Journal articles: 'Late Antique Rome'

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Foster, Frances. "Teaching ‘correct’ Latin in late antique Rome." Language & History 62, no. 2 (May 4, 2019): 57–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17597536.2019.1641936.

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Hillner, Julia. "Domus, Family, and Inheritance: the Senatorial Family House in Late Antique Rome." Journal of Roman Studies 93 (November 2003): 129–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3184642.

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Scholars have traditionally believed that the late antique city of Rome concretely reflected the organization of late Roman senatorial society in terms of gentes. It is assumed that grand senatorial houses, each occupied by the leader of a gens, and passed down from father to son, characterized the urban landscape. This has led to a number of conclusions about the diachronic and synchronic aspects of domestic property ownership in late antique Rome.

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Curran, John. "Moving statues in late antique Rome: Problems of perspective." Art History 17, no. 1 (March 1994): 46–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8365.1994.tb00561.x.

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Hillner, Julia. "A woman’s place: imperial women in late antique Rome." Antiquité Tardive 25 (January 2017): 75–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.at.5.114851.

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Valenzani, Riccardo Santangeli. "PUBLIC AND PRIVATE BUILDING ACTIVITY IN LATE ANTIQUE ROME." Late Antique Archaeology 4, no. 1 (2008): 435–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134522-90000097.

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This article charts the transformation of the organisation of building work at Rome during Late Antiquity and the social changes that underlay it. In Late Antiquity, the reduction and total cessation of brick manufacture, and the use instead of recycled materials, made it much harder to maintain the standardised, large-scale building methods of the Early Roman period. The scarcity of good-quality materials led to a growing discrepancy between monumental public works, sponsored by imperial and ecclesiastical authorities, and private and residential architecture. Such a development was not merely a sign of ‘decadence’ or ‘decline’, but resulted from the emergence of a society rigidly divided between a ruling class that controlled the means of production and an oppressed inferior class, responsible for production activity.

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MacRae, Duncan E. "Late Antiquity and the Antiquarian." Studies in Late Antiquity 1, no. 4 (2017): 335–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sla.2017.1.4.335.

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Arnaldo Momigliano, the most influential modern student of antiquarianism, advanced the view that there was a late antique antiquarianism, but also lamented the absence of study of the history of antiquarianism in this period. Part of the challenge, however, has been to define the object of such a study. Rather than “finding” antiquarianism in late antiquity as Momigliano did, this article argues that a history that offers explicit analogies between late antique evidence and the avowed antiquarianism of early modern Europe allows a more self-conscious and critical history of late antique engagement with the past. The article offers three examples of this form of analysis, comparing practices of statue collecting in Renaissance Rome and the late Roman West, learned treatises on the Roman army by Vegetius and Justus Lipsius, and feelings of attachment to a local past as a modern antiquarian stereotype and in a pair of letters to and from Augustine of Hippo.

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Orlandi, Silvia. "Urban prefects and the epigraphic evidence of late-antique Rome." Antiquité Tardive 25 (January 2017): 213–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.at.5.114858.

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Ziegler, Michelle. "Malarial Landscapes in Late Antique Rome and the Tiber Valley." Landscapes 17, no. 2 (July 2, 2016): 139–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662035.2016.1251041.

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Lapidge, Michael. "THE LATIN OF THE PASSIONES MARTYRVM OF LATE ANTIQUE ROME." Cambridge Classical Journal 66 (February 26, 2020): 96–143. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1750270520000020.

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A substantial number of passiones (some forty) of Roman martyrs was composed at Rome and its environs between the early fifth and late seventh century (c. 425 – c. 675). Although these texts have hitherto been neglected by students of the Latin language (not least because they are only available in early printed editions dating from the fifteenth to seventeenth centuries, none of which are easily accessible), they provide a valuable witness to changes in the language during that period, when, as a reflex of developments in the spoken language and of deterioration in educational standards, written Latin began to exhibit a rightward shift of verb satellites (change to VO-order in main clauses, placement of the infinitive after the modal auxiliary, placement of the dependent genitive after its noun etc.), as well as a number of associated linguistic features. These changes are illustrated by statistical analyses, the results of which are presented in accompanying tables.

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JOHN, ALISON. "LEARNING GREEK IN LATE ANTIQUE GAUL." Classical Quarterly 70, no. 2 (December 2020): 846–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838821000112.

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Greek had held an important place in Roman society and culture since the Late Republican period, and educated Romans were expected to be bilingual and well versed in both Greek and Latin literature. The Roman school ‘curriculum’ was based on Hellenistic educational culture, and in the De grammaticis et rhetoribus Suetonius says that the earliest teachers in Rome, Livius and Ennius, were ‘poets and half Greeks’ (poetae et semigraeci), who taught both Latin and Greek ‘publicly and privately’ (domi forisque docuisse) and ‘merely clarified the meaning of Greek authors or gave exemplary readings from their own Latin compositions’ (nihil amplius quam Graecos interpretabantur aut si quid ipsi Latine composuissent praelegebant, Gram. et rhet. 1–2). Cicero, the Latin neoteric poets and Horace are obvious examples of bilingual educated Roman aristocrats, but also throughout the Imperial period a properly educated Roman would be learned in utraque lingua. The place of Greek in Quintilian's Institutio Oratoria reveals the importance and prevalence of Greek in Roman education and literature in the late first century a.d. Quintilian argues that children should learn both Greek and Latin but that it is best to begin with Greek. Famously, in the second century a.d. the Roman author Apuleius gave speeches in Greek to audiences in Carthage, and in his Apologia mocked his accusers for their ignorance of Greek.

