep internal contradictions of social inequality and low domestic demand. The economic situation in the LCA countries has become even more complicated due to the development of a pandemic in 2020-2021: it was characterized by a halt or decline in economic activity, growing budget deficit and public debt, decline in domestic demand for goods and services, decreasing export revenues, declining investments, businesses closure, rising unemployment and poverty. To contain the spread of coronavirus, prevent overstrain of health systems and reduce human losses, the LCA governments took a number of measures to overcome the COVID-19 crisis, which came down to general measures of population social support and direct measures against the spread of the pandemic, including vaccination which has become an issue of utmost importance in the absence of local vaccines and a shortage of purchased vaccines or delivered under the COVAX program. However, as it is shown in the article, the measures taken by the LCA states to protect the population and the economy from the strikes of the pandemic are insufficient; vaccination programs are almost completely dependent on external vaccine manufacturers and international assistance.

The article reviews main principles and imperatives of the foreign policy provided by actual left-wing governments in Latin America. In a big number of countries in the region, politicians with leftist views have recently come to power. Among them there are the presidents of Argentina, Mexico, Bolivia, Peru, Honduras, Chile and Colombia. The scale of the new “Pink tide” suggests analogies to the “Left turn” that took place in the beginning of the 21st century. However, accents in the current agenda vary and nuances make the difference. The analysis of narrative and political practice of the left leaders shows that traditional commitment to the principles of anti-Americanism and anti-neoliberalism stay relevant. Idea of multipolarity and search for an alternative to US hegemony remain key issues to the international positioning of Latin American states. At the same time, they no longer intend to question liberal international order and global economic conditions. Problem of human rights and combat climate change are getting more important for Latin American countries. A special kind of vision on these global concerns can contribute to their diplomatic ambitions and increase their international status. The challenge of balancing between the two global powers, US and China, push to strengthen ties with the non-region states that belong to the “Global south”. Another attribute of the modern regional configuration is lack of an apparent locomotive in the current South American integration system. Too explicit dissimilarities in the strategies of left-wing governments do not give reasons for the emergence of a strong collective platform. The ideology of regionalism that appealed to the great united motherland, is being replaced today by a new configuration where the former interconnectivity between Latin American left regimes is not displayed and mini-lateral cooperation matters. Their realignment and new alliances will be fundamental to the regional balance.

The intensity of globalization processes and the role of cities in the socio-economic development of countries and regions increase at the current stage of society's development. Agglomerations that have the status of the global (world) level play the most crucial role. he purpose of the paper is to analyze the impact of globalization processes on the peculiarities of the development of urban agglomerations in the conditions of contemporary globalization, as well as to identify problems and prospects for their further evolution. The research was carried out based on the system, synergistic, informational and human-geographical approaches; using the methods of induction and deduction, comparison, analogy, analysis, synthesis, systematization, as well as mathematical, statistical and cartographic methods. Three waves characterized the spread of globalization in historical retrospect: the first one (the first half of the 20th century) described the intensive development of cities and industry, the development of transport infrastructure; the second wave (the second half of the 20th century) marked the formation of transnational, transcontinental and global corporations, the transfer of "dirty" industries to the territory of poor third world countries; the third (the beginning of the 21st century – until now) characterizes the emergence of urbanization beyond geopolitical and administrative borders. A significant trend in the contemporary development of cities is the tendency towards developing urban agglomerations, increasing their importance in contemporary spatial transformations and processes taking place on the planet. Agglomerations within regions of the world arose quite unevenly. The largest number are in the USA, Europe, and Asia, and agglomerations are growing at an accelerated pace in Africa and Latin America. Until the 20th century, the large agglomerations were formed mostly in developed countries and regions of the world due to the available resource and economic potential. Now the processes of intensive agglomeration are characterized for cities and developing countries, where the number of agglomerations is increasing. A significant increase in the number of cities and agglomerations in countries with a low level of development leads to the emergence and aggravation of global problems of modern times.

The current international patent system emerged within certain economic, political and social conditions in specific territories and periods. It has its historical roots in the Statute of Venice (1474), the Statute of Monopolies (1624), the United States Patent Law (1790), the French Patent Law (1791) and the Paris Convention (1883). Over time, these laws shaped a new model, which currently prevails. To strengthen the analysis of this article, the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (1994), as well as free trade twentieth century agreements are integrated into the discussion. It is worth noting that each amendment stressed the economic relevance of the patent and its use to benefit certain economic elites through the creation of monopolies. Consequently, the debate on the purposes and nature of the international patent system has also been constant from its emergence to the present. This article provides basic elements for reflection about the origin, purposes and scope of national patent models implemented in Latin America within the global trend of scientific-technological innovation for development.

The subject of the analysis in this paper is the study of the emergence and evolution of the phenomenon of Peronism as the most important political movement and ideology in Argentina and perhaps in Latin America throughout the 20th century. The basic aim of this paper is to present Peronism as a political movement and model of development which emerged during the rule of Juan Domingo Peron in the mid-20th century. This movement continued to exist and last after Peron?s demission from the political scene. In recent history Peronism became something more significant than a political movement or a social development model. Because of that, Peronism can be characterized as a myth. Nowadays, Perosnism is one of the crucial factors in the socio-economic and cultural development in Argentina. The focus of research in this paper is on the presentation and explication of the notions/topics concerning Peron, his movement and rule. These ones are populism, presidentialism and personalisation of power. Also, this paper will analyse the conditions, facts and circumstances under which Peronism emerged and survived in spite of many critics and disputes in the scientific literature as well in the Argentinian politics and society.

Este artículo analiza históricamente la colaboración y la competencia internacional entre museos. Con base en materiales de archivo y publicaciones del tránsito del siglo XIX al XX se muestran los museos latinoamericanos como espacios institucionales en constante tensión entre la necesidad de defender y proteger el patrimonio considerado nacional y la búsqueda por establecer redes científicas internacionales. Tomando como caso de estudio el de las colecciones arqueológicas americanas, se contextualizan y reconstruyen las posturas de custodios del patrimonio en museos de Argentina, Bolivia y México ante el coleccionismo internacional de museos en los Estados Unidos de América, Alemania, Francia e Inglaterra. En ese sentido, este artículo contribuye al entendimiento de las condiciones de apropiación y negociación de objetos arqueológicos. ___ This article provides a historical analysis of international collaboration and competition between museums. Archival materials and publications from the late 19th to the early 20th century show Latin American museums as institutional spaces in constant tension between defending and protecting national heritage and seeking to establish international scientific networks. The case study of the American archeological collections contextualizes and reconstructs custodians of heritage in museums in Argentina, Bolivia, and Mexico in the face of the international collecting of museums in the United States of America, Germany, France, and England. In this sense, this article contributes to understanding the conditions of the appropriation and negotiation of archeological objects that reveal modes of constructing national, cosmopolitan, and imperial identities.

AbstractNatural-resource-based export-oriented growth strategies have resurfaced as the dominant development approach in Latin America. While a growing literature exists on the economic, equity, gender, and environmental impacts of this development strategy, insufficient attention has been paid to its significance for labor. This article seeks to help fill this gap by analyzing its effects on Chilean workers. Based on a study of the fruit, forestry, and fishing sectors, my work shows that this type of development strategy can be very labor-absorbing and can offer significant benefits for labor when it leads to “agro-industrialization.” Nonetheless, although working conditions clearly improved after the late 1980s, it is likely that the first decade of the twenty-first century will not be a repeat of the 1990s. The hypercompetition that now characterizes these sectors is putting tremendous pressure on firms to reduce costs, including that of labor. Stripped of basic state protections and left with little social power, Chilean workers are much more vulnerable than they were before.

