Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Langage politique – Liban – 2000-'
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Tay, Loubane. "Le rôle des médias dans les rapports dialectiques entre leaders et masses (Liban 2004 - 2010)." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Université Côte d'Azur, 2022. http://www.theses.fr/2022COAZ2020.
During the years 2004-2010, Lebanon faced several disturbances that affected its citizen's lives. These disturbances have resulted in significant changes with respect to the Lebanese security, political and social life's environment. The media treated these disturbances in a diffrentiated way, and then they had communicated them to the Lebanese population, which they had prepared to accept them. After having conducted an documentary analysis and various surveys in a difficult context of this phenomenon, three hypotheses emerge and constitute the frame of this thesis : The main stream media transform and influence political speeches prior to transmitting them to the Lebanese population ; these mainstream media, via their programs and reporting, proceed to certain extent, a persuasive communication to influence the relations between the leaders and the masses ; In a sort that, media are not being a simple transmitter of the discourses produced by a leader, but they produce a real influence on the population : an influence that we will analyze in this research.This research helped us to draw the conclusion that we propose at the end of this thesis and also opened the way to other subjects of study. Indeed, in this research, we were able to observe the lack of objectivity, but also of professionalism of the Lebanese media during the period studied. This is due to their alignment or submission to editorial lines that often adopt a blatant bias, not hiding or no longer hiding their affinity without even feeling obliged to defend their choices. The fact remains that the media play an important role in the judgment of the masses towards the political world; these masses during the period studied were mainly informed about the policies through these media. The only means available to individuals to inform themselves was to confront the discourse of the media
Iskandar, Hamid. "L'évolution de l'image de l'armée libanaise : 1990-2000." Paris 2, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002PA020037.
Nader, Jocelyne. "Les stéréotypes dans le discours politique libanais entre 14 mars 1989 et 12 octobre 1990 : essai d'une approche lexicométrique." Paris 3, 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1999PA030039.
The analysis of the lebanese political vocabulary of this period is inspired by the lexicometric method. It is led on three levels : 1. At the first level, it holds amount of the vocabulary used by selected four emitters that are in direct report with the open constitutional crisis in 1988 (presidential vacancy). 2. At the second, it attaches a particular attention to designations of the political adversary in the speech of cach of these emitters. 3. At the third, the analysis intends to seize variations undergone by the vocabulary on the ninteen months of this period
Khoueiri, Roy. "Les déterminants des comportements d'épargne : analyse de l'expérience libanaise de 1974 à 2000." Paris 13, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003PA131028.
In 1191, the civil war in Lebanon came to an end. However, sixteen years of hostilities resulted in fundamental changes in the economy in the post war years, causing GDP to be lower than in the prewar period, continuous pressure on the Lebanese pound, inflationary pressures, a reduction in the purchasing power, all leading to high poverty and income inequality. Increased confidence and effective adjustment efforts are needed to spur favourable macroeconomic developments. It is therefore imperative for his nation to grow in order to re-attain its prewar standards of living. The economy's rate of saving out of current income and the form of investment such savings take play a major role among the many factors which determine the growth of an economy. In the thesis, I have focused on a study of saving in general for its relation with growth, and in particular on the influence of real GDP, inflation, and interest rates on saving in Lebanon. Between 1974 and 2000, the econometric analysis showed that the main determinant of saving is GDP followed by inflation, and to a lesser extent interest rates on deposits. Furthermore, the 1992-2001 analysis reflected that saving has a negative impact on investment and on GDP mainly due to channelling the private savings to finance the alarming public debt and more specifically to finance unproductive interest payments. After the war, savings is in the low range as compared to the ratios during the war. Our analysis indicates that the main factors behind this fact lie in the increase in poverty and income inequality and in the mismanagement of fiscal policy leading to negative public sector savings, the crowding out of investment, and to the drop in GDP. A plausible conclusion from this analysis is that the low levels of savings may become an obstacle to growth whether savings causes growth or the other way round. So policies that foster savings along with proper fiscal policies that will reduce the debt should be favored
Chapuis, Julie. "Reconstruire le Sud du Liban, se reconstruire au Liban : les résistances du Hezbollah." Paris, EHESS, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015EHES0140.