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Lefteratou, Anna. "Jesus’ Socratic Trial and Pilate’s Confession in Nonnus’ Paraphrasis of St John’s Gospel." Millennium 19, no. 1 (November 2, 2022): 219–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mill-2022-0009.

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Abstract This article argues that the Paraphrasis of St John’s Gospel by Nonnus offers a response to late antique concerns as to why the salvific message of Jesus failed to be recognised by authorities of the Roman Empire in the Gospels. By reworking the portrait of Pilate found in John’s Gospel, Nonnus transforms the governor into an unambiguously late antique pepaideumenos, one who ultimately participates in the promulgation of Christian salvation and truth. The analysis shows that Nonnus accomplishes this portrait through the use of Homeric parallels and allusions to Plato’s Apology of Socrates, which transform Jesus’ trial before Pilate from John 18 into a philosophical dialogue about justice, kingship, and truth. The poem invites its late antique audience to better identify with Pilate and to see his inscription of the title (titulus) on Jesus’ cross as an early gentile confession of faith, ultimately making Pilate into an apostle avant-la-lettre and rehabilitating the role of Rome vis-à-vis Christianity for late antique audiences. This work is part of a project on the reception of John’s Gospel in Late Antiquity under the direction of Prof. Michele Cutino and his research group, GIRPAM, at the Faculté de théologie catholique, Université de Strasbourg.

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Traina, Giusto. "Orientals in Late Antique Italy: Some Observations." Electrum 29 (October 21, 2022): 249–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20800909el.22.016.15786.

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Some evidence points at the presence of Orientals in late Roman Italy: traders (labelled “Syrians”), petty sellers (the pantapolae in Nov. Val. 5), but also students, professors such as Ammianus Marcellinus, or pilgrims. Although being Roman citizens, nonetheless they were considered foreign individuals, subject to special restrictions. The actual strangers made a different case, especially the Persians. The situation of foreign individuals was quite different. Chauvinistic attitudes are widely attested, and they worsened in critical periods, for example after Adrianople. This may explain the laws of early 397 and June 399, promulgated during Stilicho’s regency, which prohibited the wearing of trousers (bracae) and some fashionable boots called tzangae. Of course, some protégés of the imperial court had the right to enter Italy, as it was the case of the Sassanian prince Hormisdas, who accompanied Constantius II in his visit of Rome in 357.

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Grig, Lucy. "DECONSTRUCTING THE SYMBOLIC CITY: JEROME AS GUIDE TO LATE ANTIQUE ROME." Papers of the British School at Rome 80 (September 24, 2012): 125–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068246212000074.

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This article considers the writings of Saint Jerome as a source for writing a cultural history of the city of Rome in late antiquity. Jerome is of course, in many respects, an unreliable witness but his lively and often conflicted accounts of the city do none the less provide significant insights into the city during an age of transition. He provides a few snippets for the scholar of topography, but these do not constitute the main attraction. Jerome's city of Rome appears above all as a textual palimpsest: variously painted in Vergilian colours as Troy and frequently compared with the biblical cities of Babylon, Bethlehem and Jerusalem. In the final analysis, it is argued, Jerome's Rome is surprisingly unstable, indeed a ‘soft city’.

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McEvoy, Meaghan, and Muriel Moser. "Introducing imperial presence in late antique Rome (2nd-7th centuries AD)." Antiquité Tardive 25 (January 2017): 15–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.at.5.114847.

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Intagliata, Emanuele E. "Rome and the Tzani in late antiquity: a historical and archaeological review." Anatolian Studies 68 (2018): 131–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066154618000091.

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AbstractCompared to other stretches of the eastern frontier, northeastern Anatolia has rarely attracted the attention of scholars of the Roman and late antique periods. The region is known, through late antique written sources, to have housed a belligerent confederation of tribes, the Tzani, who lived off raids conducted against their neighbours. Until the fifth century AD, the Roman approach to the Tzanic problem was one of quiet co-existence, but, in the early sixth century AD, after war broke out again with Persia, necessity moved the emperor Justinian (r. AD 527–565) to intervene more actively against the Tzani. According to the sixth-century historian Procopius, the Tzani were subdued and a chain of forts was constructed in their lands to protect access to the Black Sea coast. The remains of these forts, as well as those of other sixth-century AD infrastructure allegedly built under Justinian, are still elusive. Nonetheless, evidence on the ground and in the written sources can still help investigate the nature of the Justinianic frontier defensive system.

