Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Landuse policy'

Intensive agriculture has led to an increase in production; however this has often coincided with a decline in the provision of other Ecosystem Services (ES). ES affected include those regulated by soil chemical, physical and biological properties such as biodiversity provision and the regulation of nutrient cycling, water quality and rates of greenhouse gas emissions. A growing awareness of the value of nonproduction ES to human health and wellbeing has encouraged the funding of agrienvironment schemes in the UK, through which farmers receive funding to alter management practices to increase the provision of certain ES. One particular management change encouraged through agricultural payments is the creation of species rich grassland (SRG) on former intensively managed (IM) arable or grassland sites. Under these schemes farmers are required to carry out an extensification of management practices by reducing or ceasing fertiliser application, grazing and cultivation, or removing the existing crop or sward and sowing a specified seed mix of desired grassland species. Despite the commitment of substantial sums of money and land to extensification schemes, there has been little research into the extent to which they enhance provision of multiple ES and the potential for the legacy of intensive agriculture to limit ES provision and greatly reduce the value of extensification. This study aimed to: 1) compare soil properties between sites remaining under intensive management and those that had undergone extensification; 2) relate soil properties to; fluxes of the greenhouse gas nitrous oxide (N2O), plant diversity, soil microbial diversity and concentrations of nutrients in leachate from intensively and extensively managed sites in order to determine potential benefits of extensification. Paired field plots were established on working farms in south east Scotland and at Rothamsted Research North Wyke in south west England. Each of the four plot pairs in Scotland consisted of a newly created SRG on former arable land and an adjacent IM plot. The SRG plots ranged in age from 3 to nine years old in 2010. Soil samples were collected from the Scottish sites twice yearly in 2010 and 2011, alongside regular measurements of N2O fluxes from soil and assessment of plant diversity. At North Wyke four replicated SRG plots, forming part of an existing experiment on former intensive grassland, were each paired with an IM plot. Soil samples were analysed for their chemical and physical properties and for the concentration of certain phospholipid derived fatty acids (PLFA) biomarkers to compare the composition and size of the soil microbial community. Soil N2O fluxes and the nitrogen (N) and phosphorus (P) concentrations of soil water samples measured in 2010 and 2011. Results from more intensive N2O flux measurements, conducted in 2012, were compared to model output from the UK-DNDC model to assess its potential for predicting changes in N2O emissions following extensification. No significant difference was found in any soil chemical or physical properties between paired IM and SRG plots in Scotland, although soil bulk density tended to be lower in the older SRG plots relative to the paired IM plots. Nitrous oxide emissions were low from all plots with only an occasional emissions peak being recorded and overall there was no significant effect of management intensity on soil N2O fluxes. The UK-DNDC model outputs were generally of a similar order of magnitude but poorly correlated with measured N2O fluxes and soil water and available N content. Botanical diversity was enhanced in the SRGs compared to the IM plots, though plant species were mostly of low conservation value and indicative of a high nutrient environment and the diversity of the SRG plots was low, compared to long-established semi-natural grassland elsewhere in Europe. Total soil PLFA concentration was significantly higher in the IM plots but the fungal concentration and the ratio of Gram positive:Gram negative bacteria were no greater in the SRG, suggesting it had begun to resemble long-term unimproved grassland. Despite limited success at obtaining soil water samples, at North Wyke concentrations of mineral N in soil water were lower from the SRG plots than the IM plots, although there were no consistent differences in total P or organic N concentrations, organic N contributed over 80% of the total N in soil water samples from the SRG plots. This study has shown that the legacy of intensive agriculture continues to affect soil properties for at least 10 years following extensification. The results suggest that the potential for newly created SRGs to provide enhanced ES’ could be limited and may not justify the reduction in productivity and the financial input associated with shortterm extensification schemes.

Thesis advisor: Marc Landy
By examining the interactions between the presidency and the other branches of government, research illuminates the causes and mechanisms by which the presidency, and its power, ebbs and flows. Due to the nature of the powers directly granted to the president within the Constitution, much consideration has been given to presidential power through the prisms of national security, international affairs, and times of national emergency. Yet the presidency consists of more than the roles of commander- and diplomat-in-chief. By looking beyond the more obvious considerations of presidential power, the complexity of the institution’s development is not only revealed, but more fully explained. Consequently, this dissertation analyzes the development of presidential power by looking at the less obvious. It considers the use of formal executive tools to implement congressionally delegated and supported authority in an area of domestic policy: the creation of federally protected public lands. Instead of seeking to understand how the use of presidential power impacted an area of public policy, this research flips that perennial question on its head by asking: how has public land policy contributed to the development of presidential power? The research presented here shows, through the analysis of five public land categories, that the consistent application of executive power within this policy realm, combined with Congressional acceptance of this application, enhanced the overall power of the American presidency
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2016
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science