The COVID-19 pandemic has resulted in the most severe global public health crisis in the last century. SARS-CoV-2 emerged in China in December 2019, and since then, it has been quickly spreading around the world. After Europe and North America, the virus has arrived in Latin America. Among the developing countries, Brazil has been the most affected by the pandemic causalities, which is a concern, since social and economic disparities may favor its severity. In an attempt to reduce virus transmission, public health measures have been implemented by the states, despite the lack of assistance from the Brazilian federal government. Implementing social distancing and hygiene measures have not been possible, mainly due to the unfavorable social conditions of economically vulnerable people. Thus, the pandemic is exposing the evidence of social inequalities in the country, which in turn deepens the public health crisis. Here, we discuss evidence from relevant topics that are influencing the course of the pandemic in Brazil, including food insecurity, social aspects and public health political issues. The pandemic has exposed the need for maintaining and improving the social care and food security of vulnerable groups as well as the harm of ignoring them. Thus, more effective mitigation measures must be thought and applied in Brazil to improve the handling of this pandemic and the next ones.

AbstractOne widely held view of the future of American agriculture is that it will continue the current trend toward fewer but larger farms, greater centralization and vertical integration, and declining rural populations. If so, the research, teaching and extension institutions created to serve agriculture will not survive unless they can adapt to changing political and demographic conditions, especially the domination of the suburbs. This will require these institutions to set new goals for themselves. Their historic pursuit of increased technical efficiency already has been so successful that it has sharply reduced the farm population, which has been their main base of public support. Suburban America, in contrast, will demand an agriculture that is more in harmony with nature. Alternative notions of the Common Good can provide the philosophical basis for this shift Historically, the economic system, including agriculture, has regarded nature as something to be used to advance human well-being. In this view (which could be called “Liberal” in the 19th century sense of the term), the reason to protect nature is to insure that it can continue to serve human needs. In contrast, the “Ecocentric” view of the Common Good emphasizes that humans are part of an ecological community, and that we must optimize the balance between human needs and the health of the ecosystem.

The article is devoted to Argentina’s participation in the Paraguayan War (1864–1870) – one of the most tragic pages in the history of Latin America in the 19th century. The aim of the article was to analyze the reasons for Argentina’s engagement to the war, the course of the war, and its consequences for Argentina. The research methodology is based on general scientific principles and interdisciplinary approaches as well as special historical methods, in particular, comparative analysis, chronological, the method of micro history. There are no studies of Argentina’s participation in this conflict in Ukrainian historiography, while foreign researchers usually did not pay special attention to this narrow topic reaching more broad issues of Paraguayan War per se or Argentine politics and history in complex. So, the scientific novelty of the article lies in the focus on this specific issue and elaboration on macro (political movements) and micro (case studies) levels of the conflict. Conclusions. The main reasons for Argentina’s entry into the war were: internal political instability and the desire to suppress opposition to the ruling party, instability in Rio de la Plata region, unresolved territorial disputes. Despite the initial successes of the Paraguayan side, the war quickly entered an offensive phase. Conscription and military actions were marked by excessive cruelty and careless treatment of soldiers. It became one of the methods used to weaken political opponents. This led to resistance inside the country. The war provoked a few waves of epidemic. As a result of the war, Argentina gained new territories in the provinces of Misiones and Gran Chaco, but the country experienced significant economic and human losses. The national government and the Liberal Party strengthened, while the opposition Federalist Party marginalized. However, these successes in the field of nation-building were achieved at the cost of countless victims and human catastrophe of all sides of the conflict.

The recurring question asked for more than a century is why does the West dominate the world? Is it a matter of fate shifting between the West and the East? Does this supremacy result from the fact that developed countries in the western world impose their economic determinism and organizational methods upon developing countries? Does this power relationship inhibit the aspirations of vulnerable people to straighten the balance of power? Or is the East simply waning with the slow and tedious pace of development? Such as Iam MORRIS indicates that the supposed greatness of the West would be less the result of a Western power that of a decline in the East? The remarkable mounted of some emerging countries of Eastern Europe and Latin America appears as a dynamic regulator of this dominance, but announced in part, against serious economic problems (financial crisis, depletion of energy resources, new technology revolution, uneven development, food insecurity, climate change ...) and possibly social (relations between state and market deregulated social contract violated in the context of increasing inequality). Under these conditions the ascent tends to refer this absolute Western domination and calls to speculate on the issue of economic dynamism and structural weakness of an established model that is the Western model. Our work will lay out the ideas that discuss the failure to import foreign models by vulnerable countries and the need for a creative modelling work in a systemic perspective, and will hence tackle the conception of civilization and development from an eastern point of view.

Antonio Genovesi’s economic-political treatise on civil economy was a major contribution to debates in the mid-and late eighteenth century on the nature of political economy. At that time, Genovesi’s book was extensively translated and discussed across continental Europe and Latin America, where it was read as a foundational text of political economy similar to Adam Smith’s Wealth of Nations. The aim of this article is to contribute to the analysis of the mutual implication between the economic and the political order of society by revisiting Genovesi’s theory of civil economy, which he defined as “the political science of the economy and commerce.” First, the article retraces Genovesi’s conception of civil economy as a branch of political science and the role of “virtue” in ordering the polity according to “the nature of the world.” Second, it explores Genovesi’s theory of production as an inquiry into the proportionality conditions that productive activities should meet for a well-functioning polity to persist over time. Third, our argument emphasizes the importance of Genovesi’s analysis of production structures for his theory of internal and foreign trade. In this connection, the paper investigates Genovesi’s idea that the maintenance of a country’s “trading fund” should be the fundamental objective for its internal and external trade policies. These policies, according to Genovesi, should be consistent with the context of the body politic under consideration and the economy’s proportionality requirements for any specific stage of development.

The article examines the Lebanese diaspora, its relations with the Lebanese society and the situation in the world. The data is analyzed and the location of Lebanese diasporas in different parts of the world is considered. Lebanese immigrant communities around the world make up the largest groups of Arab immigrants. As a diaspora, Lebanese communities have historical roots in almost every corner of the world. A more significant fact of the migration of Lebanese society is considered to be the beginning of the second half of the 19th century, the Lebanese immigrated to America, Africa and Northern Europe. Many factors have contributed to the spread of Lebanese society around the world. Lebanon has a free market economy and a strong commercial tradition of non-interference. The government does not restrict foreign investment, but the investment climate suffers from bureaucracy, corruption, arbitrary licensing decisions, complex customs procedures, high taxes, tariffs and fees, archaic legislation, and inadequate protection of intellectual property rights [4. Р. 143]. The idea of a diaspora-a dispersed ethnic group spanning national borders-has been revived by the intensity of global processes over the past few decades towards understanding the immigrant experience. In its Greek origin, the term diaspora means the scattering of seeds and thus means an association with migration and colonization, implying acculturation and assimilation while preserving an ingrained tradition. Also, the diaspora captures much of our analytical and popular imagination and requires explanatory power in describing the presence and conditions of the immigrant population. Understanding their position as a product of global economic, political and cultural dynamics, Lebanese immigrants demonstrate forms of identification, social ties and ways of cultural expression that take into account the global diaspora consciousness [2. Р. 82]. The diaspora, on the other hand, provides an entry into the study of the global situation and the dynamics of the economy. It should be noted that the Lebanese diaspora is an important group for studying the dynamics of immigration and how immigrants are affected by global economic, political and cultural processes.

