Journal articles on the topic 'Late Gothic wall paintings'

The paper presents an analysis of the causes and effects of masonry vaults damage after a construction disaster in the historic church of St. George in Hajduki Nyskie (southern Poland), dated to the beginning of the XIV century. As a result of the collapse of the eastern gable wall, some parts of the vaults and a wooden roof were destroyed, as well as other structural elements and part of the church's equipment. The building combines late Romanesque, Gothic and Baroque style elements, representing high, trans-regional historical and artistic, religious and cultural values, in particular due to the valuable gothic wall paintings preserved in the nave. The paper presents the state of the building before and after the construction disaster as well as recommendations regarding the reconstruction of the vaults.

Remnants of the late Gothic wall paintings in the southern lateral apse of St Chrysogonus’ church in Zadar are badly damaged, which makes it very difficult to link them to renowned artists or opuses. However, since they can be approximately dated to the second quarter of the 15th century, the number of possible candidates is significantly reduced to only a few painters who are known to have been active in Zadar at the time. In that context, certain visual correspondences to the works of Giovanni di Pietro from Milan (the “Ugljan Polyptych” at St Francis’ monastery in Zadar, frescoes in the chapel of St Doimo in the cathedral of Split, a polyptych at the State Hermitage Museum in Sankt Petersburg), as well as the use of some typical elements, indicate this painter as the possible author of these fragments.

Background. Mural paintings occupy a special place in the ensemble decoration program of the residential buildings entrance spaces in Eastern Galicia at the end of the XIXth – first third of the XXth century. They are at the same level with decorative sculpture, exquisite staircase forging, ornamental floor decor, and polychrome stained glass. Not only do the decorative compositions in the entrance spaces mural paintings serve as a stylistic feature of decoration, but also are a component of owner's self-identification, testify to their aesthetic preferences and cultural level, demonstrate their material capacities. Practically all wealthy residential buildings and villas of the late XIXth – early XXth centuries contained murals as a necessary element of decoration. They were guided by the principle of uniqueness of each art piece. Preserved mural paintings are characterized by the high quality of execution, variety of scenes and color decisions. Many foreign and Ukrainian scholars look into the aesthetics of architecture and the interaction of the synthesis of arts in it: Y. Biryulov, T. Kazantseva, L. Polischuk, O. Silnyk, I. Zhuk, M. Studnytska and others. However, the authors do not analyze mural paintings of the residential buildings interior in Eastern Galicia, especially of the entrance spaces, which are a buffer zone between outside and inside of the building. Thus, at present, numerous design elements that are in the entrance spaces of residential buildings are at risk of extinction. That is why we need to stress the problem of preservation of the authentic artistic paintings within the program of lobbies and stairwells decoration in the residential buildings of Eastern Galicia at the end of the XIXth – first third of the XXth century. For this reason, our research is relevant and topical. The objectives of this article are to typologize artistic mural paintings in the decoration of the entrance spaces of residential buildings in Eastern Galicia at the end of the XIXth – first third of the XXth century according to the stylistic forms (neo-gothic, neo-renaissance, neo-baroque, neo-baroque, neo-rococo, in the empire style and modern) and to classify them into thematic (mythological and allegorical images) and ornamental compositions. Methods. The article uses a complex method of architectural-stylistic and art-study analysis, which covers traditional general scientific approaches to the solution of the tasks. Additionally, the method of field studies has been applied, through which we can obtain reliable information on the status of entrance spaces of living buildings in modern conditions. According to the results of the field studies, the mural paintings in the decoration of the entrance spaces of residential buildings in East Galicia of the late XIXth – first third of the XXth century have been analyzed. Types of paintings were typologies (neo-gothic, neo-renaissance, neo-baroque, neo-rococo, in the empire style and modern). The mural paintings are classified according to the motives (mythological and allegorical images) and ornamental compositions. The correlation between the adornment of ceilings and walls and other arts in the decoration of the entrance spaces of the Eastern Galician residential buildings at the end of the XIXth – first third of the XXth century has been traced. Conclusions. The architecture of each historical period is characterized by a certain color scheme. In the palette of paintings of the late XIXth – early XX centuries the pastel shades are dominant. They create a particularly elevated atmosphere in the interior of the entrance spaces due to the nuance of tone and color. The architectural and artistic themes on the facades of a building are often supported in the interior – entrance spaces. The stylish total ability of decoration does not interfere with their complex texture and color, which is used, all the elements highlight each other, transferring in the tonal emotionality of the system set by the paintings. Unfortunately, the number of mural paintings in the entrance spaces of residential buildings are often being fixed or non-professionally restored (like the mural paintings on 14 Kravchuk St. in Lviv). Because of these factors, the authentic colors fade away and their value significantly decreases. Moreover, mural paintings often crumble as time passes.

<p>The Convent of Santa Clara in Toro (Zamora) was founded in the mid-13^th century. After destruction during the Castilian civil struggles of the last years of this century, its fabric was rebuilt and it was inhabited again by the Clarissan nuns, who still occupy it. Its architecture corresponds for the most part to its early-14^th century rebuilding, even though it is concealed by works carried out from the 16^th to the 18^th centuries, so that it is apparently a Baroque complex. In the 1950s, in the choir of this Medieval hidden structure, a set of wall paintings of the mid-14thcentury was brought to light (one of the most important set of wall paintings of the early Gothic period ever found in Castile), but they were immediately detached from the walls and sold. It was only after a combination of circumstances that they came back to Toro to be installed in another building, the church of San Sebastián de los Caballeros, transformed into a museum. As a consequence of all these operations, the arrangement and sense of these wall paintings was lost. The virtual three-dimensional (3D) reconstruction, based on a deep analysis and criticism of historical sources and on a close inspection and photogrammetric recording of the original room once occupied by the wall paintings, enables us to place them back in their original context through the use of rendering techniques, so recovering one of the most exciting spaces of female devotion of the Castilian 14thcentury.</p>

This paper focuses on the mural scheme executed in Haddon Hall Chapel shortly after 1427 for Sir Richard Vernon. It argues that at that time the chapel was also being used as a parish church, and that the paintings were therefore both an expression of private devotion and a public statement. This is reflected in their subject matter, which combines themes associated with popular beliefs, the public persona of the Hall's owner and the Vernon family's personal devotions. The remarkable inventiveness and complexity of the iconography is matched by the exceptionally sophisticated style of the paintings. Attention is also given to part of the decoration previously thought to be contemporary with this fifteenth-century scheme but for which an early sixteenth-century date is now proposed on the basis of stylistic and other evidence.

The article deals with a little known ensemble of wall paintings at the Church of the Saviour in Chvabiani, Upper Svaneti, Georgia. The initial decoration of the church dated to 978- 1001 has survived mainly in the apse. The badly preserved Theophany in the conch attracted the attention of scholars who analyzed its iconography. The Apostles in the lower zone, however, were considered to be repainted at a later date. Our examination of these wall paintings revealed no traces of later additions. Through the analysis of technique and style we aim to prove that the both compositions belong to the turn of the tenth to eleventh century. These wall paintings show unusually high quality and close affinities with Byzantine art of this period. In our view, they could be a work of a visiting artist, probably a Georgian trained at some major Byzantine artistic center. He may well have been among the artists working on wall paintings at the cathedrals built and decorated by order of kings and church hierarchs during the late tenth to early eleventh centuries, in Tao-Klarjeti or other lands of the Georgian kingdom still under formation.