xii, 84 p. A print copy of this thesis is available through the UO Libraries. Search the library catalog for the location and call number.
Developed in 1973, Oregon's agricultural lands preservation policy sought to stop the conversion of agricultural land to other uses, particularly in the Willamette Valley. This thesis analyzes the effectiveness of this policy in preserving agricultural land in large blocks in the Willamette Valley, examining trends at the county, regional, and state levels. State land use data are used to assess whether the 1989 and 1993 efforts to strengthen the original legislation slowed the rate of agricultural land use conversion.
Adviser: Ronald Mitchell

With America’s recent needs for creating jobs, mitigating greenhouse gas emissions, and becoming "energy independent" from foreign nations, the large-scale deployment of solar energy projects has been proclaimed a solution for rapidly generating "clean" energy. Federal agencies have been mandated by law to expedite the siting of utility-scale solar energy projects (USSEPs) on public lands. In particular, the Bureau of Land Management (BLM) has focused on USSEP development by creating a national solar energy program as well as state-specific programs for encouraging USSEP development, and has thus far approved two USSEPs in Arizona. Although operational USSEPs do not emit greenhouse gases, they are not completely benign to the environment. USSEPs incur negative impacts on soils, vegetation, air quality, and other natural and cultural resources. Because USSEPs have the potential to mitigate climate change, yet incur other negative environmental impacts, the reaction of citizen stakeholders such as environmental advocates to public lands USSEP development has been mixed. Environmental advocate groups have both encouraged BLM to build USSEPs, and filed lawsuits discouraging project development. In light of the ability of environmental advocates to influence USSEP development, this study explored the complex opinions of members of environmental organizations, conservation groups, watershed initiatives, and solar industry professionals regarding USSEP development on Arizona public lands. Through a review of relevant literature, a content analysis of BLM environmental review documents, and the distribution and statistical analysis of an opinion survey, the study provides insight into the implications of the current BLM Arizona siting process and specific, up-to-date stakeholder perspectives. The results indicate that while BLM Arizona siting policies do attempt to address environmental concerns, significant concerns about the current USSEP siting process remain, and that environmental advocates' support for public lands USSEPs is lower than their support for renewable energy development in general. Stakeholders reported having low levels of three items: knowledge of current solar technologies, understanding of the current federal USSEP siting process, and confidence that the government will appropriately site solar energy projects. Addressing those items may alleviate tensions between stakeholders and public lands decision-makers, resulting in faster and more environmentally responsible USSEP siting.

Borders and border barriers can be breached and boundaries and political agendas can change. The Great Walls of China, Hadrian's Wall, and the Iron Curtain have lost their strategic value. Walls are contested presently in the Middle East. And the unpopulated DMZ in Korea, while still of strategic value, is being recognized for its biodiversity and resurgence of endangered flora and fauna. Presently, the United States is building a defensive wall along the U.S.-Mexico border in the name of national security and to stem the tide of drug and human trafficking. In the process it has waived numerous environmental laws thereby putting transboundary ecosystems in danger of irreparable harm. Why should there be interest? For the reason, as put forth by Mumme and Ibáñez, that while much attention has been paid to adverse environmental effects within the United States, "little attention has been given to the potentially complicated effects of the international boundary, water, and environmental agreements to which [the United States and Mexico] are party should Mexico choose to press its rights at the level of international law. . . . As international treaties and protocols, these agreements enjoy a legal standing that may supersede the authority of most domestic legislation." The implications are far reaching. Mexico has sent diplomatic notes to the U.S. embassy in Mexico and to the U.S. Department of State, and the Secretaría de Medio Ambiente y Recursos Naturales (SEMARNAT), Mexico's environment secretariat, has held informal talks with the Department of the Interior (DOI) and with the Secretary of Homeland Security--all apparently of no avail. Canada's notes have been similarly ignored by the Department of Homeland Security. What then for the U.S-Mexico border fence? Will it eventually become a relic of past political policy? Is the United States to ignore the lessons of the past and void its environmental treaties and agreements with Mexico? Should we not be concentrating on comprehensive immigration reform and the causes of drug abuse in the United States rather than a short-term solution to long-term problems?