Problem setting. Although modern humanity has proclaimed the universality of human dignity and desperately upholds this value, which is fully in harmony with freedom, equality and fraternity, the truth is that in reality it has not yet been able to go beyond the status of a citizen of the nation state in its legal and political conventions. . In this sense, a very important issue is the representation of the real situation around the categories of "universal citizenship", "human rights" and "globalization" in the midst of the geopolitical conflict in Latin America caused by the persecution of 21st century socialism. Paper objective. This critical essay aims to discuss the real significance of such political and legal categories as "universal citizenship", "human rights" and "globalization" in the midst of the geopolitical conflict that led to the persecution of 21st century socialism in Latin America. Methodology. The methodological field of the research uses documentary observation and dialectical hermeneutics, which help to compare and reconcile categories with different semantic contexts to reconstruct their true meaning. The technique of writing this research was the methodological procedure of the hermeneutic circle, which is a sequential analysis of numerous written documentary sources, combined in a kind of dialogic context with hidden messages that can be read between the lines, as well as interpretive theories and critical thinking. Paper main body. There is much in common between the contemporary political and philosophical programs of the Western cultural space, of which Latin Americans are a part, and the ideas of universal citizenship, globalization, and human rights in a spirit of deep militant universalism that function fully today not only as abstract theories at the disposal of peoples and nations who continue to work to improve their living conditions and strengthen their freedom to exist and act in a better world. As for the tradition of human rights as a modern expression of natural law, it dates back to ancient times and even dates back to the great religions, which in their own way developed and substantiated the idea of human dignity. The history of the Institute of Human Rights has a pronounced anthropocentric character and deserves to be expanded in accordance with the geopolitical realities of the modern world, in order to protect the indisputable value of all life forms affected by such phenomena as global warming and the associated greenhouse effect. economic growth that requires technological and industrial modernization. For its part, "globalization with a human face" means the ability to interconnect and enrich not only material and financial resources, due to the insatiability of international markets, but also the cycle of knowledge and people required by modern world democracies to strengthen their social and human capital. . In this context, the idea of global or universal citizenship, while seeming utopian, is of paramount importance as it broadens the political phenomenon of citizenship, which is vital to modern democracies or polyarchies, forgetting the tradition of history ruled by supreme forces and structures. Although, according to K. Popper, already the historicist concept assigned a fundamental role in building a reality conducive to the exercise of freedom, the citizen, conscious and active. Thus, if globalization is reduced purely to the internationalization of capital and selective human and technological resources solely in the interests of corporate elites and does not turn into a globalization of social welfare and dignity - a process in which universal citizenship would be a logical consequence, then partial globalization, which can do little to promote an open society in the 21st century. Conclusions of the research. The study concludes that if globalization is reduced to the internationalization of capital and individual human and technological resources for the benefit of the corporate elite and does not extend to the globalization of social welfare and dignity, where universal citizenship would be a logical consequence, such globalization is unlikely to contribute building an open society of the XXI century.

The recent “Participatory Turn” in Urbanism has flourished most significantly in situations of economic turmoil, material scarcity and technical insufficiency: those circumstances have boosted creative and audacious urban processes that take advantage of such limitations as an opportunity to enhance social engagement, formal exploration and developmental experimentation. All across Europe or Latin America, multidisciplinary collectives aim to reinvent the socioeconomical conditions for urban design and construction, favoring the architectural Process rather than the Object.Experiences in Urban Acupuncture, bottom-up urbanism, activism for the public space and the claim for neighborly ties are often struggling against Top-Down urban planning and the modern articulation of the zoned city: according to some of these collectives, the Welfare State and its urban culture has been overtaken by capitalism, and the classical Ville Radieuse model has somehow become synonymous with Corporatocracy and social engineering.In this sociopolitical milieu , some of the mid twentieth century arguments against the Modern Movement have emerged again. Many scholars have linked the Occupy and Indignados movements with the events of May 68, and the urban guerrillas within both periods have been strongly biased towards a radical reformulation of the Structuralist urban parameters: in order to re-humanize the city, urban planning must give way to spontaneity, autopoiesis, dynamism and horizontal decision-making. The city is not considered a ready made object designed from scratch, but an always-evolving living entity, where perennial mutation and reconfiguration is the at the key feature. The City is a rhizome rather than a tree.The Situationist utopia of the New Babylon (as conceived by Constant Nieuwenhuys) revives as the core intellectual reference of many Participatory Urbanism experiences. Psycho-geography, détournement, the urban dweller as a homo ludens, and the harmonization of life and work are presented as the shield against the alienation, social segregation and gentrification inherent to the capitalist city and its planning instruments. The Situationist model is now enhanced with ideas of sustainability, social responsibility, gender claims, global migrations and ecology, depicting a contemporary Utopia that collapses the boundary between planners and dwellers.In this paper we´ll trace the influence of the Situationist ethos upon recent experiences in participatory urbanism: the impact of mid-twentieth century radical activism upon contemporary counter-cultural urban praxis, a trend that is pushing the Academia to reconsider its ethical foundations and methodological tools, and ultimately to reformulate the consensual ontology of the city inherited from the early Modern Movement.