This thesis endeavors to study the domination system of Hezbollah in its relation to the Lebanese state and society; by analyzing the participation of Hezbollah in reconstruction initiatives in Lebanon since the civil war. Reconstruction, in that it is both an allocation resource and a source of authority, requires the interventior of all or some of the resistance fields (muqâwama, mumâna'a, sumûd) constituting the Hezbollah system, and that of all or some of the different spheres of power (military, political and social) in which it can be objectivated, depending on the time and the scale of study. By examining those interactions between the different fields, the spheres of power and the people and groups involved, and considering the « specialized communities syndrom » put forth by Ahmad Beydoun, to describe the community-based repartition of state prerogatives such as "national sovereignty", "liberation" or "reconstruction", this thesis will show if and how the Hezbollah has altered such a systematic repartition of power, starting from South-Lebanon where the use of three powers is especially in demand
Bakhit, Rana. "L’Enseignement du français à l'école publique au Liban." Thesis, Cergy-Pontoise, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013CERG0624.
Teaching French as a foreign language is a necessity in a multilingual country like Lebanon. The Lebanese Constitution gave a privileged place to the French language in the context of public education by stipulating that: "the teaching of two languages: Arabic and French are mandatory in all national schools." However, public schools, specifically in the primary grades, students suffer from a poor level in French. Several factors impede the process of teaching / learning French, we have defined these factors by the following three areas of investigation: the learner, the teacher and the school. Our experimental research attempts to establish a correlation between the level of poor learners in French public schools, and these three areas of investigation. It aims to explain carefully the reasons underlying this poor level in French particularly among public school students
Wang, Wei. "Histoire et sémiologie des représentations de l’unité du peuple chinois (1949-2009) et le traitement médiatique des conflits au Tibet (2008) et au Xinjiang (2009)." Thesis, Paris 2, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA020043.
The present thesis in History and Semiology concentrates on the representations of the unity of Chinese people (1949-2009) and the media coverage of conflicts in Tibet (2008) and Xinjiang (2009). From a semiotic approach, the analysis of images and texts give us an overview of how the information discourse, political discourse and cultural industry discourse, promote the unity of the Chinese people. This current research focuses on the writings of the Chinese government whose main concerns are to construct a collective narrative of a harmonious society and to maintain a united nation at the time of two social crises between the Han Chinese and other Chinese ethnic minorities. The year of 2008 should, thanks to the Olympic Games, be the year in favor of the nation-branding of a victorious in China. However, five months before the opening of the Beijing Olympics, the events in Lhasa -the capital of the Tibet Autonomous Region- put the Chinese government under pressure and brought to light the great divide between the Han and the Tibetans. A year later, riots occurred in the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region. In order to analyze the media narrative, we compare different points of view of both Chinese and French journalists on these events. We also observe how a number of Uyghurs participated in a rehabilitation movement of Xinjiangrens (people of Xinjiang) after the publication of the book I come from Xinjiang - a work that is a part of our corpus. As a result, this thesis observes how, in 21st centry, the news, the television series, the official writings of the history promoted by the Chinese government, a diverse range of productions of cultural industries (new technology of information and communication, social network, cinema, TV program and the traditional media...) contribute to re-write a new collective legend of the unity of Chinese people
Zaghouani-Dhaouadi, Henda. "La francophonie de Habib bourguiba : Essais d'analyse de discours 1960-1970." Saint-Etienne, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006STET2090.