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Schwartz, Jacqueline D. "Reduce, Reuse, and Recycle: The Spolia of Late Antique and Early Christian Rome." Swarthmore Undergraduate History Journal 2, no. 2 (2021): 61–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.24968/2693-244x.2.1.5.

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The architectural landscape of present-day Rome is a physical history lesson in the use of spolia; ancient marble blocks lie embedded in medieval fortresses, pieces of aqueducts appear in walls, and decorative columns sit recontextualized in grand cathedrals. Spolia refers to the intentional reuse of materials or artifacts in the creation of new structures, and when examined critically it can reveal the history surrounding the many lives the materials have lived. During the transitional phase between late antique Rome and early Christian Rome, the use of spolia reached an all time high. The emergence of Christianity in Rome coupled with the political and economic decline of the empire created a demand for large amounts of cheap building material. With Gaulish invaders to the north, Romans found themselves in dire need of fortification. In addition to the convenience of spolia in mass building projects like the Aurelian Wall, the use of spolia emerged as a way to reconcile the past and present of Rome amidst its rapidly shifting social climate. Clergymen and emperors alike had to recontextualize the physical landscape of the city to fit a modern, Christian framework.

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Gutteridge, Adam. "Rome Fellowships: Making time: creating the ancient and curating the ruined in late antique Rome." Papers of the British School at Rome 75 (November 2007): 294. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068246200003640.

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Hillner, Julia. "Domus, Family, and Inheritance: the Senatorial Family House in Late Antique Rome." Journal of Roman Studies 93 (November 2003): 129–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075435800062754.

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Van Engen, John. "Christening the Romans." Traditio 52 (1997): 1–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362152900011922.

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Europe was christened in the waters of Roman Christianity. Creeds, liturgies, hierarchies, saints, and ascetic practices favored in later imperial Rome washed over the European peoples in successive centuries and marked their Christianity indelibly. The splendor of that imperial era, rescued from facile notions of a declining Rome, has come to historical life in a distinct epoch called “late antiquity” (300–650). Its monuments testify to an ethos at once classical and spiritual. Late antique Christians instinctively took from Roman surroundings all that suited their new religious ends, from the architectural form given churches to the rhetoric and philosophy that mediated sermons and theologies. This Roman imprint passed to European Christians as a sacred legacy: the basilica as a church rather than a civic hall, the metropolitan as a clerical rather than a civic official, Rome as the city of Saint Peter rather than the emperor, the Empire as destined for Christ's birth as much as Augustus's triumphs. Medieval believers, seeking to re-create the church of first-century Jerusalem, fixed repeatedly upon exemplars from late antique Rome: the teachings of Augustine, the Bible of Jerome, the philosophical theology of Boethius, the laws of Leo, the Rule of Benedict, the prayers ascribed to Gregory. Even the story of Rome's religious transformation entered into the self-understanding of medieval and modern Europeans, the conversion narrative joined to biblical history with its outcome treated as providential and decisive.

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Sessa, Kristina. "Christianity and the Cubiculum : Spiritual Politics and Domestic Space in Late Antique Rome." Journal of Early Christian Studies 15, no. 2 (2007): 171–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/earl.2007.0038.

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Birley, Anthony R. "Rewriting second- and third-century history in late antique Rome: the Historia Augusta." Classica - Revista Brasileira de Estudos Clássicos 19, no. 1 (July 27, 2006): 19–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.24277/classica.v19i1.101.

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Reescrevendo a história dos séculos II e III na Roma Antiga: a “Historia Augusta”. O ensaio resume inicialmente as opiniões atuais acerca das origens da História Augusta. Em seguida, a estrutura da obra é examinada; possivelmente tanto a falta de prefácio quanto a “lacuna” para os anos de 244-260 são deliberadas. Muitas partes do texto são ?ctícias, principalmente as “vidas secundárias” e as personalidades do século III. As passagens ?ccionais, nas quais a história do período anterior a Diocleciano foi reescrita, são importantes para a compreensão da mentalidade do autor desconhecido: ele era hostil a Constantino e ao Cristianismo, mas grande admirador de Diocleciano. Há muitas marcas de humor, particularmente os pseudônimos ‘Trebellius Pollio’ e ‘Flavius Vopiscus Syracusius’, cuja escolha é explicada. Mas, apesar desses gracejos, o autor é sério ao desejar que surja um segundo Diocleciano, que poderia restabelecer os valores tradicionais e a religião da antiga Roma

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Boin, Douglas. "A late antique statuary collection at Ostia's sanctuary of Magna Mater: a case-study in late Roman religion and tradition." Papers of the British School at Rome 81 (September 26, 2013): 247–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s006824621300010x.