Spanish conquest in the New World has two sides, evangelization, and colonization. The former was carried by the missionaries who were heavily influenced by Bartolome de Las Casa and Vitoria, while the latter by conquistadores, the defenders of the conquest. Early missionaries fought for the dignity of the Indios where they clashed with the motives of the conquistadores to exploit human resources. The problematic part was they have to work under the Spanish crown where their point of contact was also their area for friction. When they arrived in the Philippines, that social solidarity and dynamics of social relation continued where it became complex due to the involvement of various groups including the natives and their leaders, the religious orders, and most of all the Spanish Royal Court that had the history of having a heart for the Indians. King Philip II created a space for debates within his agenda of social conscience. Using Durkheim’s structuralist-functionalist approach, historical narratives about early missionaries’ struggles for natives’ dignity in the 16th century Philippines were examined. Durkheim’s social solidarity, dynamics of social relations, and his concepts of anomie as disruptions due to dramatic changes and conflicts were utilized as tools to analyze the quest for total well-being. The achievement of sustainable development goals (SDGs) is authenticated in amplifying the value of human dignity, equality, and respect for each individual. With this, the 500 years of Christianity in the Philippines is worth the celebration.ReferencesAbella, G. (1971) From Indio to Filipino and some historical works. Philippine Historical Review. (Vol. 4).Arcilla, J. S. S.J. (1998). The Spanish conquest. Kasaysayan: The story of the Filipino people. (Vol. 3). C & C Offset Printing Co., Ltd.Bernal, R. 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Social innovations are activities aiming at implementation of social objectives, including mainly the improvement of life of individuals and social groups, together with public policy and management objectives. The essay indicates and discusses the most important contemporary problems, solving of which requires social innovations. Social innovations precondition the progress of civilisation. The world needs not only new technologies, but also new solutions of social and institutional nature that would be conducive to achieving social goals. Social innovations are experimental social actions of organisational and institutional nature that aim at improving the quality of life of individuals, communities, nations, companies, circles, or social groups. Their experimental nature stems from the fact of introducing unique and one-time solutions on a large scale, the end results of which are often difficult to be fully predicted. For example, it was difficult to believe that opening new labour markets for foreigners in the countries of the European Union, which can be treated as a social innovation aiming at development of the international labour market, will result in the rapid development of the low-cost airlines, the offer of which will be available to a larger group of recipients. In other words, social innovations differ from economic innovations, as they are not about implementation of new types of production or gaining new markets, but about satisfying new needs, which are not provided by the market. Therefore, the most important distinction consists in that social innovations are concerned with improving the well-being of individuals and communities by additional employment, or increased consumption, as well as participation in solving the problems of individuals and social groups [CSTP, 2011]. In general, social innovations are activities aiming at implementation of social objectives, including mainly the improvement of life of individuals and social groups together with the objectives of public policy and management [Kowalczyk, Sobiecki, 2017]. Their implementation requires global, national, and individual actions. This requires joint operations, both at the scale of the entire globe, as well as in particular interest groups. Why are social innovations a key point for the progress of civilisation? This is the effect of the clear domination of economic aspects and discrimination of social aspects of this progress. Until the 19th century, the economy was a part of a social structure. As described by K. Polanyi, it was submerged in social relations [Polanyi, 2010, p. 56]. In traditional societies, the economic system was in fact derived from the organisation of the society itself. The economy, consisting of small and dispersed craft businesses, was a part of the social, family, and neighbourhood structure. In the 20th century the situation reversed – the economy started to be the force shaping social structures, positions of individual groups, areas of wealth and poverty. The economy and the market mechanism have become independent from the world of politics and society. Today, the corporations control our lives. They decide what we eat, what we watch, what we wear, where we work and what we do [Bakan, 2006, p. 13]. The corporations started this spectacular “march to rule the world” in the late 19th century. After about a hundred years, at the end of the 20th century, the state under the pressure of corporations and globalisation, started a gradual, but systematic withdrawal from the economy, market and many other functions traditionally belonging to it. As a result, at the end of the last century, a corporation has become a dominant institution in the world. A characteristic feature of this condition is that it gives a complete priority to the interests of corporations. They make decisions of often adverse consequences for the entire social groups, regions, or local communities. They lead to social tensions, political breakdowns, and most often to repeated market turbulences. Thus, a substantial minority (corporations) obtain inconceivable benefits at the expense of the vast majority, that is broad professional and social groups. The lack of relative balance between the economy and society is a barrier to the progress of civilisation. A growing global concern is the problem of migration. The present crisis, left unresolved, in the long term will return multiplied. Today, there are about 500 million people living in Europe, 1.5 billion in Africa and the Middle East, but in 2100, the population of Europe will be about 400 million and of the Middle East and Africa approximately 4.5 billion. Solving this problem, mainly through social and political innovations, can take place only by a joint operation of highly developed and developing countries. Is it an easy task? It’s very difficult. Unfortunately, today, the world is going in the opposite direction. Instead of pursuing the community, empathic thinking, it aims towards nationalism and chauvinism. An example might be a part of the inaugural address of President Donald Trump, who said that the right of all nations is to put their own interests first. Of course, the United States of America will think about their own interests. As we go in the opposite direction, those who deal with global issues say – nothing will change, unless there is some great crisis, a major disaster that would cause that the great of this world will come to senses. J.E. Stiglitz [2004], contrary to the current thinking and practice, believes that a different and better world is possible. Globalisation contains the potential of countless benefits from which people both in developing and highly developed countries can benefit. But the practice so far proves that still it is not grown up enough to use its potential in a fair manner. What is needed are new solutions, most of all social and political innovations (political, because they involve a violation of the previous arrangement of interests). Failure to search for breakthrough innovations of social and political nature that would meet the modern challenges, can lead the world to a disaster. Social innovation, and not economic, because the contemporary civilisation problems have their roots in this dimension. A global problem, solution of which requires innovations of social and political nature, is the disruption of the balance between work and capital. In 2010, 400 richest people had assets such as the half of the poorer population of the world. In 2016, such part was in the possession of only 8 people. This shows the dramatic collapse of the balance between work and capital. The world cannot develop creating the technological progress while increasing unjustified inequalities, which inevitably lead to an outbreak of civil disturbances. This outbreak can have various organisation forms. In the days of the Internet and social media, it is easier to communicate with people. Therefore, paradoxically, some modern technologies create the conditions facilitating social protests. There is one more important and dangerous effect of implementing technological innovations without simultaneous creation and implementation of social innovations limiting the sky-rocketing increase of economic (followed by social) diversification. Sooner or later, technological progress will become so widespread that, due to the relatively low prices, it will make it possible for the weapons of mass destruction, especially biological and chemical weapons, to reach small terrorist groups. Then, a total, individualized war of global reach can develop. The individualisation of war will follow, as described by the famous German sociologist Ulrich Beck. To avoid this, it is worth looking at the achievements of the Polish scientist Michał Kalecki, who 75 years ago argued that capitalism alone is not able to develop. It is because it aggressively seeks profit growth, but cannot turn profit into some profitable investments. Therefore, when uncertainty grows, capitalism cannot develop itself, and it must be accompanied by external factors, named by Kalecki – external development factors. These factors include state expenses, finances and, in accordance with the nomenclature of Kalecki – epochal innovations. And what are the current possibilities of activation of the external factors? In short – modest. The countries are indebted, and the basis for the development in the last 20 years were loans, which contributed to the growth of debt of economic entities. What, then, should we do? It is necessary to look for cheaper solutions, but such that are effective, that is breakthrough innovations. These undoubtedly include social and political innovations. Contemporary social innovation is not about investing big money and expensive resources in production, e.g. of a very expensive vaccine, which would be available for a small group of recipients. Today’s social innovation should stimulate the use of lower amounts of resources to produce more products available to larger groups of recipients. The progress of civilisation happens only as a result of a sustainable development in economic, social, and now also ecological terms. Economic (business) innovations, which help accelerate the growth rate of production and services, contribute to economic development. Profits of corporations increase and, at the same time, the economic objectives of the corporations are realised. But are the objectives of the society as a whole and its members individually realised equally, in parallel? In the chain of social reproduction there are four repeated phases: production – distribution – exchange – consumption. The key point from the social point of view is the phase of distribution. But what are the rules of distribution, how much and who gets from this “cake” produced in the social process of production? In the today’s increasingly global economy, the most important mechanism of distribution is the market mechanism. However, in the long run, this mechanism leads to growing income and welfare disparities of various social groups. Although, the income and welfare diversity in itself is nothing wrong, as it is the result of the diversification of effectiveness of factors of production, including work, the growing disparities to a large extent cannot be justified. Economic situation of the society members increasingly depends not on the contribution of work, but on the size of the capital invested, and the market position of the economic entity, and on the “governing power of capital” on the market. It should also be noted that this diversification is also related to speculative activities. Disparities between the implemented economic and social innovations can lead to the collapse of the progress of civilisation. Nowadays, economic crises are often justified by, indeed, social and political considerations, such as marginalisation of nation states, imbalance of power (or imbalance of fear), religious conflicts, nationalism, chauvinism, etc. It is also considered that the first global financial crisis of the 21st century originated from the wrong social policy pursued by the US Government, which led to the creation of a gigantic public debt, which consequently led to an economic breakdown. This resulted in the financial crisis, but also in deepening of the social imbalances and widening of the circles of poverty and social exclusion. It can even be stated that it was a crisis in public confidence. Therefore, the causes of crises are the conflicts between the economic dimension of the development and its social dimension. Contemporary world is filled with various innovations of economic or business nature (including technological, product, marketing, and in part – organisational). The existing solutions can be a source of economic progress, which is a component of the progress of civilisation. However, economic innovations do not complete the entire progress of civilisation moreover, the saturation, and often supersaturation with implementations and economic innovations leads to an excessive use of material factors of production. As a consequence, it results in lowering of the efficiency of their use, unnecessary extra burden to the planet, and passing of the negative effects on the society and future generations (of consumers). On the other hand, it leads to forcing the consumption of durable consumer goods, and gathering them “just in case”, and also to the low degree of their use (e.g. more cars in a household than its members results in the additional load on traffic routes, which results in an increase in the inconvenience of movement of people, thus to the reduction of the quality of life). Introduction of yet another economic innovation will not solve this problem. It can be solved only by social innovations that are in a permanent shortage. A social innovation which fosters solving the issue of excessive accumulation of tangible production goods is a developing phenomenon called sharing economy. It is based on the principle: “the use of a service provided by some welfare does not require being its owner”. This principle allows for an economic use of resources located in households, but which have been “latent” so far. In this way, increasing of the scope of services provided (transport, residential and tourist accommodation) does not require any growth of additional tangible resources of factors of production. So, it contributes to the growth of household incomes, and inhibition of loading the planet with material goods processed by man [see Poniatowska-Jaksch, Sobiecki, 2016]. Another example: we live in times, in which, contrary to the law of T. Malthus, the planet is able to feed all people, that is to guarantee their minimum required nutrients. But still, millions of people die of starvation and malnutrition, but also due to obesity. Can this problem be solved with another economic innovation? Certainly not! Economic innovations will certainly help to partially solve the problem of nutrition, at least by the new methods of storing and preservation of foods, to reduce its waste in the phase of storage and transport. However, a key condition to solve this problem is to create and implement an innovation of a social nature (in many cases also political). We will not be able to speak about the progress of civilisation in a situation, where there are people dying of starvation and malnutrition. A growing global social concern, resulting from implementation of an economic (technological) innovation will be robotisation, and more specifically – the effects arising from its dissemination on a large scale. So far, the issue has been postponed due to globalisation of the labour market, which led to cheapening of the work factor by more than ten times in the countries of Asia or South America. But it ends slowly. Labour becomes more and more expensive, which means that the robots become relatively cheap. The mechanism leading to low prices of the labour factor expires. Wages increase, and this changes the relationship of the prices of capital and labour. Capital becomes relatively cheaper and cheaper, and this leads to reducing of the demand for work, at the same time increasing the demand for capital (in the form of robots). The introduction of robots will be an effect of the phenomenon of substitution of the factors of production. A cheaper factor (in this case capital in the form of robots) will be cheaper than the same activities performed by man. According to W. Szymański [2017], such change is a dysfunction of capitalism. A great challenge, because capitalism is based on the market-driven shaping of income. The market-driven shaping of income means that the income is derived from the sale of the factors of production. Most people have income from employment. Robots change this mechanism. It is estimated that scientific progress allows to create such number of robots that will replace billion people in the world. What will happen to those “superseded”, what will replace the income from human labour? Capitalism will face an institutional challenge, and must replace the market-driven shaping of income with another, new one. The introduction of robots means microeconomic battle with the barrier of demand. To sell more, one needs to cut costs. The costs are lowered by the introduction of robots, but the use of robots reduces the demand for human labour. Lowering the demand for human labour results in the reduction of employment, and lower wages. Lower wages result in the reduction of the demand for goods and services. To increase the demand for goods and services, the companies must lower their costs, so they increase the involvement of robots, etc. A mechanism of the vicious circle appears If such a mass substitution of the factors of production is unfavourable from the point of view of stimulating the development of the economy, then something must be done to improve the adverse price relations for labour. How can the conditions of competition between a robot and a man be made equal, at least partially? Robots should be taxed. Bill Gates, among others, is a supporter of such a solution. However, this is only one of the tools that can be used. The solution of the problem requires a change in the mechanism, so a breakthrough innovation of a social and political nature. We can say that technological and product innovations force the creation of social and political innovations (maybe institutional changes). Product innovations solve some problems (e.g. they contribute to the reduction of production costs), but at the same time, give rise to others. Progress of civilisation for centuries and even millennia was primarily an intellectual progress. It was difficult to discuss economic progress at that time. Then we had to deal with the imbalance between the economic and the social element. The insufficiency of the economic factor (otherwise than it is today) was the reason for the tensions and crises. Estimates of growth indicate that the increase in industrial production from ancient times to the first industrial revolution, that is until about 1700, was 0.1-0.2 per year on average. Only the next centuries brought about systematically increasing pace of economic growth. During 1700- 1820, it was 0.5% on an annual average, and between 1820-1913 – 1.5%, and between 1913-2012 – 3.0% [Piketty, 2015, p. 97]. So, the significant pace of the economic growth is found only at the turn of the 19th and 20th century. Additionally, the growth in this period refers predominantly to Europe and North America. The countries on other continents were either stuck in colonialism, structurally similar to the medieval period, or “lived” on the history of their former glory, as, for example, China and Japan, or to a lesser extent some countries of the Middle East and South America. The growth, having then the signs of the modern growth, that is the growth based on technological progress, was attributed mainly to Europe and the United States. The progress of civilisation requires the creation of new social initiatives. Social innovations are indeed an additional capital to keep the social structure in balance. The social capital is seen as a means and purpose and as a primary source of new values for the members of the society. Social innovations also motivate every citizen to actively participate in this process. It is necessary, because traditional ways of solving social problems, even those known for a long time as unemployment, ageing of the society, or exclusion of considerable social and professional groups from the social and economic development, simply fail. “Old” problems are joined by new ones, such as the increase of social inequalities, climate change, or rapidly growing environmental pollution. New phenomena and problems require new solutions, changes to existing procedures, programmes, and often a completely different approach and instruments [Kowalczyk, Sobiecki, 2017].