During three decades, the discourse analysis, included in Human and Social Sciences, used methods in common with language teaching (first, second and foreign languages). In this respect, we can observe that President Bourguiba’s great francophony orations, rich with philosophy and humanism, offer a space of thought in line with an ethic dimension that Didactology of Languages and Cultures is trying to discover by its researches. It is already known that after the independence of Tunisia, Bourguiba, as a pioneer and a spirit reformer, deeply contributed to elaborate a symbolic space powerful enough to enable the creation at Niamey, the 20th March 1970, of an institutional francophony with L. S. Senghor and H. Diori. The spearhead of this institution was the A. C. C. T (Agency for cultural and technical Cooperation) in which Bourguiba conceived a concord plan between antiquity and modernity, past and present, East and west. It is this humanist thought aiming for utopia, that this work is trying to render by analysing the main international speeches of President Bourguiba
Dahdouh-Khouri, Dany. "La fin d'une illusion : quand la politique de l'autruche dysfonctionne et que le clivé fait retour : analyse à partir d'une clinique libanaise 2000-2006." Thesis, Lyon 2, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014LYO20069.
This research is rooted in my various professional experiences over more than a decade as a clinical psychologist and psychoanalyst in training, dealing with children, adolescents, their families as well as adults. This relates to a particular type of clinical work since the data for this study was collected in Lebanon, a country that has an elusive history, punctuated by wars and scattered violence; a country that is characterized by a resonating and echoing system between individual trauma and collective traumas. This study refers more precisely to a well-defined population, consisting exclusively of former children and adolescents of the 1975-1991 Lebanese war having lived and grown up in the former East Beirut. The study is also characterized by the fact that, once the analytic cure was well advanced, I was able to understand that I experienced, during my childhood and my adolescence, similar shared moments with my patients pertaining to traumatic experiences resulting from the war. In fact, my adult patients, the parents of the children in psychotherapy as well as myself, found ourselves as children and adolescents in the same places, experiencing the same epoche, alone, and away from adults (our parents or teachers), the same violent and destructive war events. This is a reflection that pertains to four generations. I wonder as to the quality of the links that exist between the peculiarities of the elaborative work of personal traumatic experiences and family traumas within the context of child psychotherapy. My interrogations also relate to the possible type of interaction existing between the specific trauma of the parent who is an ex-child (and ex-adolescent) of the war and the collective trauma that is specific to a country at war. I question in part the nature of the defense modalities of parents (generation 2) And the particularities of inner personal traumas that occur as an echo to family’s trauma, intertwined and interlocked with cumulative and collective social trauma. Moreover, I question why the parental psyche seems frozen, as if invaded, a prisoner “in a “no man’s land”, an undefined territory internal/external- non-human, fantasy/reality”, I also wonder about the strong, hidden links that seemed to glue up the members of a family. Those links or particular ways to live the attachment seemed, at first, apparently nonexistent but paradoxically they were extremely present in the sessions. The adults seamed unable to free themselves from this chain. I wonder if the children (generation 1) born after the war, are not, in the parental psyche (generation 2) reduced to a symptom – a symptom that the parents (generation 2) could not have had the opportunity to carry during their own childhood. Therefore, the child (generation 1) would be the bearer of "parental splitting"? I finally question the setting and wonder if the parents (generation 2) may not have accredited during our first encounter the « psychoanalytic » framework with the following dumb contract or agreement: "we know/you know what we/you have lived in our/ your childhood: we leave it aside and we do not talk about it at all. " Although the pact has not been explained verbally, transmission seemed to have been established in a « non-verbal communication. It may be for this reason that, the parents (generation 2) felt sufficiently at ease to try and place, for the first time in their lives, the suffering “child in them” in what they might have felt as being the securing, healing and soothing arms of “someone” who can be there for them; “someone” who has known what they have encountered because he is not a total stranger to their childhood experiences, “someone” who has the words and the capacity to talk about these unpleasant things; someone who may be able to express the “unspeakable experiences” with simple words
Bouzereau, Camille. "Doxa et contredoxa dans la construction du territoire discursif du front national (2000-2017)." Thesis, Université Côte d'Azur, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020COAZ2023.