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Throughout the Mediterranean the study of the destruction, reuse, moving and preservation of statues has provided a window onto the transformation of Rome during a time of ascendant Christianity. The preservation of statuary collections is increasingly important in this regard. Archival research has revealed the discovery of one such collection at Ostia's Sanctuary of Magna Mater, a treasure trove of sculptures, reliefs and at least one bronze statue. All were well preserved, and several were found in the open spaces of the sanctuary. Together they span 500 years of history, stretching into the late fourth century. Unfortunately, the late antique significance of this group has never been acknowledged. This paper situates that collection within the social world of late antique Ostia, where many statues of both sacred and non-sacred subjects remained on display. The late fourth-century dedication, in particular, set alongside the earlier pieces, demonstrates that the ‘mood and motivations’ of traditional Roman religion, in Clifford Geertz's terms, also remained quite visible. The presence of this accumulated tradition, a hallmark of Rome's ‘civil religion’ for centuries, testifies to the high social status afforded one of Ostia's most historic sites, even during an increasingly Christian age.

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Mitchell, John. "THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF PILGRIMAGE IN LATE ANTIQUE ALBANIA: THE BASILICA OF THE FORTY MARTYRS." Late Antique Archaeology 2, no. 1 (2004): 145–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134522-90000024.

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Holy sites were one of the defining features of the landscape of Late Antiquity, frequented by the faithful, who would often travel considerable distances to make their devotions. Despite the widespread recognition by scholars of the importance of pilgrimage in Late Antiquity, study of this phenomenon tends to focus on Jerusalem and Rome together with a small selection of other major pilgrimage centres. This paper draws attention to a previously unrecognised pilgrimage site at Saranda in present day Albania, and suggests that secondary cult foci, which could have exceptional architectural elaboration, played an important role in the regional landscape.

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Wiśniewski, Robert. "How Numerous and How Busy were Late-Antique Presbyters?" Zeitschrift für Antikes Christentum / Journal of Ancient Christianity 25, no. 1 (July 1, 2021): 3–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zac-2021-0011.

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Abstract This article seeks to count late-antique clergy and assess their workload. It estimates the number of clerics, and particularly presbyters, in Christian communities of various sizes, and investigates how and why the ratio of clerics to laypersons changed over time. First, by examining the situation in the city of Rome, it demonstrates that the growth in the ranks of the presbyters from the third to the fifth century was slow, and argues that this resulted from the competing interests of the bishops, lay congregation, rich donors, and above all the middle clergy. It is the last group who were reluctant to raise their number as this had a negative impact on their income. The results of this phenomenon can also be seen in other big sees of Christendom, in which, in Late Antiquity, there was one presbyter per several thousand laypersons. Interestingly, in smaller towns, this ratio was significantly lower, and in the countryside, it remained in the lower hundreds. Second, this article shows how the changing ratio of clerics to laypersons affected the level of professionalization of the former. In the big cities, the ecclesiastical duties of presbyters who served in a growing community were getting heavier. This turned the presbyters into full-time religious ministers, at the same time making them even more dependent on ecclesiastical income. In the towns and villages, however, the pattern was different. In the places in which one presbyter served a very small community, his job was less time-consuming but also brought him less income. In consequence, rural presbyters had to support their families through craft work, commerce, or farming, and they had time for this.

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Sólyom, Márk. "King of Kings Ardashir I as Xerxes in the Late Antique Latin Sources." Acta Classica Universitatis Scientiarum Debreceniensis 58 (September 1, 2022): 143–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.22315/acd/2022/7.

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The last ruler of the Severan dynasty, Emperor Severus Alexander had to face an entirely new threat in Mesopotamia, because in 224 AD the Parthian royal house of the Arsacids, which had ruled in the East for nearly half a millennium, was dethroned by the Neo-Persian Sasanian dynasty and the new rulers of Persia were extremely hostile to the Roman Empire. The vast majority of the late antique Latin sources (Aurelius Victor, Eutropius, Festus, Jerome, Orosius, Cassiodorus, Iordanes) call the first Sasanian monarch, Ardashir I (reigned 224–241 AD), who was at war with Rome between 231 and 233 AD, Xerxes, although the Greek equivalent of the Middle Persian name Ardashir is Artaxerxes, as used by the Greek sources. In the Latin textual tradition we can find the correct Greek name of Ardashir only in the Historia Augusta. The paper seeks answers to the question of why Ardashir was usually called Xerxes by late antique Latin sources.

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Kalas, Gregor. "Architecture and élite identity in late antique Rome: appropriating the past at Sant'Andrea Catabarbara." Papers of the British School at Rome 81 (September 26, 2013): 279–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068246213000111.

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The conversion of a fourth-century secular basilica into the church of Sant'Andrea Catabarbara in Rome during the 470s invites a discussion of how architectural adaptation contributed to the identity of its restorer, Valila. More than a century after the praetorian prefect of Italy, Junius Bassus, founded the basilica in 331, a Goth named Valila, belonging to the senatorial aristocracy, bequeathed the structure to Pope Simplicius (468–83). References to Valila's last will in the church's dedicatory inscription were inserted directly above Junius Bassus's original donation inscription, inviting reflections upon the transmission of élite status from one individual to another. The particularities of Valila's legacy as a testator, as indicated in the references to his will in the Sant'Andrea Catabarbara inscription and confirmed by a charter he wrote to support a church near Tivoli, suggest that he sought to control his lasting memory through patronage. Valila's concern for a posthumous status provides a context for interpreting the interior of the Roman church. Juxtaposed to the church's fifth-century apse mosaic were opus sectile panels depicting Junius Bassus, together with scenes of an Apollonian tripod and an illustration of the exposed body of Hylas raped by two nymphs originating from the earliest phase of the basilica. The article proposes that Valila nuanced his élite identity by preserving the fourth-century images and thereby hinted that preservation fostered both the accretion of physical layers and the accrual of multiple identities by a Gothic aristocrat in Rome.