The article highlights the history and features of parliamentarism development in the Latin America countries. In addition, the need for training on the subject and the effect of increasing students and educators’ awareness in this field is examined. This process was lengthy, replete with the examples of various social groups, political trends and parties struggle intensity increase. Since the beginning of the 19th century, there have been almost no favorable conditions for the practical implementation of democratic government in the countries of Latin America, and the institutionalization of the party system has not taken place yet. However, there have been exceptions to the general rule in the history of Latin America. Chile and Argentina were such an example. The success of democratic transformations in the countries of the region depended on various reasons: a) whether the country had a democratic experience in its past; b) the conditions for the political and economic development of this country to develop representative institutions in the future; c) the importance of the parties in the political course development and the adoption of state decisions. The results of democracy and parliamentarism development in the states of Latin America are rather complicated by the turn of the 20th and 21st centuries. On the one hand, the last decades of the XX-th century and the beginning of this century was marked by the democratization of political life, reforms, and the replacement of military regimes with civilian governments. Since the beginning of the 60-ies, they started the process of democratization and formation of independent island states in the Caribbean and Central America. Despite the successful development of the economy, culture, education, the presence of a large middle class in Argentina, the military governments overcame civilian ones in the 30-70-ies. Therefore, it is needed to consider this aspect as a part of education system to improve the educators’ level.