This thesis is at the croassroads of two methods: textual data analysis and the linguistics centred on the semantic, enunciative, pragmatic dimensions of language facts. Its aim is to characterize linguistically the political discourses of the French National Front (FNF) over the contemporary period (2000-2017). Starting from the postulate that this French political party is now anchored in the system and, paradoxically, claims to be an 'anti-system' party, we study the speech construction of this opposition. This work thus questions the heuristic interest of a counter-discourse notion within the political discourse. It defends the thesis that the FNF's speech is systematically built, on its own specific themes and with singular argumentative strategies, like a counter-discourse opposing a single and unique doxa to a counter-doxa.To carry out this research, we have used the Hyperbase software, text data analysis platform, to create a vast corpus over three million occurrences structured in five databases. We have thus applied our tools and our analysis to more than 300 Lepenian speeches and three French presidential campaigns.To answer our fundamental question, three fields of relevance - each corresponding to a linguistic approach - follow one another. They progress from an infra-textual analysis, centred on the study of the lexical and syntactic specificities of the FNF discourse, to a textual analysis devoted to the inter- and supra-phrastic cohesion of the Lepenian textuality, in order to arrive at the discursive organization and the relations that the FNF discourse locally and globally poses to other discourses
Sánchez, Rivera Sonia. "Regards cinématographiques et corps adolescents. Une lecture poétique et socio-politique des représentations de l’adolescence dans six films contemporains." Thesis, Paris Est, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PESC0069/document.
This work focuses on the representations of adolescence in contemporary independent cinema. It is a question of examining the presentation in images and in discourse of this social phenomenon in six films coming from Europe and America and released in room between 2009 and 2014. By situating ourselves in the domains of Sciences of the Information and Communication, we articulate a semiotic and pragmatic approach to account for the plastic, aesthetic and communicational aspects of the films of the corpus. Our poetic and socio-political analysis simultaneously explores the cinematographic language, the conditions of production and the horizon of expectation to which the works refer.The first part sets out the theoretical categories and the method to follow to detect the relations between adolescence, cinema and representation. The second part captures the forms and effects of meaning of the films. The body is taken as the foundation of the representation of adolescence, a semiotic, social and political object. The third part focuses on the emergence of images of adolescent bodies and discourses likely to engender a look at cinematographic adolescence as a symbolic and social construction.The thesis concludes that these films constitute discourses on the adolescent universe, invite to deliberation, using a set of filmic forms that lead to reflections on the social, historical and cultural world that is deployed there. The semio-pragmatic angle makes it possible to interpret the messages that feature films want to deliver on the content of these representations in the frameworks of societies, the way in which the discourses on adolescence conform to social discourses that advocate a stance on this phenomenon
Trombetta, Lorenzo. "Le pouvoir politique dans la Syrie des al-Asad : genèse, structure et techniques de légitimation (1970-2007)." Paris 3, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008PA030037.
The Syrian regime is a real enigma for scholars and analysts. In the year 2000, after the arrival to power of the young president Bashar al-Asad, son of the president Hafiz al-Asad, researchers and observers tried to explain the nature of one of the most active political systems in the region. The debate about the nature of the Syrian regime - mainly concerned with the “sectarian/secular” issue - has been going on since the eighties. Some in depth studies focused on the “Syrian question”, revealed the importance of the “familial” dimension for an explanation of the balances inside the system. Other scholars underlined the sectarian factor as the most decisive in determining the decision-making process in the higher echelons of the Syrian State. This thesis tries, through a critical evalutation of the relevant data, together with information available on the ground, to answer the following crucial questions: who rules Syria, and via what mechanisms? What kind of role awaits Syria in the future? And, more precisely, whatever this role may be, what place, if any, will Islam occupy in the future Syria? This is a fundamental question, not just for scholars of Islamic Studies, but also for those who attempt to explain the “Syrian track”, and the role of Islam in it, from their strategic or, sometimes ideological, points of view
Ammar, Fawzi. "La cinquième guerre israélo-arabe : stratégie et tragédie." Rennes 2, 1989. http://www.theses.fr/1989REN20004.