The article is a result of the research on continental European paintings in York Art Gallery, completed as a part of the project National Inventory of Continental European Paintings. Two late gothic panels, painted on both sides, contain the depictions of three saints in half-length on each side. Nowadays only one of these panels is still in York Art Gallery, as the other one was stolen and its current location remains unknown. It seems that the panels from York used to be the wings of predellas; however, presented research questions traditional assumption that they may be considered as the parts of predella of the Nuremberg St Catherine of Siena retable, as it seems impossible to fit them into the reconstruction that would be iconographically reasonable and suiting the eighteenth century descriptions. The altar of St Catherine of Siena was completed in 1464 by the workshop of Hans Pleydenwurff, to the St Catherine's Church of the Dominican Nuns' Convent in Nuremberg. The whole structure did not survive; only its wings (panels of the mid-opening and closed retable) are now in the Germanisches Nationalmuseum in Nuremberg (GM137 and GM138 painted on both sides and GM139 and GM140 painted on one side) and in the North Carolina Museum of Art, Raleigh NC, USA (one inner panel of the inner pair of this altar's wings, decorated with the full length depiction of St Leonard). York panels were for sure created around the same time (1460s) and by the same workshop. At least one of them used to be part of the altar dedicated to the Dominican church. However, the panels from York seem to have been prepared as the left wings of two different predellas; it even seems that they may not have originally been of the same size.

This paper deals with the development of a multidisciplinary study on the current state of conservation of the facade of the Arciprestal Church of Santa María de Morella (Castellón, Spain), a work of the Gothic period of great historical and artistic value. The aim of this diagnosis was to undertake the preventive conservation actions required and increase the knowledge about the conservation of paintings on stones. During the diagnosis scanning, electron microscopy was demonstrated to be a valuable analytical method for wall paintings on stone. The facade, which since its construction has not undergone major architectural changes, has reached our days as it was configured in its creation, adding the traces of the passage of time and interventions that have suffered polychromies. Because of the conservation situation, it was decided to have an interdisciplinary project for the structural study of the work, an exhaustive study of the materials and their state of conservation. The study of the materials includes the identification of stone supports, mortars, the pictorial technique of the original and added polychromies, and the superficial patinas. On-site studies were carried out by ground penetration radar (GPR) and X-ray fluorescence (XRF). Among the techniques used in laboratory were optical polarized light microscopy (MO-LP), X-ray diffraction (XRD), scanning electron microscopy with microanalysis (SEM-EDX) and Fourier-transform infrared spectroscopy (FTIR). The study allowed to determine the different pathologies of alteration and degradation of stone substrate and polychromies, chromatic alterations, biological patinas, etc. During this study, it was demonstrated that the diagnosis of wall paintings is a complex issue that needs to be addressed in a multidisciplinary approach, where scanning electron microscopy with microanalysis is the key methodology to get a deeper understanding of subsurface characterization of wall paintings and highlight the weathering processes. In a second phase of previous studies, this technique (SEM) has been used in assessing the viability of consolidation systems and cleaning both the stone and the polychrome.

This paper studies a collection of painted plaster fragments excavated between 1984 and 1989 in the northern part of the so-called House of Aion, that is, three small rooms (Nos 3, 13, 14, 15 and 7). The architectural context of these finds and their dating is first recapitulated: the house was constructed in the second half of the 4th century only to be demolished by a strong earthquake at the end of the century or the beginning of the following one. Most of the plaster pieces were small and of little significance in terms of the remaining colors, but a few from Room 7 were sufficiently well preserved to support a reconstruction of parts of five figural images (three muses, Apollo and a mask) and determine their hypothetical position in this room. Parallels, in painting and floor mosaics, range from Ephesos and Kos in the east to Vichen (Luxembourg) in the west. Based on the iIconographic identification, the 4th century AD Muses from Paphos could be recognized as: a standing Thalia holding a mask, a seated Urania and a standing Euterpe with a double flute in her hand, accompanied by Apollo holding a lyre. Together they constituted typical decoration of a Mediterranean Roman house, common from the early Empire through late antiquity.

Chronological and stylistic studies of Roman wall paintings and mosaics were based for a long time only on optical direct analysis and current analogue or digital photographic reproduction. The aims of fresco research today remain the same as in the past — i.e. pigment types and sources, painting subjects and styles, application methods, and the relationship between paintings and the function of their locations. Modern technologies, however, have now been developed which can finally improve our knowledge about ancient decorative taste and workshops. New methodologies such as highly accurate colour reproduction of paintings and mosaics, digital reconstruction of fragmentary decorations, or chemical analyses of pigments or plasters are increasingly being used to fill important research gaps. Some of these techniques are illustrated in this article as solutions to obstacles in the archaeological documentation of an unpublished first-century ad painting (Late Flavian period) on the Caelian Hill in Rome. With relation to Fourth Style decorations, the problematic question as to whether there was an intentional ratio between the component parts of the fresco is also discussed, linking for the first time the Vitruvian architectural concept of Commodulatio (meaning ‘with symmetry/proportion’) to wall paintings.

The Monastery of St. Paraskevy is located above the village Brajcino, on the east shore of Lake Prespa in the Republic of Macedonia. In accordance with the incomplete donor?s inscription this one aisle church with a pitched roof was built and decorated at the same time. Reparations came around 1800, when rebuilding was done on the longitudinal walls and the narthex (without fresco decoration). The fresco paintings from the 15th century are preserved on the west facade, and on the east and west wall of the naos. The decorative program in the interior was common for the small type monastery churches without narthex. From the old edifice, on the corner of the outside southwest wall visible are remains of figures, a monk and a man in laymen?s attire facing eastward. The iconographic program of the west facade is interesting for the scenes which encompass the patrons niche: a reduced Last Judgment (Royal Deesis, Hell and Paradise, where the monk Pahomios above the gate is depicted in prayer) and the equestrian figures of St. George and St. Mena. A parallel for the rare iconography of St. Mena with the tamed beasts is found in an unpublished icon, which most probably was painted in the last quarter of the 15th century, and is kept presently on the iconostasis of the church of Panagia tou Apostolaki in Kastoria. In accordance with all the considered characteristics by means of comparative analysis, we assume that the anonymous master could be an individual who belonged to the painting workshops which are credited for painting the church of St. Nicholas of the nun Eupraxia in Kastoria. We suppose the painter worked in Brajcino soon after the year 1486 and before 1493, when the decoration of the church in Kremikovci was completed, in which he most likely took part as a member of another large workshop. Regarding the question about the origins of the style of the 'master from the 1480?s', the paper articulates an opinion that they should be traced not only in the long painting traditions of Kastoria and Ohrid, but also in the collaboration of the masters and the spread of their works in these two important centers of the Ohrid Archbishopric.

Since the late 19th century the wall paintings of Sant Miquel in Terrassa have drawn attention due to their singularity. From the early studies of Josep Puig i Cadafalch (1867–1956) to the present, both the iconographic program and the chronology of the paintings have fueled controversy among scholars. In particular, chronological estimates range from the time of Early Christian Art to the Carolingian period. However, a recent technical study of the paintings seems to confirm an early date around the 6th century. This new data allows us to reassess the question in other terms and explore a new possible context for the paintings. First, it is very likely that the choice of iconographic topics was related to the debates on the Arian heresy that took place in Visigothic Spain during the 5th and 6th centuries. Secondly, the paintings of Sant Miquel should be reconsidered as a possible reception of a larger 6th-century pictorial tradition linked to the Eastern Mediterranean, which is used in a very particular way. However, thus far we ignore which were the means for this artistic transmission as well as the reasons which led the “doers” of Terrassa to select such a peculiar and unique repertoire of topics, motifs, and inscriptions. My paper addresses all these questions in order to propose a new Mediterranean framework for the making of this singular set of paintings.