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WELTON, MEGAN. "THE CITY SPEAKS: CITIES, CITIZENS, AND CIVIC DISCOURSE IN LATE ANTIQUITY AND THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES." Traditio 75 (2020): 1–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tdo.2020.2.

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This article investigates how civic discourse connects the virtue of citizens and the fortunes of cities in a variety of late antique and early medieval sources in the post-Roman west. It reveals how cities assume human qualities through the rhetorical technique of personification and, crucially, the ways in which individuals and communities likewise are described with civic terminology. It also analyzes the ways in which the city and the civic community are made to speak to one another at times of crisis and celebration. By examining a diverse range of sources including epideictic poetry, chronicles, hagiographies, and epigraphic inscriptions, this article addresses multiple modes of late antique and early medieval thought that utilize civic discourse. It first explores how late antique and early medieval authors employed civic discourse in non-urban contexts, including how they conceptualized the interior construction of an individual's mind and soul as a fortified citadel, how they praised ecclesiastical and secular leaders as city structures, and how they extended civic terminology to the preeminently non-urban space of the monastery. The article then examines how personified cities spoke to their citizens and how citizens could join their cities in song through urban procession. Civic encomia and invective further illustrate how medieval authors sought to unify the virtuous conduct of citizens with the ultimate fate of the city's security. The article concludes with a historical and epigraphic case study of two programs of mural construction in ninth-century Rome. Ultimately, this article argues that the repeated and emphatic exhortations to civic virtue provide access to how late antique and early medieval authors sought to intertwine the fate of the city with the conduct of her citizens, in order to persuade their audiences to act in accordance with the precepts of virtue.

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Rousseau. "Reflection, Ritual, and Memory in the Late Roman Painted Hypogea at Sardis." Arts 8, no. 3 (August 19, 2019): 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts8030103.

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Wall painting in the Sardis hypogea expresses a regional visual language situated within the context of Late Antique approaches to decorative surfaces and multivalent motifs of indeterminate religious affiliation. Iconographic ambivalence and a typically Late Antique absence of illusionism creates a supranatural world that is grounded in the familiar imagery of home and gardens but does not quite reflect the natural world. Ubiquitous and mundane motifs were thus elevated and potentially charged with polysemic allusions to funerary practice and belief. Twelve fourth century C.E. hypogea form a distinctive corpus with a largely homogenous decorative program of scattered flowers, garlands, baskets, and birds. Related imagery is common throughout the larger Roman world, but compositional parallels from Western Anatolia suggest a particularly local visual vocabulary. The chronologically, geographically, and typologically discrete nature of the Sardis corpus set it apart from the standard of Rome while underscoring commonalities in late Roman funerary decoration and ritual. The painted imagery evoked funerary processes and ongoing social negotiation between the living and the deceased.

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Gwynn, David M. "THE ‘END’ OF ROMAN SENATORIAL PAGANISM." Late Antique Archaeology 7, no. 1 (2011): 135–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134522-90000155.

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The last decades of the 20th c. witnessed a seismic shift in how scholars approached the study of paganism in the increasingly Christian Roman Empire of the 4th and early 5th centuries. Older models which emphasised decline and conflict were challenged by a new awareness of the vitality and diversity of Late Roman paganism and its religious and social interaction with Christianity. The purpose of this short paper is to reassess the impact of this new scholarly approach, particularly upon our understanding of the paganism of the western senatorial elite, and the role that material culture has played and will continue to play in revealing the complex religious world of late antique Rome.

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Campbell, Ian. "THE ‘MINERVA MEDICA’ AND THE SCHOLA MEDICORUM: PIRRO LIGORIO AND ROMAN TOPONYMY." Papers of the British School at Rome 79 (October 31, 2011): 299–328. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068246211000080.

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The article explores how, when and why Pirro Ligorio (c. 1513–83) chose to link a sanctuary dedicated to Minerva Medica, listed in the fourth-century ad Regionary Catalogues of the monuments of Rome as being on the Esquiline, with the late antique decagonal pavilion, near Termini, which had the second largest dome in Rome after the Pantheon. It establishes that the catalyst was the unearthing of several statues, including one of Minerva, in 1552. The fate of these finds is examined, as well as Ligorio's attempt to locate the mysterious Schola Medicorum on the same site.

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Lewis, Nicola Denzey. "The Early Modern Invention of Late Antique Rome: How Historiography Helped Create the Crypt of the Popes." Archiv für Religionsgeschichte 20, no. 1 (March 28, 2018): 91–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/arege-2018-0007.