Attacks against Lebanon, colonization in the west bank and Gaza, unending Palestinian exile, crisis in Israel: each day, the bombing, battles, attacks, provocations, and repressions multiply. The owderkeg threatens to explode. The history in which the roots of the Arab Israeli conflict are plunged throws a light on its development. June 6, 1982, the Israeli army invaded Lebanon and this event, with its still incalculable consequences, constitutes a turning-point in the history of the region. Interpreted as clearly as possible, this study attempts to discuss the Lebanese imbroglio, as well as its regional and international consequences, which include, among anothers, the discovery and publicizing of the Kahan link, the meeting of the 16th CNP (Palestine national congress) and the Arab Israeli accord of may 17, 1983. An addition to an analysis of the situation, the principal elements of its history are presented: interweaving of projects, strategies, policies, players methods of action, all just as diverse as they are contradictory. Grouped chronologically from 1975 to 1983, these elements relate the genesis of the fifth Arab Israeli war, whose eating away of the region we are still experiencing today
Saifane, Manal. "Le pilotage de la politique publique de la biodiversité, vers son expérimentation au Liban : transposition des dispositifs français facilitant l'évolution des pratiques en matière de planification urbaine." Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019SORUL125.
With the aim of supporting Lebanese decision makers in the choice of public environmental policy reforms to take into account biodiversity in urban projects, the ambition of this research is to study the opportunity of transferring existing mechanisms of sustainable development in France to Lebanon. Thus, the purpose of this thesis is to analyze the progressive integration of biodiversity in the planning system. It is about identifying transferable actions to Lebanon with the Benchmarking method. This approach is complemented by an observation of institutional reforms and the implementation modalities of public action. The transposition of mechanisms to Lebanon requires the implementation of diagnosis shared by all stakeholders because the Lebanese context is different : many constraints limit the development of sustainable and efficient planning. Nevertheless, defining a co-led project requires decision makers to adopt a strategic vision of the urban project. This process goes through a concerted phase where a citizen participation involved. As for the mobilization of the stakeholders, it is based on the proposal of innovative approaches that were formulated theoretically and empirically. On the one hand, we introduced the concept of green index allowing stakeholders to assess the environmental quality of a project. On the other hand, we have modeled a city concept, called Soft City, where nature is everywhere in the city, with a view to applying it in Beirut. To facilitate its experimentation, methodological guides and monitoring and evaluation frameworks were developed for the concerned stakeholders in order to encourage them to implement the innovative tools and concepts
Layoun, Jennifer. "Vers les accords de Taëf (1989) et la fin de la guerre civile au Liban : discours des dirigeants religieux-politiques libanais." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015AIXM3151.
The objective of this PhD dissertation is to study the evolution in the different discourse of political and religious leaders in Lebanon expressed in public as well as within closed circles during the fifteen years of conflict which began in 1975 and finished in 1989 with the Taif Agreement. This dissertation centers on a presentation and an analysis of the political projects proposed for Lebanon by several leading personalities coming from different political parties in the country during the period studied here. The originality of the approach is to group together two political parties which strongly oppose one another but which adopt an ideology based on shared criteria. Based on written documents as well as radio and televised programs and press conferences in addition to interviews which we have conducted in Lebanon and in France, we studied the political projects which were developed in Lebanon during 1975-1989. Our analyses reveal an evolution in the approach on the part of Lebanese religious and political persons of influence vis-à-vis their vision for the future regarding the political configuration of their country, all the while with respect to their strategic positioning in relation to the National Pact of 1943 as well as the role which they envision for themselves
Berjaud, Clémentine. "« Cinq sur cinq, mi comandante ! » : contribution à l’étude des réceptions des discours politiques télévisés." Thesis, Paris 1, 2014. http://buadistant.univ-angers.fr/login?url=https://www.dalloz-bibliotheque.fr/pvurl.php?r=http%3A%2F%2Fdallozbndpro-pvgpsla.dalloz-bibliotheque.fr%2Ffr%2Fpvpage2.asp%3Fpuc%3D5442%26nu%3D159%26selfsize%3D1.