Abstract This article discusses how a method of legal reasoning employed first by French and Spanish legislators and judges and, subsequently, by their Latin American successors hindered the economic development of their respective countries.1 It suggests that significant economic development would be possible if legislators helped enact honest, reasonable, and fair versions of successful market practices in a manner consistent with their nations’ or regions’ developmental goals.2 It further suggests that Latin American judges can contribute to the attainment of such goals by adopting a method of reasoning that differs from their present method. The proposed method requires that in disputes caused by the disabling effects of obsolete statutory, case, or customary law on promising new customs and practices, the judge acts as a quasi-legislator. In that capacity, he should carefully consider not only the pivotal facts of the dispute and the applicable law but also his nation’s socio-economic conditions and economic development goals. Then, by placing himself in the archetypal position of a reasonable merchant, always having in mind the interest of his contractual and third-party ‘others’, the judge’s decision should enable Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes Jr.’s ‘prophecies’ of what courts will decide in future cases with similar facts and legal issues.3 Thus, he will also be heeding the advice of the distinguished Mexican legal philosopher Eduardo García Máynez, who urged judges to fill the inevitable obsolete and unfair normative gaps with equitable judicial ‘individual’ norms.4 Finally, in updating practices and correcting injustices, the judges’ methods of reasoning should be guided by a broad definition of good faith adopted by 19th-century German Civil and Commercial Codes as well as by the 20th-century US Uniform Commercial Code (UCC), as will be discussed throughout this article. In essence, it requires that legislators and judges take into account the honesty, reasonableness, and fairness of the new practice before it becomes a binding norm.

Introduction: Morbus Hansen is a chronic infectious disease caused by the bacteria Mycobacterium leprae and Mycobacterium lepromatosis. Morbus Hansen is still a health problem in endemic areas, such as Africa, Southeast Asia and Latin America. Morbus Hansen (MH) is named after the founder of this disease in the 19th century, a doctor from Norway named Gerhard Henrik Armauer Hansen. An increase in the incidence of Morbus Hansen occurs in people with household contacts with Morbus Hansen sufferers. This manuscript review which gene had a role in morbus Hansen disease. Discussion: Morbus Hansen disease is characterized by a granulomatous inflammatory process in the peripheral nerves and mucosa of the upper respiratory tract and lesions on the skin are the main clinical signs that can be seen. Mycobacterium leprae is intracellular, namely in reticuloendothelial cells, for example macrophages and on peripheral nerves, namely on the Schwan cell. Mycobacterium leprae infection can also attack the eye and testes. Risk factors for the occurrence of Morbus Hansen disease include: living in an endemic area of Morbus Hansen, low socio-economic conditions, such as poor living facilities, contaminated water, poor nutrition, other diseases that can reduce the body’s immune system, contact with morbus Hansen patient’s and gene risk. Several genes have been studied and are associated with individual susceptibility to infection with the bacteria Mycobacterium leprae. Conclusion: Several genes are associated with individual susceptibility to infection with Morbus Hansen Disease. Recent studies have this gene could defects in the cellular immune response more vulrenerable to infection with bacteria Mycobacterium leprae. These defect came from genes that are thought to be associated with Morbus Hansen disease. Furthermore, research studies must confirm these genes.

This essay aims to examine metropolitan cities of Latin America with two aspects of the literature in anthropology, history, and sociology in mind. First, the essay addresses an imbalanced focus on cities in the USA and Canada by sketching the significance of migration, creation, and urban development in four major metropolises of Latin America. Second, in place of a framework of urban imaginaries, which has dominated the sociology of Latin American cities in recent years, I argue for a more precise notion of metropolitan imaginaries that better frames the creativity of particular cities and their level of integration into international and regional networks. With this more precise notion, I distinguish southern cities as highly connected places, which attract migrants and bring economic and cultural traffic to their shores, ports, plazas, and streets. They are lively centers of Atlantic modernity with connections that generate greater magnitude for creativity and, as such, bear international significance as places of architecture and urban design. In their informal settlements, impulses of organic creation further distinguish southern metropolises from their North American counterparts. The quality of international and regional connections distinguishes these cities from other urban centers in Latin America, a point underestimated in the literature on urban imaginaries. In this essay, I examine 19th and 20th-century Buenos Aires, Mexico City, São Paulo, and Rio de Janeiro. Each is distinguished from most cities by the magnitude of migration, the diversity of their populations, and the connections they have to global and regional developments. Crucially, each one stands out for the quality and impact of their metropolis-making, particularly in creative architecture and urban design.

Panama has had the longest and fastest economic expansion in recent Latin American history. The economy has expanded at an average rate of about 6 percent per annum over the last quarter of a century, with Panama achieving one of the highest per capita income in Latin America. More recently, GDP grew by about 5½ percent in 2017 (driven by the expanded Canal), and then slowed to 3¾ percent (y/y) in H1-2018. Inflation remained subdued, reaching almost 1 percent (y/y) in September 2018. The external current account deficit stayed at 8 percent of GDP in 2017, mostly covered by FDI. The fiscal position continued to be strong, with the overall deficit of the non-financial public sector (NFPS) at about 1½ percent of GDP. Credit growth has decelerated as financial conditions have started to tighten.

Resumen: El continente americano fue originalmente concebido como el lugar ideal para desarrollar proyectos utópicos. Este espíritu utópico renovó su impulso en el siglo XIX. El socialismo utópico y, en especial, el pensamiento de Charles Fourier inspiraron la creación de comunidades ideales en Estados Unidos y Latinoamérica. Marie Howland gracias a su novela Papa´s own girl, será la ideóloga y una de las creadoras y directoras del proyecto de ciudad ideal desarrollado durante el último cuarto del siglo diecinueve en Topolobampo, Sinaloa. Howland tratará de poner en práctica las ideas desarrolladas en su libro sobre el amor libre y la liberación de la mujer a través de un modelo comunitario de trabajo doméstico e independencia económica. Sus esfuerzos enfrentaron la resistencia de hombres que no estaban a la altura de la mujer nueva.Palabras claves: Nuevo Mundo, Comunidades Ideales, Socialismo Utópico, Amor libre, Independencia económica de la mujer, Marie Stevens Howland.Abstract: The Americas were originally conceived as the ideal place to develop utopian projects.. This utopian spirit renewed its energy in the 19th century. Utopian Socialism and, particularly, Charles Fourier's thought inspired the creation of ideal communities in the United States and Latin America. Marie Howland was the ideologue, and one of the creators and leaders of the ideal city project developed during the last quarter of the nineteenth century in Topolobampo, Sinaloa – following the publication of her novel Papa's own girl,. Howland tried to put into practice the ideas on free love and liberation of women through a community model of domestic work and economic independence that she developed in her book. Her endeavours faced the resistance of men who were not up to the new woman.Keywords: New World, Ideal Communities, Utopian Socialism, Free Love, Women Economic Independence, Marie Stevens Howland.

Abstract This article explores the childhood of a Mexican Indigenous activist, Raúl Javier Gatica Bautista, who was born in 1963 in the Oaxacan market town of Tlaxiaco. Growing up in poor circumstances, Gatica would become a leader in the social movements that between the 1980s and early 2000s pushed Mexico toward gradual democratic reform. The article seeks to describe what it was like to grow up poor and Indigenous at a time (later dubbed the Mexican Miracle) of impressive social and economic advances. Paying special attention to the experience of racial abuse, the article also asks how Gatica's childhood came to inform his political militancy. While other historians have linked the phenomenon of political radicalism in twentieth-century Latin America to particular social conditions, or to the influence and adaptation of global ideologies, this article seeks the origins of Gatica's radicalism in the experience of a racialised childhood.