Recent conservation and restoration work on the icon of the Virgin and Child which stood on the altar in the Church of St. Nicholas at Prijeko in Dubrovnik has enabled a new interpretation of this paining. The icon, painted on a panel made of poplar wood, features a centrally-placed Virgin holding the Child in her arms painted on a gold background between the two smaller figures of St. Peter and St. John the Baptist. The figures are painted in the manner of the fifteenth- and sixteenth-century Dubrovnik style, and represent a later intervention which significantly changed the original appearance and composition of the older icon by adding the two saints and touching up the Virgin’s clothes with Renaissance ornaments, all of which was performed by the well-known Dubrovnik painter Nikola Božidarević. It can be assumed that the icon originally featured a standing or seated Virgin and Child. The Virgin is depicted with her head slightly lowered and pointing to the Christ Child whom she is holding on her right side. The chubby boy is not seated on his mother’s lap but is reclining on his right side and leaningforward while his face is turned towards the spectator. He is dressed in a red sleeveless tunic with a simple neck-line which is embroidered with gold thread. The Child is leaning himself on the Virgin’s right hand which is holding him. He is firmly grasping her thumb with one hand and her index finger with the other in a very intimate nursing gesture while she, true to the Hodegitria scheme, is pointing at him with her left hand, which is raised to the level of her breasts. Such an almost-realistic depiction of Christ as a small child with tiny eyes, mouth and nose, drastically departs from the model which portrays him with the mature face of an adult, as was customary in icon painting. The Virgin is wearing a luxurious gold cloak which was repainted with large Renaissance-style flowers. Her head is covered with a traditional maphorion which forms a wide ring around it and is encircled by a nimbus which was bored into thegold background. Her skin tone is pink and lit diffusely, and was painted with almost no green shadows, which is typical of Byzantine painting. The Virgin’s face is striking and markedly oval. It is characterized by a silhouetted, long, thin nose which is connected to the eyebrows. The ridge of the nose is emphasized with a double edge and gently lit whilethe almond-shaped eyes with dark circles are set below the inky arches of the eyebrows. The Virgin’s cheeks are smooth and rosy while her lips are red. The plasticity of her round chin is emphasized by a crease below the lower lip and its shadow. The Virgin’s eyes, nose and mouth are outlined with a thick red line. Her hands are light pink in colour and haveelongated fingers and pronounced, round muscles on the wrists. The fingers are separated and the nails are outlined with precision. The deep, resounding hues of the colour red and the gilding, together with the pale pink skin tone of her face, create an impression of monumentality. The type of the reclining Christ Child has been identified in Byzantine iconography as the Anapeson. Its theological background lies in the emphasis of Christ’s dual nature: although the Christ Child is asleep, the Christ as God is always keeping watch over humans. The image was inspired by a phrase from Genesis 49: 9 about a sleeping lion to whom Christ is compared: the lion sleeps with his eyes open. The Anapeson is drowsy and awake at the same time, and therefore his eyes are not completely shut. Such a paradox is a theological anticipation of his “sleep” in the tomb and represents an allegory of his death and Resurrection. The position, gesture and clothes of the Anapeson in Byzantine art are not always the same. Most frequently, the ChristChild is not depicted lying in his mother’s arms but on an oval bed or pillow, resting his head on his hand, while the Virgin is kneeling by his side. Therefore, the Anapeson from Dubrovnik is unique thanks to the conspicuously humanized relationship between the figures which is particularly evident in Christ’s explicitly intimate gesture of grasping the fingers of his mother’s hand: his right hand is literally “inserting” itself in the space between the Virgin’s thumb and index finger. At the same time, the baring of his arms provided the painter with an opportunity to depict the pale tones of a child’s tender skin. The problem of the iconography of the Anapeson in the medieval painting at Dubrovnik is further complicated by a painting which was greatly venerated in Župa Dubrovačka as Santa Maria del Breno. It has not been preserved but an illustration of it was published in Gumppenberg’sfamous Atlas Marianus which shows the Virgin seated on a high-backed throne and holding the sleeping and reclining Child. The position of this Anapeson Christ does not correspond fully to the icon from the Church of St. Nicholas because the Child is lying on its back and his naked body is covered with the swaddling fabric. The icon of the Virgin and Child from Prijeko claims a special place in the corpus of Romanesque icons on the Adriatic through its monumentality and intimate character. The details of the striking and lively Virgin’s face, dominated by the pronounced and gently curved Cimabuesque nose joined to the shallow arches of her eyebrows, link her with the Benedictine Virgin at Zadar. Furthermore, based on the manner of painting characterized by the use of intense red for the shadows in the nose and eye area, together with the characteristic shape of the elongated, narrow eyes, this Virgin and Child should be brought into connection with the painter who is known as the Master of the Benedictine Virgin. The so-called Benedictine Virgin is an icon, now at the Benedictine Convent at Zadar, which depicts the Virgin seated on a throne with a red, ceremonial, imperial cushion, in a solemn scheme of the Kyriotissa, the heavenly queen holding the Christ Child on her lap. The throne is wooden and has a round back topped with wooden finials which can also be seen in the Byzantine Kahn Virgin and the Mellon Madonna, as well as in later Veneto-Cretan painting. The throne is set under a shallow ciborium arch which is rendered in relief and supportedby twisted colonettes and so the painting itself is sunk into the surface of the panel. A very similar scheme with a triumphal arch can be seen on Byzantine ivory diptychs with shallow ciborium arches and twisted colonettes. In its composition, the icon from Prijeko is a combination ofthe Kyr i ot i ss a and the Hodegitria, because the Virgin as the heavenly queen does not hold the Christ Child frontally before her but on her right-hand side while pointing at him as the road to salvation. He is seated on his mother’s arm and is supporting himself by pressing his crossed legsagainst her thigh which symbolizes his future Passion. He is wearing a formal classical costume with a red cloak over his shoulder. He is depicted in half profile which opens up the frontal view of the red clavus on his navy blue chiton.He is blessing with the two fingers of his right hand and at the same time reaching for the unusual flower rendered in pastiglia which the Virgin is raising in her left hand and offering to him. At the same time, she is holding the lower part of Christ’s body tightly with her right hand.Various scholars have dated the icon of the Benedictine Virgin to the early fourteenth century. While Gothic features are particularly evident in the costumes of the donors, the elements such as the modelling of the throne and the presence of the ceremonial cushion belong to the Byzantine style of the thirteenth century. The back of the icon of the Benedictine Virgin features the figure of St. Peter set within a border consisting of a lively and colourful vegetal scroll which could be understood as either Romanesque or Byzantine. However, St. Peter’s identifying titulus is written in Latin while that of the Virgin is in Greek. The figure of St. Peter was painted according to the Byzantine tradition: his striking and severe face is rendered linearly in a rigid composition, which is complemented by his classical contrapposto against a green-gray parapet wall, while the background is of dark green-blue colour. Equally Byzantine is themanner of depicting the drapery with flat, shallow folds filled with white lines at the bottom of the garment while, at the same time, the curved undulating hem of the cloak which falls down St. Peter’s right side is Gothic. The overall appearance of St. Peter is perhaps even more Byzantine than that of the Virgin. Such elements, together with the typically Byzantine costumes, speak clearly of a skilful artist who uses hybrid visual language consisting of Byzantine painting and elements of the Romanesque and Gothic. Of particular interest are the wide nimbuses surrounding the heads of the Virgin and Child (St. Peter has a flat one) which are rendered in relief and filled with a neat sequence of shallow blind archesexecuted in the pastiglia technique which, according to M. Frinta, originated in Cyprus. The Venetian and Byzantine elements of the Benedictine Virgin have already been pointed out in the scholarship. Apart from importing art works and artists such as painters and mosaic makers directly from Byzantium into Venice, what was the extent and nature of the Byzantineinfluence on Venetian artistic achievements in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries? We know that the art of Venice and the West alike were affected by the Fourth Crusade and the sack of Constantinople in 1204, and by the newly founded Latin Empire which lasted until 1261.The Venetians played a particularly significant political and administrative role in this Empire and the contemporary hybrid artistic style of the eastern Mediterranean, called Crusader Art and marked by the strong involvement of the Knights Templar, must have been disseminated through the established routes. In addition to Cyprus, Apulia and Sicily which served as stops for the artists and art works en route to Venice and Tuscany, another station must have been Dalmatia where eastern and western influences intermingled and complemented each other.However, it is interesting that the icon of the Benedictine Virgin, apart from negligible variations, imitates almost completely the iconographic scheme of the Madonna di Ripalta at Cerignola on the Italian side of the Adriatic, which has been dated to the early thirteenth century and whose provenance has been sought in the area between southern Italy (Campania) and Cyprus. Far more Byzantine is another Apulian icon, that of a fourteenth-century enthroned Virgin from the basilica of St. Nicholas at Bari with which the Benedictine Virgin from Zadar shares certain features such as the composition and posture of the figures, the depictionof donors and Christ’s costume. A similar scheme, which indicates a common source, can be seen on a series of icons of the enthroned Virgin from Tuscany. The icon of the Virgin and Child from Prijeko is very important for local Romanesque painting of the late thirteenth and early fourteenth century because it expands the oeuvre of the Master of the Benedictine Virgin. Anicon which is now at Toronto, in the University of Toronto Art Centre Malcove Collection, has also been attributed to this master. This small two-sided icon which might have been a diptych panel, as can be judged from its typology, depicts the Virgin with the Anapeson in the upper register while below is the scene from the martyrdom of St. Lawrence. The Virgin is flanked by the figures of saints: to the left is the figure of St. Francis while the saint on the right-hand side has been lost due to damage sustained to the icon. The busts of SS Peter and Paul are at the top.The physiognomies of the Virgin and Child correspond to those of the Benedictine Virgin and the Prijeko icon. The Anapeson, unlike the one at Dubrovnik, is wrapped in a rich, red cloak decorated with lumeggiature, which covers his entire body except the left fist and shin. On the basis of the upper register of this icon, it can be concluded that the Master of the Benedictine Virgin is equally adept at applying the repertoire and style of Byzantine and Western painting alike; the lower register of the icon with its descriptive depiction of the martyrdom of St.Lawrence is completely Byzantine in that it portrays the Roman emperor attending the saint’s torture as a crowned Byzantine ruler. Such unquestionable stylistic ambivalence – the presence of the elements from both Byzantine and Italian painting – can also be seen on the icons of theBenedictine and Prijeko Virgin and they point to a painter who works in a “combined style.” Perhaps he should be sought among the artists who are mentioned as pictores greci in Dubrovnik, Kotor and Zadar. The links between Dalmatian icons and Apulia and Tuscany have already been noted, but the analysis of these paintings should also contain the hitherto ignored segment of Sicilian and eastern Mediterranean Byzantinism, including Cyprus as the centre of Crusader Art. The question of the provenance of the Master of the Benedictine Virgin remains open although the icon of the Virgin and Child from Prijeko points to the possibility that he may have been active in Dalmatia.However, stylistic expressions of the two icons from Zadar and Dubrovnik, together with the one which is today at Toronto, clearly demonstrate the coalescing of cults and forms which arrived to the Adriatic shores fromfurther afield, well beyond the Adriatic, and which were influenced by the significant, hitherto unrecognized, role of the eastern Mediterranean.