This dissertation explores ordinary Venezuelans’ receptions concerning Hugo Chavez’s political discourses on TV. Its aim is to propose an analytical frame focused on receivers and their concrete practices, including particular attention to the social anchoring of the entire reception process: exposition, attention, interpretations and deferred receptions. For each of these stages, relationships to politics come into play, guiding and conditioning their receptions. This in-depth multi-modal research is based on focus groups, questionnaires, observations and individual interviews, giving light to the importance of social conditions through the reception process. Main results highlight on the one hand the role of the political and politicized competences, and on the other hand the ordinary relations to politics through 4 different types of interpretation: through political lecture, through moralization, through identification and through materialization. The interpretation stage, as much as the integrality of the reception mechanisms, show a strong collective dimension, socially anchored and related to the interactions produced during the domestic, familiar or larger collectives. Finally, this study allows to explore the political communication effects research question, from the ordinary citizens’ point of view under a bottom-up perspective
Esta tesis explora las recepciones ordinarias de los discursos políticos televisados. En el marco de la Venezuela de Hugo Chávez, este trabajo propone un modelo de análisis de la recepción de los discursos políticos focalizado sobre los receptores, sus prácticas concretas, modelo atento también a los arraigamientos sociales de estos procesos. La recepción se compone de varias etapas, entre exposición, atención, interpretación y recepciones diferidas. Para cada una de estas etapas, las relaciones a lo político entran en juego, guiando y condicionando sus recepciones. Esta encuesta multimodal y profundizada, entre entrevistas colectivas, cuestionarios, observaciones y entrevistas individuales, destaca primero la importancia de las condiciones sociales de recepción de los discursos políticos. Los resultados obtenidos subrayan después el papel de las competencias políticas y politizadas, y más allá, de las relaciones a lo político sobre las interpretaciones, las cuales se analizan en cuatro tipos distintos: interpretaciones por lectura política, por moralización, por identificación y por materialización. Estas interpretaciones, tal cual como todos los mecanismos de recepción, tienen además una fuerte dimensión colectiva, socialmente determinada y tributaria de las interacciones que se juegan dentro de los colectivos de recepción ordinarios, que sean domésticos, familiares o de nivel más amplio. Al final, esta tesis permite de interrogar de nuevo los efectos de la comunicación política, desde abajo y del punto de vista de la recepción
Castelbajac, Thomas de. "Épistémologie de la destruction des espaces intermédiaires en psychiatrie contemporaine : de la désubjectivation des dispositifs d’esthétisation à la fondation d’une éthique de soin orientée par l’utopie." Thesis, Tours, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019TOUR2010.
Public French psychiatry knows a heavy crisis based on the loss of intermediary spaces which are essential for the being to unfold and go encounter the other. Epistemological analysis of bipolar disorder category, of bientraitance and of psychiatric architecture,show they wreck the spaces separating and bringing together the subject with his unconscious, others and architectural work. Aestheticization apparat uses, which are mental disease biologism, good practices machinism and architecture functionalism, emphasized through the values of True, Well and Beautiful, abolish every form of hospitality. In view of this devastation, proceeded by the closure of the language, we propose its desobstruction through utopia. Through the open it keeps, ensuring a possible welcome for psychotic subjects, it gives back all their ethics to care practices in psychiatry
Alhomoud, Eiman. "Le discours médiatique en Arabie Saoudite après les évènements du 11 septembre 2001." Thesis, Paris 4, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA040101.
Until the events of September 11, 2001, the discourse conveyed by the Saudi media has remained confined in a complete archaism, both on the level of construction and transmission. Devoid of any objectivity and creativity, this discourse has been characterized by its aversion for the real social, political and cultural issues that havepreoccupied the Saudi society since this country became the first oil producer in the world and the first importer-in the Arab Persian Gulf- of manufactured products.This work attempts to provide a reading of the evolution of the Saudi media discourse after the events of September 11, 2001. A corpus of 113 selected articles published by the local press has been given a thorough analysis to follow this evolution and identify its contours. The examination of this corpus has allowed us to identify the emergence, within the Saudi society, of two modes of thinking. The first one is qualified as liberal andis represented by many influential intellectuals working for more reforms and for the opening of the Saudi culture to the outside. As for the opposite mode of thinking, it is embodied by the defenders of a traditional line who estimate that the opening to the West would constitute a threat to the Saudi identity and culture