Even from the middle of the 19th century desertification was considered a controlled artificial process with anthropic factors as the main cause. Forest treatments applied in tropical forests in an incorrect manner have led to soil degradations and a destabilization of climatic and hydrologic regimes. In these conditions, desertification and its indicators have regressed in regard with agricultural and forestry productivity. This was caused by a non-sustainable management characterised by exploitation anthropic activities realized in an uncontrolled procedure. In 1994, the desertification definition was updated by introducing climatic factors and abusive grazing as consequences of field degradation. The main purpose of this article is to understand the concept of” desertification” and to elaborate a qualitative analysis based on published scientific articles in order to investigate the influence factors that led to the apparition of this phenomenon in Europe, Asia, Latin America and Africa. The scientific objectives consist in analysing the evolution of desertification in different affected regions as well as to analyse the influence factors that led to the ecological destabilization of agricultural and forestry domains through degradation and a reduction of silvo-biologic productivity. The results were based on analysing 74 articles published in specialty agricultural and forestry journals or magazines by institutions or associations of owners, managers of waters and forests, forestry specialists, academicians and ecologists. They have all studied the present problem posed by desertification as well as modern applied methods for rehabilitating ecologic conditions in degraded ecosystems from semi-arid, arid and extremely arid areas.

The article analyzes the key factors, trends and prospects for the transformation of political regimes in the context of transition to a polycentric world order. Geopolitical uncertainties are causing significant apprehension among elite and scientists at the beginning new era. This is due to some change in the hegemony of the world powers. The nature of hegemony, changing world order received special attention in the twentieth century and remains in the focus of researches to this day I Wallerstein stressed that the hegemonic states must be powerful to receive the benefits of its status. «Unipolar order» in world politics has turned out to be dysfunctional in terms of ensuring global prosperity and security, promoting democratic practices, and strengthening world order and stability across all regions. Destabilization of the entire world order is due to aggravating internal political divisions and confrontations in the USA and in the countries of the European Union. Processes of reforming new geopolitical coalitions have provided geopolitical turbulence. Turbulent world of international relations and politics is characterized by two overarching trends: (1) the supersession of geopolitics by geoeconomics; (2) mutations of the international security which is increasingly shifting from the interstate level to security threats the growing importance and intensity of conflicts between different value systems and ideologies, in particular between integrationist (such as democracy and human rights) and particularistic ideologies (such as nationalism or religious fundamentalism). Confrontation of the processes of Westernization and Easternization means the weakening of influence of Western countries and strengthening of Eastern. According to some forecasts, economic and technological revolutions will change the economies and social structures of societies; social and democratic revolutions will exert pressure on different levels of government; the geopolitical revolution will create a multipolar world. In the conditions of geopolitical turbulence main courses of power are eroded and predict the trajectories of the transformation of political regimes in the coming decades, especially in the face of strengthening Asia and Latin America, is too complicated.