A recent scientific investigation on Hellenistic and Roman wall paintings of funerary and domestic contexts from Nea (‘New’) Paphos, located in the southwest region of Cyprus, has revealed new information on the paintings’ constituent materials, their production technology and technical style of painting. Nea Paphos, founded in the late 4th century BC, became the capital of the island during the Hellenistic period (294–58 BC) and developed into a thriving economic center that continued through the Roman period (58 BC–330 AD). A systematic, analytical study of ancient Cypriot wall paintings, excavated from the wealthy residences of Nea Paphos and the surrounding necropoleis, combining complementary non-invasive, field-deployable characterization techniques, has expanded the scope of analysis, interpretation and access of these paintings. The results from in situ analyses, combining X-ray fluorescence (XRF) and fiber-optic reflectance spectroscopy (FORS), forensic imaging in reflectance and luminescence, and digital photomicrography, were informative on the raw materials selection, application technique(s) and extent of paintings beyond the visible. Data collected through the integration of these techniques were able to: (1) show an intricate and rich palette of pigments consisting of local and foreign natural minerals and synthetic coloring compounds applied pure or in mixtures, in single or multiple layers; (2) identify and map the spatial distribution of Egyptian blue across the surface of the paintings, revealing the extent of imagery and reconstructing iconography that was no longer visible to the naked eye; and (3) visualize and validate the presence of Egyptian blue to delineate facial contours and flesh tone shading. This innovation and technical characteristic in the manner of painting facial outlines and constructing chiaroscuro provides a new insight into the artistic practices, inferring artists/or workshops’ organization in Cyprus during the Roman period.

Abstract The World Heritage site of the Mogao Grottoes near Dunhuang is China's preeminent ancient Buddhist site on the Silk Road. It flourished between the fourth and the fourteenth centuries and comprises some 492 cave temples with wall paintings and sculpture. The Getty Conservation Institute has been working with the Dunhuang Academy since 1989 on site conservation and management using guidelines, the Principles for the Conservation of Heritage Sites in China, that were developed at the national level. Elements of the successful twenty-year collaboration are discussed in the context of the conservation and management challenges faced at the site and the projects developed to address them, including conservation of the wall paintings in Cave 85, a late Tang dynasty cave with extensive deterioration induced by salts derived from the underlying rock; and visitors to the site, who have increased rapidly since the site was opened in 1979.

Among the spaces conveying rich information on Anatolian social structure, mosques occupy a special place. In pre-modern societies, village and small-town mosques were not only places of worship, but served as foci of education and sociability, hosting visitors or travellers on occasion. While the architecture of village mosques is usually very simple, the furnishings can be elaborate, turning these modest structures into mirrors reflecting village culture, and thereby the culture of the Ottoman periphery. The present article focuses on eighteenth- and nineteenth-century painted mosques in the Turkish province of Denizli and environs, which display a remarkable unity of style and iconography. In the secondary literature, these works of art usually appear as products of so-called ‘Westernization’. By contrast, this study argues that they are outputs of Ottoman popular culture. Tangible from the seventeenth century onwards, the sociocultural dynamics and life practices specific to the Ottoman periphery have given this artwork its peculiar form. Thus, this study encourages researchers to rethink Anatolian conservatism, as it demonstrates that in the pre-modern era, mosques were not the well-protected spaces, distant from everyday life that they are today. Rather, in the period under study, village mosques could be ‘ambiguous’ spaces seamlessly joining varying spheres of life and belief.