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Abstract:At some point in late antiquity, most scholars believe, Christians reversed the powerful valence of death pollution and considered corpses and bones to be sacred. The rise of the ‘Cult of the Saints’ or ‘cult of relics’ is widely accepted as a curious social phenomenon that characterized late antiquity. This paper argues that although present elsewhere in the late Roman Empire, no such ‘corporeal turn’ happened in Rome. The prevailing assumption that it did – fostered by the apologetic concerns of early modern Catholic historiography – has led us to gloss over important evidence to the contrary, to read our own assumptions into our extant textual, material, and archaeological sources. As a ‘case study’, this paper considers the so-called ‘Crypt of the Popes’ in the catacombs of Callixtus, which is universally presented unproblematically as an authentic burial chamber attesting to an age of persecution and the strength of Catholic apostolic succession. This paper argues, by contrast, that the chamber is not what it seems; it is, rather, a case of early modern historiographical artifice masquerading as late antique Roman Christianity.

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Mulryan, Michael. "The Establishment of Urban Movement Networks: Devotional Pathways in Late Antique and Early Medieval Rome." Theoretical Roman Archaeology Journal, no. 2011 (March 29, 2012): 123. http://dx.doi.org/10.16995/trac2011_123_134.

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Trout, Dennis. "Review: The Early Modern Invention of Late Antique Rome, by Nicola Denzey Lewis." Studies in Late Antiquity 5, no. 4 (2021): 692–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sla.2021.5.4.692.

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Weisweiler, John. "From equality to asymmetry: honorific statues, imperial power, and senatorial identity in late-antique Rome." Journal of Roman Archaeology 25 (2012): 319–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759400001239.

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Neil, Bronwen. "Addressing Conflict in the Fifth Century: Rome and the Wider Church." Scrinium 14, no. 1 (September 20, 2018): 92–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18177565-00141p08.

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Abstract In seeking to trace the escalation, avoidance or resolution of conflicts, contemporary social conflict theorists look for incompatible goals, differentials in power, access to social resources, the exercise of control, the expression of dissent, and the strategies employed in responding to disagreements. It is argued here that these concepts are just as applicable to the analysis of historical doctrinal conflicts in Late Antiquity as they are to understanding modern conflicts. In the following, I apply social conflict theory to three conflicts involving the late antique papacy to see what new insights it can proffer. The first is Zosimus's involvement in the dispute over the hierarchy of Gallic bishops at the beginning of the fifth century. The second and longest case-study is Leo I's intervention in the Chalcedonian conflict over the natures of Christ. The final brief study is the disputed election of Symmachus at the end of the fifth century.

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Chenault, Robert. "Statues of Senators in the Forum of Trajan and the Roman Forum in Late Antiquity." Journal of Roman Studies 102 (June 7, 2012): 103–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075435812000020.

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AbstractThe epigraphic evidence from the Forum of Trajan shows that this forum was the most important public venue for the honorific statues of senators in the city of Rome in the fourth and fifth centuries a.d. These dedications celebrated the achievements of individual senators, and thereby helped to promote an image of a coherent senatorial order whose members were defined by their civil offices, literary accomplishment, outstanding personal virtues, and the approbation of their peers and the emperor. In contrast, statuary honours in the Roman Forum continued to be largely restricted to emperors and, in the fifth century, to the powerful generals who increasingly controlled imperial policy. This pattern in the distribution of statues suggests a basic differentiation in the use of the two most important representational spaces of late antique Rome.

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Curran, John. "Constantine and the Ancient Cults of Rome: The Legal Evidence." Greece and Rome 43, no. 1 (April 1996): 68–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gr/43.1.68.

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The relationship between Constantine and the ancient cults of Roman civilization remains one of the most important and discussed features of late antique history. It is a relationship which has defied those who see in his victory over Maxentius a sudden, monolithic shift in the religious consciousness of the ancient world, because the sources stubbornly refuse to yield to such a tidy interpretation. In this paper I review a body of evidence that reveals Constantine to be a flesh-and-blood emperor, confronting the difficulties of transition and reining in his own passions, sometimes for narrow political reasons and sometimes for what might be taken as statesmanship. What follows is neither exhaustive nor definitive. It is an attempt to gauge the complexity of some of Constantine's problems and assess his skills in dealing with them.

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Theodoropoulos, Panagiotis. "Did the Byzantines call themselves Byzantines? Elements of Eastern Roman identity in the imperial discourse of the seventh century." Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 45, no. 1 (February 2, 2021): 25–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/byz.2020.28.

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This article examines the term ‘Byzantine’ as it appears in the 678 Sacra of Constantine IV to Pope Donus. Unlike most other late antique and medieval usages of the term, that is, to describe individuals from Constantinople, the Emperor used the term in relation to Palestinian, Cilician and Armenian monastic communities in Rome. The article considers a number of possible readings of the term and suggests that, in the context of distinction between Eastern and Western Romans, the term functioned as a designation for Eastern Romans.