In the 16th century Philippines, the marriage of the Church and the State was the dominant set-up by virtue of Spain’s quest for colonization and evangelization. Civil administrators and church missionaries were called to cooperate the will of the king. Inmost cases, their point of contact was also the area of friction because of their opposing intentions. The early Spanish missionaries in the 16th century Philippines were influenced by the teachings of Bartolome de Las Casas and Vitoria that ignited them to confront their civil counterparts who were after getting the wealth and resources of the natives at the expense of their dignity and rights. Since the King showed interest in protecting the rights of the Indians, Churchmen used legal procedures, reports and personaltestimonies in the Royal Court to create changes in the systems employed in the islands. The relationship between the Spaniards and the natives cannot be reduced to a monolithic relationship between the two races. The power dynamics should be viewed within the plethora of groups who were engaged in the discourse including the bishop of Manila, governor-general, encomenderos, adelantados, soldiers, religious orders, native leaders and even the common indios. Given the canvas of conflicting motives, the proponents of conquests and missionary undertakings grappled to persuade the Spanish Royal Court to take their respective stand on the disputed human rights and justice issues on the legitimacy of the conquest, tributes, slavery and forced labor. References Primary Documentary Sources Anales Ecclesiasticos de Philipinas: 1574-1682. Volume 1. Manila: Archdioceseof Manila Archives, 1994. Arancel. Quezon City: Archivo de la Provincia del Santo Rosario (APSR), MSTomo 3, Doc.3. Blair, Emma Helen and Robertson Alexander, eds. at annots. The Philippine Islands,1493-1898: Explorations by Early Navigators, Descriptions ofthe Islands and Their Peoples, their History and Records of the CatholicMissions, as related in Contemporaneous Books and ManuscriptsShowing the Political, Economic, Commercial and Religious Conditionsof Those Islands from Their Earliest Conditions with European Nationsto the Close of the Nineteenth Century. 55 Volumes. Cleveland: ArthurH Clark, 1903-1909. Hereinafter referred to as B and R. The followingprimary documents were used in this dissertation: Colin-Pastells. LaborEvangelica I. Historical Conservation Society. The Christianizationof the Philippines. Manila: Historical Conservation Society, 1965. Keen, Benjamin, Editor. Latin American Civilization: History and Society, 1492to the Present. London: Westview Press, 1986. Las Casas, Bartolome. Historia de las Indias. Mexico, 1951. __________________. The Spanish Colonie. University Microfilms Inc., 1996.Licuanan, Virginia Benitez and Mira Jose Llavador, eds and annots. PhilippinesUnder Spain. 6 Volumes. Manila: National Trust for Historical and Cultural Preservation of the Philippines, 1996. Munoz Text of Alcina’s History of the Bisayan Islands (1668). Translated byPaul S. Lietz. Chicago: Philippine Studies Program, 1960. National Historical Commission, Coleccion de Documentos Ineditos de Ultramar,Madrid, 1887. Navarette, Martin Fernandez D. Colleccion de los Viajes y descubrimientos queHicieron por mar los espanoles desde fines del siglo XV. Madrid: 1825-1837. Pastells, Pablo. Historia General de Filipinas in Catalogo de los DocumentosRelativos a las Islas Filipinas. Barcelona, 1925. Recopilacion de Leyes de los Reynos de las Indias. Tomo I. Madrid, 1943.San Agustin, Gaspar de. Conquistas de las Islas Filipinas: 1565-1615. Translatedby Luis Antonio Maneru. Bilingual Edition. Manila: San Agustin Museum, 1998. Zaide, Gregorio, eds. at annots. Documentary Sources of Philippine History. 14Volumes. Manila: National Bookstore, 1990. Secondary Sources Books Chan, Manuel T. The Audiencia and the Legal System in the Philippines (1583-1900). Manila: Progressive Printing Palace, Inc., 1998. Cunningham, Charles Henry. The Audiencia in the Spanish Colonies: AsIllustrated by the Audiencia of Manila 1583-1800. Berkeley: Universityof California Press, 1919. Cushner, Nicolas P. The Isles of the West: Early Spanish Voyages to thePhilippines, 1521-1564. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila Press, 1966. _________________. Spain in the Philippines: From Conquest to the Revolution. Aberdeen:Cathay Press Ltd., 1971. De la Costa, Horacio. Jesuits in the Philippines. Cambridge: Harvard UniversityPress, 1961. De la Rosa, Rolando V. Beginnings of the Filipino Dominicans. Manila: USTPress, 1990. Fernandez, Pablo. History of the Church in the Philippines. Manila: NationalBookstore, 1979. Gutierrez, Lucio, O.P. Domingo Salazar, OP First Bishop of the Philippines: 1512-1594. Manila: University of Santo Tomas Press, 2001. Haring, C.H. The Spanish Empire in America. New York: Harcourt, Brace andWorld Inc., 1963. Keen, Banjamin. A History of Latin America, 5th Edition. Vol.1. Boston: HoughtonMifflin Company, 1996. Keller, Albert Galloway. Colonization. Boston: 1908. Luengo, Josemaria. A History of Manila-Acapulco Slave Trade (1565-1815). Bohol:Mater Dei Publications, 1996. Munoz, Honorio. Vitoria and the Conquest of America: A Study on the FirstReading on the Indians. Manila: UST Press, 1938. _____________. Vitoria and War: A Study on the Second Reading on the Indians oron the Right of War. Manila: UST Press, 1937. Noone, Martin. The Islands Saw It.1521-1581. Ireland: Helicon Press, 1982. Pitrie, Sir Charles. Philip II of Spain. London: Eyre and Spottiswoode, 1963. Porras, Jose Luis. The Synod of Manila of 1582. Translated by Barranco, Carballo,Echevarra, Felix, Powell and Syquia. Manila: Historical Conservation Society, 1990. Rafael. Vicente. Contracting Colonialism. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila Press, 1998. Santiago, Luciano P.R. To Love and To Suffer: The Development of theReligious Congregations for Women in the Spanish Philippines, 1565-1898. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila Press, 2005. Scott, J.B. Francisco de Vitoria and His Law of Nations. Oxford, 1934.Scott, William Henry. Slavery in the Spanish Philippines. Manila: De la Salle UniversityPress, 1991. Shumway, David. Michel Foucault. Virginia: G. K. Hall and Co., 1989. Simpson, Lesley Byrd. The Encomienda in New Spain: The Beginning ofSpanish Mexico. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1966. Sitoy, Valentino Jr. The Initial Encounter: a History of Christianity in the Philippines,Vol. 1. Quezon City: New Day Publishers, 1985. Zafra, Nicolas. Readings in Philippine History. Manila. University of the Philippines, 1947. Zaide, Gregorio F. The Pageant of Philippine History Vol. 1. Manila: 1979. Articles Arcilla, Jose S. S.J., The Spanish Conquest. Kasaysayan: The Story of theFilipino People Vol. 3. Hongkong: C & C Offset Printing Co., Ltd, 1998. Bernal, Rafael. “Introduction.” The Colonization and Conquest of the Philippinesby Spain: Some Contemporary Source Documents. Manila: FilipinianaBook Guild, 1965. Burkholder, Mark A. “Sepulveda, Juan Gines de.” Encyclopedia of Latin AmericanHistory and Culture Vol.5. Edited by Barbara A. Tenenbaum. NewYork: Macmillan Library Reference, 1996. Burkholder, Susanne Hiles. “Vitoria, Francisco de.” Encyclopedia of Latin AmericanHistory and Culture Vol.5 Edited by Barbara A. Tenenbaum.New York: Macmillan Library Reference, 1996. De Jesus, Edilberto. “Christianity and Conquest: The Basis of Spanish SovereigntyOver the Philippines.” The Beginnings of Christianity in the Philippines.Manila: Philippine Historical Institute, 1965. Donovan, William. “Las Casas, Bartolome.” Encyclopedia of Latin American Historyand Culture Vol.3. Edited by Barbara A. Tenenbaum. New York:Macmillan Library Reference, 1996. Gutierrez, Lucio. “Domingo de Salazar’s Struggle for Justice and Humanizationin the Conquest of the Philippines.” Philippiniana Sacra 14, 1975. ____________. “Domingo de Salazar, OP, First Bishop of the Philippines (1512-1594): Defender of the Rights of the Filipinos at the Spanish Contact”Philippiniana Sacra XX, 1979. ____________. “Domingo de Salazar’s Memorial of 1582 on the Status of the Philippines:A Manifesto for Freedom and Humanization.” Philippiniana SacraVol. 21, No. 63, 1986. ___________. “Opinion of Fr. Domingo de Salazar, O.P. First Bishop of the Philippinesand the Major Religious Superiors Regarding Slaves.” PhilippinianaSacra Vol. 22, No. 64, 1986. ___________. “The Synod of Manila: 1581-1586.” Philippiniana Sacra Vol. XXV, No.74, 1990. Keith, Robert G. “Encomienda,Hacienda and Corregimiento in Spanish America:A Structural Analysis.” Hispanic American Historical Review 51:pp.110-116. 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This introduction to the January 2008 special edition of PORTAL engages with the processes by which, in the early 21st century—an information age of hypertechnology, post-nationalism, post-Fordism, and dominating transnational media—culture and economy have become fused, and globalizations tend towards the mercantilization, commodification, and privatization of human experience. We recognize that access to the technologies of globalizations is uneven. Although cyberspace and other hypertechnologies have become an integral part of workspaces, and of the domestic space in most households, across Western industrialized societies, and for the middle and upper-classes everywhere, this is not a reality for most people in the world, including the Latin American underclasses, the majority of the continent’s population. But we also agree with pundits who note how that limited access has not prevented a ‘techno-virtual spillover’ into the historical-material world. More and more people are increasingly touched by the techno-virtual realm and its logics, with a resultant transformation of global imaginaries in response to, for instance, the global spread of privatised entertainment and news via TV, satellites and the internet, and virtualized military operations (wars on terror, drugs, and rogue regimes). Under these hyperworldizing conditions, we asked, how might we talk about language, culture and history in Latin America, especially since language has an obvious, enduring importance as a tool for communication, and as the means to define culture and give narrative shape to our histories and power struggles? Our central term ‘hyperworld(s)’ presents us with numerous conceptual and epistemological challenges, not least because, whether unintended or not, it evokes cyberspace, thus gesturing toward either the seamless integration of physical and virtual reality, or its converse, a false opposition between the material and the virtual. The term may also evoke unresolved contradictions between discourses of technophobia and technophilia and, by extension, lead to dichotomized readings of the age in terms of the limits to, and capacities for, political resistance. In our conception, however, hyperworld(s) is not contained by the term virtuality; it encompasses, exceeds, challenges, and devours it. The production of hyperworld(s), or hyperworldization, connotes acceleration and hyperactivity on social, economic and financial levels, the intensified commodification of human life, the time-space compression of communication and much cultural production, the re-ordering of social relations themselves over-determined by technology wedded to capitalist market values, and, as a result, the re-ordering of daily life, cultural expression, and political activism for individuals and communities across the planet. These processes and intensities mean that new modes of reading the interactive and contradictory discursive fragmentations of the current epoch are required. Thus, rather than regarding cyberspace simply as the technological hallmark or dominant trope of our epoch, we might make deeper sense of hyperworld(s)—the bracketed plural implying myriad intersecting worlds within ‘the’ world—by identifying interactive entry points into contemporary lived historical-material and imagined complexities in the Latin American world(s). This article has been cited in the following: Duarte Alonso, Abel, and Yi Liu. “Changing Visitor Perceptions of a Capital City: The Case of Wellington, New Zealand.” City Tourism: National Capital Perspectives, ed. Robert Maitland and Brent W. Richie. Wallingford, UK: CABI, 2010, 110-24.