The article is inspired by the fascinating findings and conservationwork done on the Pompeian style murals in Estonian manor housesduring the last few decades. The focus is on the murals in the manorhouses of Voltveti, Suure-Kõpu and Vana-Võidu – all of whichbelonged to different members of the von Stryk family of BalticGermans. The article focuses on the figurative paintings and the styleof the murals, as well as on an art-history-related interpretation anda wider contextual analysis of the Vana-Võidu wall paintings. Thesefinds are the most recent, and this article will study the possiblemodels and ideas for them, search for their art history context andimportance among the triple Pompejanum of the von Strycks. Thewall paintings in the Suure-Kõpu and Voltveti manor houses areused as reference material.The Vana-Võidu, Suure-Kõpu and Voltveti manor houses wererebuilt in the late neoclassical style between 1830s and 1840s. Thewall paintings in these late neoclassical manor houses were madeduring the second half of the 19th century and were inspired, in allcases, by a desire to achieve the look of an ancient interior. There arePompeian-style murals in all three manors. In Suure-Kõpu and Vana-Võidu, can see figurative paintings as well as the division of the wallsinto panels, which is characteristic of the Pompeian style. In Voltveti,there are no figurative paintings and the colour palette – alternatingwarm and cool pastel shades – is not characteristic of the Pompeianstyle, but the ornamental motives are derived from antiquity. It isknown that different publications about the excavated Campaniancities, were available in Estonia in the 19th century. Apparently, thevon Stryk brothers and the painter(s) were able to use the publishedmotifs, because the figurative paintings at Vana-Võidu and Suure-Kõpu are very accurately detailed.

In his article inBSA93 (1998) 199–219, Eric Cline comments on the recent discoveries at the site of Tell el-Dabca, where palatial quarters of the late Hyksos Period and the early 18th Dynasty have been discovered. For Aegean scholars the most spectacular finds from these excavations were numerous fragments of wall paintings which were identified as Minoan by experts working at the excavations and visiting colleagues. Cline particularly criticises the change of dating given to the paintings which were attributed by the excavators originally to the Hyksos period (1992) and afterwards to the Early 18th Dynasty (1995). Doubts have also been expressed about the validity of the new date and the identification of the paintings as Minoan or Aegean. This response tries to show: (1) the context of the paintings in the 18th Dynasty palace quarters in the light of recent research, (2) why a dating to the Hyksos period was originally considered, (3) why the paintings should be identified as Minoan and (4) that Cline failed to make himself knowledgeable enough about the archaeology of the site of Tell el-Dabca to give a serious opinion on the excavations and material.

The aim of this paper is to re-examine the painted fragments discovered by Arthur Evans and his team in the Throne Room at Knossos in 1900. We have tried to integrate systematically the extant archival data stored in the Ashmolean Museum in Oxford and the archaeological remains at Herakleion in an attempt to retrace the history of discovery of the paintings. In our view, the iconography of this programme places its execution at the onset of Late Minoan (LM) II. We see the inclusion of both ‘traditional’ (Neopalatial) and ‘innovative’ (Final Palatial) elements in the composition as suggestive of an attempt on behalf of the artist(s) and the commissioner(s) to blend artistic traditions in the creation of a new, yet still recognisable, image of power. We assess the implications stemming from this suggestion and interpret the decorative programme of the Throne Room at Knossos as part and expression of the emergence of thewanaxideology.

Abstract This paper explores how the human form is depicted, objectified and contextualized, in order to clarify the complex relationship between ‘representation’ and ‘reality’, and to investigate the various ways the body is bounded. Part one argues that objectification is not always a passive process, but that the body is deliberately presented to the world to be observed and evaluated. Part two focuses on the configuration of bodily boundaries, and how the body is framed, for example, by clothing, architecture and the mortuary context. The wealth and range of evidence (wall paintings, seals and sealings, figurines, stone vases and burials) render Knossos an excellent case study for this approach. This paper asks not who the Knossians were, in terms of identity and ethnicity, but rather how they wanted to be presented to the world and each other.

Polymeric materials have been used by painting conservator-restorers as consolidants and/or varnishes for wall paintings. The application of these materials is carried out when confronting loose paint layers or as a protective coating. However, these materials deteriorate and cause physiochemical alterations to the treated surface. In the past, the monumental neo-gothic wall painting ‘The Last Judgment’ in the chapel of Sint-Jan Berchmanscollege in Antwerp, Belgium was treated with a synthetic polymeric material. This varnish deteriorated significantly and turned brown, obscuring the paint layers. Given also that the varnish was applied to some parts of the wall painting and did not cover the entire surface, it was necessary to remove it in order to restore the original appearance of the wall painting. Previous attempts carried out by conservator-restorers made use of traditional cleaning methods, which led to damage of the fragile paint layers. Therefore, gel cleaning was proposed as a less invasive and more controllable method for gently softening and removing the varnish. The work started by identifying the paint stratigraphy and the deteriorated varnish via optical microscopy (OM), scanning electron microscopy coupled with energy-dispersive X-ray spectroscopy (SEM-EDX), X-ray diffraction (XRD), and Fourier-transform infrared (FTIR) spectroscopy. A polyvinyl alcohol–borax/agarose (PVA–B/AG) hydrogel loaded with a number of solvents/solvent mixtures was employed in a series of tests to select the most suitable hydrogel composite. By means of the hydrogel composite loaded with 10% propylene carbonate, it was possible to safely remove the brown varnish layer. The results were verified by visual examinations (under visible light ‘VIS’ and ultraviolet light ‘UV’) as well as OM and FTIR spectroscopy.

The production and use of the pigment extracted from the murex molluscs is discussed here in association with the purple textile dyeing industry in the Prehistoric Aegean. “True” purple has been identified in a number of archaeological finds dating from the early Late Bronze Age, found in old and recent excavations at three different but contemporary sites: Akrotiri and Raos on Thera, and Trianda on Rhodes. The chemical composition of the shellfish purple pigment either found in lump form or applied on wall paintings is discussed in relation to the archaeological context of several examined finds and with reference to Pliny’s purpurissum. The results of a comprehensive methodology combining new data obtained with molecular spectroscopies (microRaman and FTIR) and already reported data obtained with high performance liquid chromatography coupled with a diode array detector (HPLC–DAD) applied to samples of the murex purple finds are discussed in comparison to published data relating to few other instances of analytically proven murex purple pigment found in the Aegean over the timespan of its documented exploitation.

The town of Kraśnik is one of the oldest of its kind in the Lublin region – archaeological researches confirmed that that in the XIII century in the same place existed a settlement with castle and a church. Municipal rights were granted to Krasnik in 1377, when town was ruled by Gorajski family. A brick church was founded by Teczynski family around 1448. Today this is reflected by the chancel build around the altar from Gothic bricks, to which in the next phases vestry and treasury has been constructed. In 1461 a n Canons Regular of the Lateran Order has been brought to Krasnik from Cracow. The Order extended the original structure and built a monastery. From stone blocks they erected main nave and church aisles and Gothic church was incorporated in the new form. Consecutive rebuilding continued in 1st half of XVI century (raising of church walls, new arches, Renaissance decorations, polychrome wall paintings, memorial chapels). After damages to the church caused by the wars with Sweden, it became a property of Zamoyski family, who rebuilt it in the Baroque style (new elevation copings, building of new chapel in which the foundation date remained – 1657). In the year of 1864 after the cessation of the Order, church has been taken under the control of Russian government. Damaged by fires it required renovations (front elevations, roof). In 1911 the last phase of modifications was recorded – extension to the clock tower. Church in Krasnik with its 600 years of history always attracted attention from architectural researchers and scientists. In 2007 renovation of front elevation commenced. Initial works on removing plaster revealed perfectly preserved stone blocks and details from the earliest phases of the construction (fragments of a Gothic arch, stone window framings, front walls). Conservatory and archaeological researches inside the church on the foundation, roof and elevation levels uncovered new architectural elements and therefore allowed to understand in more complete way the construction phases of the church. As the results of the research, a decision has been made to restore the Gothic form of the church (rarely found in Lublin region) and to expose the oldest brick front, stone contour with beautiful stepped facade, portal, high windows and architectural details from the II phase of construction. Research to reveal more about the history of church, monastery and the town itself continues along with reconstruction works.