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Pirtea, Adrian C. "Empires and Exchanges in Eurasian Late Antiquity. Rome, China, Iran, and the Steppe, ca. 250-750." Iran and the Caucasus 25, no. 3 (August 25, 2021): 301–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20210306.

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This article reviews a collection of twenty-six studies on Eurasia in Late Antiquity, edited by Nicola Di Cosmo and Michael Maas (2018). Aside from presenting a brief summary of all the chapters included in the volume, I discuss several contributions at length and engage with the methodology outlined by the editors in the Introduction. While the book focuses on Late Antique steppe empires (Huns, Türks, Avars, etc.) and the multiple ways these interacted with the great sedentary states of Eurasia (Byzantium, Iran, China), many chapters offer exciting new perspectives on a score of other topics, such as Silk Road trade, religion, history of science, migration, diplomacy and political ideology. On the whole, Empires and Exchanges is an extremely valuable addition to the growing number of studies that attempt to provide a holistic approach to Eurasian history.

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Cohen, Samuel. "Spelunca pravitatis hereticae: Gregory I and the Rededication of "Arian" Church Buildings in Late Antique Rome." Journal of Early Christian Studies 30, no. 1 (March 2022): 119–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/earl.2022.0004.

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Dunn, Geoffrey. "Episcopal Crisis Management in Late Antique Gaul: The Example of Exsuperius of Toulouse." Antichthon 48 (2014): 126–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066477400004780.

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AbstractIn the first quarter of the fifth century the provinces of Gaul experienced their most dramatic shakeup since Julius Caesar, with the Rhine crossing of Vandals, Suebi and Alans, the retaliation from Roman forces in Britain under the usurper Constantine III, and the establishment of the Visigothic kingdom of Toulouse under Wallia in 418. Exsuperius was bishop in Toulouse throughout much of this time. Most of what we know about him comes from the challenges that confronted him. Not only did he face the crisis of hostile forces besieging his city, but he faced internal ones as well, with famine resulting from the siege and, at an earlier time, dissent being expressed to the asceticism and Christian discipline he promoted. While famine and theological dissent were regular features of what bishops had to deal with, responding to a siege was not something most bishops in previous generations had experienced. This article investigates how Exsuperius responded to these crises of varying magnitudes and argues that, although he is reported by Jerome as being solely responsible for averting the external threat, he was probably part of a team of negotiators, and that, with regard to the internal threat, he allied himself with Innocent I, the Roman bishop. The literary encounter between Toulouse and Rome in Innocent’sEpistula6 reinforced Innocent’s position as the leading Western bishop, as well as offered support to Exsuperius in dealing with the crisis he faced.

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Olovsdotter, Cecilia. "Representing consulship. On the concept and meanings of the consular diptychs." Opuscula. Annual of the Swedish Institutes at Athens and Rome 4 (November 2011): 99–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.30549/opathrom-04-05.

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Although the consular diptych does not appear as a distinct category of art until the end of the Roman consulate’s thousand-year history (c. 400–541), it constitutes a primary example of the continuance of Roman honorific tradition, developing concurrently with the division and transformation of the Roman empire and the resurgence of the consulate as the most prestigious office on the cursus honorum. By analysing and interpreting the patterns of motif selection, compositional structure and representational mode in the consular diptychs, it is possible to trace the various contextual factors, cultural and historical, that contributed towards their conception, and to gain valuable insights into the precepts of the late antique ‘ideology of consulship’ that was transmitted through this new visual medium. The present article discusses the different layers of meaning within the consular imagery, conveyed through an increasing elaboration and regularization of form and content, from the basic theme of official apparatus and ceremonial to the more symbolic themes through which the ideal aspects and functions of the Late Antique consulate are expressed, notably the triumphal and regenerative powers figuratively invested in the consul, and the intimate link between these and the ideas of imperial victory and ‘Eternal Rome’.

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Croci, Chiara. "Frantová, Zuzana. Ravenna: Sedes Imperii. Artistic Trajectories in the Late Antique Mediterranean. Rome, Viella, 2019 [ISBN: 9788833130484]." Eikon / Imago 10 (February 8, 2021): 457–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/eiko.74170.

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Levinson, Joshua. "The Language of Stones: Roman Milestones on Rabbinic Roads." Journal for the Study of Judaism 47, no. 2 (June 10, 2016): 257–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12340448.

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In the multi-linguistic reality of late antique Palestine the mixing of languages was also a mixing of cultures. This essay examines how one multilingual artifact, the Roman milestone, functioned as a means of inter-cultural communication both for those who erected them and the rabbis who read them. I suggest that the Roman roads and milestones that signified the power of the empire, were interpreted by means of a rabbinic hermeneutic of resistance that allowed them to create an imaginary landscape and counter-cartography wherein all the roads lead not to Rome, but rather to the sages and their teachings.

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Terribili, Gianfilippo. "Visitation and Awakening: Cross-Cultural and Functional Parallelisms between the Zoroastrian Srōš and Christian St. Sergius." Journal of Persianate Studies 14, no. 1-2 (August 10, 2022): 152–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18747167-bja10013.