ABSTRACTThe paper is a bibliographical and critical survey of the archaeological research on ancient Ostia and Portus in the decade 2004–2014. The first part deals with some general themes, such as cults, architectural typologies and urban history, decoration: wall-paintings, mosaics and marble, the guilds and their seats, trades, etc. The second part is a survey of individual monuments and buildings which have been the subject of recent excavations and interpretations. The critical problem of late antique Ostia is treated separately, as well as the archaeology of Isola Sacra and Portus, with the Imperial harbours.

In his longest ekphrasis (5), Callistratus (fl. probably in 4th century AD) uses enargeia and phantasia to depict vividly Narcissus’ marble sculpture and to evoke the tragic fate of the young boy. Based on the surviving works of art, it is well-known that the representations of Narcissus were widespread in the Roman world from the 1st century AD. Therefore, there is no reason to assume that it would have been a difficult task for Callistratus to take inspiration from the statues of Narcissus exhibited in the horti of Roman villas, public parks and baths, or from the large number of wall-paintings and mosaics depicting the young mythological figure. In my paper, I will explore the crucial elements originating from both the Graeco-Roman visual culture and literature that may have influenced this description.

Barrel vaults provide effective fire-proof roofing in historic churches, castles, cloisters or halls that look for simple and utilitarian aesthetics, as long as they are strongly connected to sturdy lateral walls and transverse gables, conditions that limit their possibilities for spatial expression. A study of the effect of these conditions was carried out on the pointed vaults of a characteristic group of 15th century Scottish churches. Following earlier measured surveys that showed remarkable geometric integrity, 1/15-scale models of a representative form were made in reinforced plaster that could delay the cracks propagation enough to be monitored. Only the shell was considered, leaving the effect of ribs or diaphragms that hold the heavy flagstone roof for further study. The model was subject to symmetric and asymmetric horizontal spread, which simulated the insufficient containment of not very stiff walls, but included the effect of gable end walls. Cracks formed invariably at an early stage (3% of the span spread), propagating more rapidly and causing early failure at a symmetrical spread (15% of span), while the asymmetrical spread produced diagonal crack patterns across the vault at 33% of the span. Gables provided more stiff areas but eventually caused local detachment at the spread point, at only 5% of the span, with cracks propagating to the back wall and at a higher rate when a less stiff gable was included(13% of span). The results validated an FE model that provided further insight to the performance of the type at displacement and settlement, as exemplified in the case of Bothwell church in Scotland.

Conservation of the historic 18^thC. Sinclair Inn Museum, and of the recently discovered late 18th/early 19thC. unique panoramic wall paintings located in an upstairs room, are co-dependent. This project was carried out with Canadian Conservation Institute (CCI) staff, and Conservator in Private Practice Ann Shaftel. This paper will introduce the Sinclair Inn Museum, outline the CCI murals and building investigations of 2011-15, the mural investigation of 2015-16, which confirmed that the mural extended to all four walls of the function room, now referred to as the Painted Room, and to describe how it has been revealed and conserved to date.

<p>The aim of this paper is the recreation of the various domestic environments of the Romandomus, with particular attention to the furniture and dishes that are linked very closely with each one of the rooms within it. First, there has been a collection of ancient sources, with particular attention to the inscriptions, wall paintings and mosaics, then there has been a catalog of parts in response to various aspects such as the type of object or stay they occupied.Secondly we have proceeded to the digitization of images for late reconstruction using SketchUp8. In conclusion, we intend to virtually rebuild the Roman household furniture to make it understandable to these spaces.</p>

The recent discoveries of the Room of the Masks in the Casa di Augusto on the Palatine in Rome, and the atrium of the building at Torre dell'Annunziata now generally known as Oplontis, have rekindled interest in the influence of stage architecture on Second Style wall painting, yet their real importance has not been fully appreciated. While the origins of the Second Style are still debated, the influence of the design of stage settings in the late republic is undeniable. That the paintings of these two rooms conform to Vitruvius's criteria for stage construction and theatrical scenery confirms this thesis. The influence of the stage is also a crucial factor in the development of the later styles and their dating.

The discovery of Palaeolithic wall paintings and engravings in a cave whose entrance lies below the present sea-level near Marseilles has created considerable interest – and no little controversy. The paper describes and analyses the remarkable find, with special attention to its authenticity.During the Pleistocene there were large variations in sea-level under the influence of glaciations and inter-glacial warm episodes. During the Late Wurm glaciation in the Upper Palaeolithic the sea-level dropped to 110–120 m below its present level (Lumley 1976: 311). At that time the Lerins islands, the Hyeres islands and the Frioul archipelago and the islet of Planier off Marseilles were linked with the coast, and much of the Golfe du Lion was occupied by a vast plain.

Porphyreon (Jiyeh/Nebi Younis) and Chhim were large rural settlements situated on the coast of modernday Lebanon, north of the Phoenician city of Sidon. As attested by the remains of residential architecture, they were thriving during the Roman Period and late Antiquity (1st–7th centuries AD). This article presents the preliminary observations on the domestic architecture uncovered at both sites, their spatial and social structure, as well as their furnishing and decoration, based on the fieldwork carried out in recent years by the joint PolishLebanese research team. The focus will be put on the wall painting fragments found in considerable numbers in Porphyreon. The iconographical and functional study of the paintings betrays to what extent the inhabitants of rural settlements in the coastal zone of the Levant were inclined to imitate the decoration of the urban houses known to them from the nearby towns, such as Berytus, but also from religious contexts represented by churches.

In “The Crisis of the Easel Picture” (1948), Clement Greenberg compares the easel picture, disparagingly, to a box-like cavity cut into the wall. In this essay, I argue that late medieval panel paintings—which indeed often took the form of boxes—show Greenberg to be justified in making this comparison, if not in doing so disparagingly. But what Greenberg failed to fully acknowledge is that the easel picture had already long tried to escape this condition through the opening of the metaphor of the window. Failing to recognize this earlier effort to escape the material conditions of the box, many modernists and postmodernists, like Greenberg, attempting to move beyond the easel picture in the name of an art undivided from life, have unintentionally upheld the easel picture’s own escapist ideology.

Having worked mainly on the late Roman and Visigothic walls of the Spanish provinces, I came across the details of Dacian-Moesian frontier defences mostly by chance, through a book by Carl Schuchhardt and his contributions to linear earthworks. I would like to contrast these valla in the specific angle of agency, as the discussions on the Moldovan wall of Athanaric and its chronology are reminiscent of questions posed as well in southwestern imperial contexts. Although no precise equivalences for such extensive, often river-connected ramparts are known in Hispania, I wish to put a few points in perspective and to establish some not strictly archaeological, but rather interpretive correspondences. The purpose is framing a meta-analysis for early Gothic defensive concerns, with a focus on large built structures, from the standpoint of their perceived usefulness, as a trigger for agency. The cultural reality of both territories in contrast is entirely distinct, and may therefore provide an interesting approach for the understanding of investment priorities in the genesis of very early medieval monarchies, and their negotiated implementation through transformed imperial mechanisms.