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Abstract Similarities between the two celestial entities, the Zoroastrian Srōš (or Sraoša) and the Christian St. Sergius, have occasionally been mentioned in studies on late-antique and medieval Iran. Comparing the Zoroastrian and Syriac Christian traditions, the study will deal with evidence describing a phenomenological complex that includes the manifestation of celestial entities through a revelatory dream or vision and the consequent awakening of the individual consciousness. The parallelisms will be viewed in the perspective of historical and cultural dynamics that characterized the socio-political horizon of the late Sasanian Empire, especially during the reign of Khosrow II Parviz (Husraw II Parvēz). The heterogeneous society of the frontier zone between Rome and Iran determined the development of trans-cultural elements fostering dialogue among different components of the population. This phenomenon, along with the increasing integration of the Christian community in late Sasanian society, favored processes of assimilation and hybridization of narrative motifs connected to the representation of salvific and protective figures extremely popular at that time.

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McMahon, Lucas. "Digital Perspectives on Overland Travel and Communications in the Exarchate of Ravenna (Sixth through Eighth Centuries)." Studies in Late Antiquity 6, no. 2 (2022): 284–334. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sla.2022.6.2.284.

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The arrival of the Langobardi to Italy disrupted centuries-old Roman overland communication networks. When the political situation stabilized around 600 CE, Rome and Ravenna, still under East Roman control, were linked by a thin tendril of territory encapsulating a militarized travel zone between the two cities, the “Byzantine Corridor.” This study uses GIS analysis, particularly least-cost path techniques, to provide further perspectives on how communication was managed between Rome and Ravenna. This technique forms the basis of a movement model in order to calculate some approximate travel times between the two cities. Having some sense of the speed and ease at which the two cities could communicate with each other creates a baseline on which to understand how decisions of political importance were made and how the geographies of communication were reconfigured in late antique and early medieval Italy.

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Kneafsey, Maria. "Adventus: Conceptualising Boundary Space in the Art and Text of Early Imperial to Late Antique Rome." Theoretical Roman Archaeology Journal, no. 2015 (March 16, 2016): 153. http://dx.doi.org/10.16995/trac2015_153_163.

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Flexsenhar, Michael. "Jewish Synagogues and the Topography of Imperial Rome: The Case of the Agrippesioi and Augustesioi." Journal for the Study of Judaism 51, no. 3 (August 18, 2020): 367–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12511283.

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Abstract This study investigates the Agrippesioi and Augustesioi synagogues of ancient Rome. Known from inscriptions found primarily in the Monteverde Catacombs, the synagogues are conventionally dated to the first century CE. Common opinion is that they were named directly after Marcus Agrippa and the emperor Augustus, both of whom, it is thought, played some part in founding the synagogues. Based on the chronology of the catacombs and the inscriptions, I assign the synagogues to the third and fourth centuries. Taking into account the linguistic and epigraphic comparanda of that period, I argue that the synagogue names were toponyms. They signaled where in Rome the Jewish synagogues were. The analysis has further implications for the history and social setting of Roman Jews. Like other groups at the time, they were identifying themselves based on areas or features in the late antique urban landscape that had been associated with Agrippa and Augustus for centuries.

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Latham, Jacob A. "From Literal to Spiritual Soldiers of Christ: Disputed Episcopal Elections and the Advent of Christian Processions in Late Antique Rome." Church History 81, no. 2 (May 25, 2012): 298–327. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640712000613.

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There were at least five disputed episcopal elections in the fourth through the sixth centuries. This intra-Christian competition did not, however, lead to the contestation of space in the form of processions as it did, for example, in Constantinople. At Rome, intra-Christian competition took the form, at least rhetorically, of siege and occupation. Instead of conquering urban space through processions—impossible as the Roman aristocracy and their patronage of traditional spectacles still dominated and defined the public sphere—Roman Christians resorted to warfare, until the mid-sixth century C.E. when an impoverished aristocracy ceased to lavish its diminished wealth on traditional forms of public display.Throughout all of these electoral disputes a number of elements consistently emerge: one, the use of martial language to describe the events; two, the concentration on a few contested sites; and three, internal divisions among Roman Christians. A strategy of militaristic occupation of centrally important churches clearly marked these schisms, as each side marched upon and occupied the principal churches of Rome, invading and expelling their enemies from other principal churches when they could. The martial language in the descriptions of these conflicts often veered close to the religious, indicating, hinting, that the origins of Christian processions lie in conflict and battle. From the literal soldiers of Christ, armed with clubs, rocks, and swords, emerged spiritual soldiers bearing crosses and singing hymns.

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Salzman, Michele Renee. "The power of place: aristocrats in Late Antique Rome - C. Machado 2019. Urban Space and Aristocratic Power in Late Antique Rome: AD 270–535. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Pp. xi + 317, with 25 black-and-white figs. ISBN 978-0-19-883507-3." Journal of Roman Archaeology 34, no. 2 (November 16, 2021): 972–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759421000672.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Late Antique Rome'

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