Fragments of frescoes were found in the late nineteenth century on the medieval apse wall, hidden behind the fifteenth-century chancel, of the Dominican nunnery church of San Sisto Vecchio, Rome. They were painted in two phases, one in the late thirteenth or early fourteenth century, the other approximately a century later. When they were restored in 1990–2, two new scenes came to light. This paper reconsiders the murals of both phases, including the images uncovered during the restoration campaigns. Historical evidence shines new light on the medieval patrons of the nunnery, who were relatives of individual nuns, and reveals the social context in which buildings and paintings were provided for the convent. It is argued that the frescoes were designed for the Dominican nuns, whose religious ideals are reflected in their iconography. Up until now studies of these murals have not paid much attention to their socio-historical importance, nor the Dominican significance of the images, even in two scenes from the life of Saint Catherine of Siena. Accordingly, this study contributes to the discussion of the frescoes by placing them in a ‘Dominican’ framework, attempting to show what they may have meant to the medieval nuns in the convent.

The renovation of Adriatic towns under Venetian rule included all major urban settlements on the islands in the Quarnero Gulf. The size of Osor, the Roman centre of the Cres-Lošinj group of islands, radically decreased during this period. The scholarship holds that the town of Cres started to grow in the second half of the fifteenth century while Osor fell into disrepair. Apart from the new Renaissance Cathedral, other late Gothic and Renaissance buildings in Osor have never been thoroughly studied, partly because their state of preservation is modest and party because of the deep-seated opinionthat the fifteenth century was only an epilogue to Osor’s great past. As a consequence, no basic analysis of local architecture has ever been done and the urban layout of historic Osor is not very well known. The causes of Osor’s demise, on the other hand, are well known. The population was decimated by illness and the town itself was destroyed by wars in the fourteenth century. Furthermore, maritime navigation changed from coastal to that accustomed to the open sea and Osor lost the strategic importance it held when it came to sailing along the Adriatic. The relocation of the local Count to Cres, frequently underlined as one of the key moments in the history of Osor’s decline and dated to 1450, does not seem to be as fateful as the reduced numberof its inhabitants and the loss of naval and trading significance. The relocation created a dual government of sorts and a bimunicipal county was established. The historical importance of Osor as a traditional seat of power was paramount to Venice and the town maintained the prestige it had acquired during the Roman period as a town which controlled a large territory.In the mid-fifteenth century Osor was a building site: architectural structures were maintained, repaired and built anew. In the fourteenth century, a Gothic church of St Gaudentius was constructed on the main street and in the first half of the fifteenth century the Town Hall was built on the site of the ancient Roman curia. Until now, it was held that the reason for the construction of thenew cathedral was the bisection of Osor which occurred in the mid-fifteenth century when the new fortification walls – with a reduced catchment area –were erected and so excluded the old cathedral from the perimeter. However, the decision to reduce the circumference of the new walls was made only in the last quarter of the fifteenth century, that is, after the foundations for the new cathedral had been laid. This means that the plans drawn up in the second half of the fifteenth century covered a larger area than previouslt thought and that they were done during the pontificate of Bishop Antun Palčić who wasoriginally from Pag and who witnessed first-hand the building of the new town of Pag. A decree of 1581 records the construction of the town walls at Cres and Osor. The new fortification walls of Cres were being built throughout the sixteenth century and so it is likely that the transversal wall at Osor was constructed at the same time as the new walls at Cres, during thesixteenth century. The building of the new wall was not an ambitious feat of fortification construction but a simple encircling of the remodelled town centre. The new wall was just a consequence of urban reorganization and its directionwas determined by the pre-existing defence buildings which were utilised and incorporated in the new addition. In the late fifteenth century, the main town square was fully developed and surrounded by the most importantpublic and religious buildings. The Town Hall stood on the south-east corner and the new cathedral was built on the square’s south side. The Episcopal Palace extended along the entire west flank of the square. The Palace’s long andnarrow east wing, facing the square, connected the two main wings of the complex. Despite its modest role as nothing more than a link, the east front was the widest part of the Palace and closed the square’s west side, respecting the new, small-scale urban layout of Osor. The north-east corner of the complex is decorated with an engaged colonette topped by a leaf capital. Its counterpart can be found on a building at the opposite side of the square, which was subsequently heavily rebuilt. These corresponding engaged colonettes indicate that the architects wanted to create a meaningful urban space. The north side of the square no longer exists in its original shape. In the mid-fifteenth century, this area was occupied by religious buildings traces of which can be seen in the present-day modest houses. These traces are mostly elements of Gothic decoration and so it can be concluded that this side of the square featured Gothic structures. The analysis of the architecture on the main square demonstrates that it there were consecutive building phases and that the Cathedral was the last building to be built. There was no unifying stylistic concept; the buildings on the square were either Gothic or Renaissance. This does not reduce the importance of this feat of public building because the Episcopal Palace and Osor Cathedral were built at the same time, by the same master builders, for the same patron, the difference being that the former in the Gothic and the latter in the Renaissance style. This, in my opinion, means that the value of the main square at Osor should not be assessed throughstylistic unity but by considering the harmonious spatial relationships between its structures, the attention given to their design, their role as public buildings and the balance achieved by adapting the newly built structures tothe pre-existing ones. It is well known that the late fifteenth century was the time when traditional Gothic decoration was used alongside new Renaissance forms and so the stylistic inconsistency apparent in Osor’s main squarewas done in the spirit of time. The remodelling of the town centre lasted for the whole century and the town was also well maintained in the period that followed. Archival records tell us that a grain store was built inthe late fifteenth century but nothing is known about its location or appearance.Despite the efforts and large-scale building campaigns of public and religious architecture, the migration of able-bodied people looking for work continued and Osor was gradually transformed into an occasional dwelling place of the nobility and the clergy – a town of the Church and aristocracy. Today, Osor is a town with low-density architecture. The legacy of medieval town buildingcan be seen only in the row of houses that face the main street. They are huddled together and arranged around communal courtyards, which is a characteristic of local medieval town planning on the island of Cres. The mostprominent residential building is the palazzetto of the Draža family, an old noble family of Osor. The location of the Draža house and its spatial relationship with the surrounding, more modest houses, implies that it embodied the medieval concept of densely built town blocks dominated by a single aristocratic building. Other aristocratic houses at Osor are more isolated and surrounded by green spaces. These large green areas were once occupied by Roman and medieval houses and insulae. Following the late middle ages, the decaying architectural structures were not repaired butused to create gardens: their perimeter walls were neatly re-arranged and became the dividing walls between different gardens while the spaces they contained were filled with a layer of soil, as archaeological test pits have shown. Apart from large gardens and courtyards, the residential character of Osor as an aristocratic resort is attested by the Latin inscriptions on the building façades but also by the written records about noble familieswhich possessed estates in both Cres and Osor during the period that followed the formation of the bimunicipal county in the fifteenth century.All these events created a set of specific characteristics in Osor during the late fifteenth and the sixteenth century. Its importance as the seat of a commune and a bishop was reflected in the main town square which was planned in the spirit of the Renaissance and according to the redesign of towns under the Venetian rule. The medieval legacy is still evident in the buildings on the main street which are densely huddled around communal courtyards and which centre around dominant aristocratic houses. In contract to them, large gardens and the aforementioned historic circumstances indicate that Osor was a residential resort of the local nobility. From the fifteenth century onward, the most frequently recorded features of Osor were its decay and mala aria (bad air). Nevertheless, as late as 1771, Alberto Fortis described it as the only town on the island of Cres to have kept the legacy of its noble past. In addition to the aforementioned Gothic and Renaissance elements of architecturaldecoration, many more were rebuilt into later houses. They are as frequent as the Roman and early medieval spolia and were reused in the same manner. Their existence witnesses that Osor had had another important historic phase in its long life.

he renovation of Adriatic towns under Venetian rule included all major urban settlements on the islands in the Quarnero Gulf. The size of Osor, the Roman centre of the Cres-Lošinj group of islands, radically decreased during this period. The scholarship holds that the town of Cres started to grow in the second half of the fifteenth century while Osor fell into disrepair. Apart from the new Renaissance Cathedral, other late Gothic and Renaissance buildings in Osor have never been thoroughly studied, partly because their state of preservation is modest and party because of the deep-seated opinion that the fifteenth century was only an epilogue to Osor’s great past. As a consequence, no basic analysis of local architecture has ever been done and the urban layout of historic Osor is not very well known. The causes of Osor’s demise, on the other hand, are well known. The population was decimated by illness and the town itself was destroyed by wars in the fourteenth century. Furthermore, maritime navigation changed from coastal to that accustomed to the open sea and Osor lost the strategic importance it held when it came to sailing along the Adriatic. The relocation of the local Count to Cres, frequently underlined as one of the key moments in the history of Osor’s decline and dated to 1450, does not seem to be as fateful as the reduced number of its inhabitants and the loss of naval and trading significance. The relocation created a dual government of sorts and a bimunicipal county was established. The historical importance of Osor as a traditional seat of power was paramount to Venice and the town maintained the prestige it had acquired during the Roman period as a town which controlled a large territory. In the mid-fifteenth century Osor was a building site: architectural structures were maintained, repaired and built anew. In the fourteenth century, a Gothic church of St Gaudentius was constructed on the main street and in the first half of the fifteenth century the Town Hall was built on the site of the ancient Roman curia. Until now, it was held that the reason for the construction of the new cathedral was the bisection of Osor which occurred in the mid-fifteenth century when the new fortification walls – with a reduced catchment area –were erected and so excluded the old cathedral from the perimeter. However, the decision to reduce the circumference of the new walls was made only in the last quarter of the fifteenth century, that is, after the foundations for the new cathedral had been laid. This means that the plans drawn up in the second half of the fifteenth century covered a larger area than previouslt thought and that they were done during the pontificate of Bishop Antun Palčić who was originally from Pag and who witnessed first-hand the building of the new town of Pag. A decree of 1581 records the construction of the town walls at Cres and Osor. The new fortification walls of Cres were being built throughout the sixteenth century and so it is likely that the transversal wall at Osor was constructed at the same time as the new walls at Cres, during the sixteenth century. The building of the new wall was not an ambitious feat of fortification construction but a simple encircling of the remodelled town centre. The new wall was just a consequence of urban reorganization and its direction was determined by the pre-existing defence buildings which were utilised and incorporated in the new addition. In the late fifteenth century, the main town square was fully developed and surrounded by the most important public and religious buildings. The Town Hall stood on the south-east corner and the new cathedral was built on the square’s south side. The Episcopal Palace extended along the entire west flank of the square. The Palace’s long and narrow east wing, facing the square, connected the two main wings of the complex. Despite its modest role as nothing more than a link, the east front was the widest part of the Palace and closed the square’s west side, respecting the new, small-scale urban layout of Osor. The north-east corner of the complex is decorated with an engaged colonette topped by a leaf capital. Its counterpart can be found on a building at the opposite side of the square, which was subsequently heavily rebuilt. These corresponding engaged colonettes indicate that the architects wanted to create a meaningful urban space. The north side of the square no longer exists in its original shape. In the mid-fifteenth century, this area was occupied by religious buildings traces of which can be seen in the present-day modest houses. These traces are mostly elements of Gothic decoration and so it can be concluded that this side of the square featured Gothic structures. The analysis of the architecture on the main square demonstrates that it there were consecutive building phases and that the Cathedral was the last building to be built. There was no unifying stylistic concept; the buildings on the square were either Gothic or Renaissance. This does not reduce the importance of this feat of public building because the Episcopal Palace and Osor Cathedral were built at the same time, by the same master builders, for the same patron, the difference being that the former in the Gothic and the latter in the Renaissance style. This, in my opinion, means that the value of the main square at Osor should not be assessed through stylistic unity but by considering the harmonious spatial relationships between its structures, the attention given to their design, their role as public buildings and the balance achieved by adapting the newly built structures to the pre-existing ones. It is well known that the late fifteenth century was the time when traditional Gothic decoration was used alongside new Renaissance forms and so the stylistic inconsistency apparent in Osor’s main square was done in the spirit of time. The remodelling of the town centre lasted for the whole century and the town was also well maintained in the period that followed. Archival records tell us that a grain store was built in the late fifteenth century but nothing is known about its location or appearance. Despite the efforts and large-scale building campaigns of public and religious architecture, the migration of able-bodied people looking for work continued and Osor was gradually transformed into an occasional dwelling place of the nobility and the clergy – a town of the Church and aristocracy. Today, Osor is a town with low-density architecture. The legacy of medieval town building can be seen only in the row of houses that face the main street. They are huddled together and arranged around communal courtyards, which is a characteristic of local medieval town planning on the island of Cres. The most prominent residential building is the palazzetto of the Draža family, an old noble family of Osor. The location of the Draža house and its spatial relationship with the surrounding, more modest houses, implies that it embodied the medieval concept of densely built town blocks dominated by a single aristocratic building. Other aristocratic houses at Osor are more isolated and surrounded by green spaces. These large green areas were once occupied by Roman and medieval houses and insulae. Following the late middle ages, the decaying architectural structures were not repaired but used to create gardens: their perimeter walls were neatly re-arranged and became the dividing walls between different gardens while the spaces they contained were filled with a layer of soil, as archaeological test pits have shown. Apart from large gardens and courtyards, the residential character of Osor as an aristocratic resort is attested by the Latin inscriptions on the building façades but also by the written records about noble families which possessed estates in both Cres and Osor during the period that followed the formation of the bimunicipal county in the fifteenth century. All these events created a set of specific characteristics in Osor during the late fifteenth and the sixteenth century. Its importance as the seat of a commune and a bishop was reflected in the main town square which was planned in the spirit of the Renaissance and according to the redesign of towns under the Venetian rule. The medieval legacy is still evident in the buildings on the main street which are densely huddled around communal courtyards and which centre around dominant aristocratic houses. In contract to them, large gardens and the aforementioned historic circumstances indicate that Osor was a residential resort of the local nobility. From the fifteenth century onward, the most frequently recorded features of Osor were its decay and mala aria (bad air). Nevertheless, as late as 1771, Alberto Fortis described it as the only town on the island of Cres to have kept the legacy of its noble past. In addition to the aforementioned Gothic and Renaissance elements of architectural decoration, many more were rebuilt into later houses. They are as frequent as the Roman and early medieval spolia and were reused in the same manner. Their existence witnesses that Osor had had another important historic phase in its long life.

The church of St Mary at Deerhurst in Gloucestershire is well known for its Anglo-Saxon fabric and sculpture. In 1993 a painting of an Anglo-Saxon figure was discovered, and in 2002 it became possible for the authors to study the painting in detail.The painting is on one of a pair of triangular-headed stone panels set high in the internal east wall of the church. The discovery provides a significant addition to the tiny corpus of known Anglo-Saxon wall paintings. The identity of the standing, nimbed figure remains elusive, but the figure can be tentatively dated on art historical grounds to the middle to late tenth century.The authors also explore the structural context of the painting. It is suggested that in the first half of the ninth century the church had an upper floor over the central space (the present east end), and that this floor possibly extended over the whole church. At the east end, there were internal openings from this upper floor into a high-level space in the polygonal apse. At a later date two of these openings were blocked and covered by stone panels, one of which is the subject of this paper. It is possible that the panels flanked a high-level altar or an opening through which a shrine, set on a high-level floor in the apse, could be viewed.