This paper examines the implementation of environmental policy on Indian land, by conducting a case study of the Pueblo of Isleta. In 1992 the EPA acknowledged the jurisdictional authority of the Pueblo to establish water quality standards for the Rio Grande. The Pueblo has since attempted to implement these standards despite opposition from the city of Albuquerque. The premise of this paper is that tribes, in general, have assumed a greater role in regulating their environments although financial, technical, and statutory impediments continue to thwart complete tribal control. By examining the historical process of inclusion of tribes into the regulatory arena and applying this to the Pueblo of Isleta, this paper presents a concise analysis of one tribes response to the intricacies of environmental regulation.

This dissertation examines the environmental discourse of the USDA Forest Service, focusing on the language of ecosystem management (EM). A two pronged approach was employed: eleven interviews were conducted with agency executives (chapter two); thirty-three interviews were conducted with agency staff specialists and decision-makers, working at the agencyâ s operational levels (chapter three and four). Differences between how agency executives view EM and how agency operators view EM were identified. Chapter two shows that agency executives generally believed that the process of EM is ingrained in the agency. Chapter three explores this assertion at the forest and district levels, and reveals conflicting stories concerning the current practice of EM. Agency operators explained EM as a process driven by ecological science, but also revealed an alternate planning process. The alternate planning process is driven by the agencyâ s budget and strict employee roles. Through qualitative analysis of interviews with agency operators, a model of how agency operators construct agency planning was created. It illustrates the potential mismatch between planning focused on ecological science and an agency focused on budgets, cost-benefit calculations, and strict employee roles. The model also shows that agency operators described active and passive publics in their constructions of agency planning. Chapter four focuses on these constructs of the public, and shows how they are partly created by agency interpretations of the public involvement processes required by the National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA). In some cases, the agency applies a standard for public participation (substantive sieve) that requires publics to couch their concerns in scientific or legal terms. Publics that are able to navigate the substantive sieve are typically viewed as active publics, while those that cannot meet this standard are viewed as passive publics. A feedback mechanism was identified between constructs of the public and agency process; constructs of the public shape agency process and agency process shapes agency constructions of the public. The dissertation concludes by showing that agency focus on budgetary targets and the use of the substantive sieve can be understood as attempts to instill accountability into a decentralized agency with an ambiguous mission.
Ph. D.

Noxious weeds are harmful plants that are regulated by law. It is their regulation that makes them unique from other weeds. At least 14 noxious weed species are known to occur in Arizona. The Federal Noxious Weed Act of 1974, as amended in 1990, directs all federal agencies to develop, coordinate, fund, and implement noxious weed programs on land that they manage. This dissertation describes and evaluates the implementation of federal noxious weed policy by the Forest Service and the Bureau of Land Management in Arizona. Policy design methodology is used to construct a model of federal policy. Policy elements evaluated include statutes, implementing agents, target audiences, and the policy rules and tools that link these players to policy outcomes. Interviews with agents and targets revealed that there are no noxious weed programs being conducted on Forest Service or BLM lands in Arizona. Also, there is an insignificant amount of funding being provided for such programs. Policy design methods are used to assess the context of the implementation problem. Policy tools are recommended to address the lack of knowledge about infestation levels and management options. Additional support building tools are recommended to address the adaption of integrated weed management techniques.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Georgia State University, 2008.
Title from file title page. Paul J. Ferraro, committee chair ; Alexander Pfaff, Gary T. Henry, Gregory B. Lewis, Douglas S. Noonan, committee members. Electronic text (99 p.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed October 28, 2009. Includes bibliographical references (p. 91-98).

This dissertation is a qualitative investigation into Navajo citizen opinion on the need and form of a federal-tribal co-management model for sacred lands held in federal stewardship. The central question in this inquiry is, are co-management agreements appropriate for sacred landscapes management, and if so, how would they work? In other words, what are the issues, fundamental elements and core values of a "best-practices" sacred lands co-management model? This question is important because Native sacred lands protection and access are essential to reinforcing cultural identity and well-being, and revitalizing tribal communities. Across the United States, these places are being desecrated or destroyed at an alarming rate by commercial enterprise, public recreation, and political indifference. Native Peoples are also denied access to sacred sites for traditional subsistence or ceremonial purposes. This neglect of traditional Native cultural values in sacred lands management is referred to in this analysis as the "Indigenous values gap." Navajo response is focused on three Diné sacred landscapes, the Dinétah in northwest New Mexico, and the San Francisco Peaks and Canyon de Chelly, both located in northeast Arizona. These are large, multi-jurisdictional resources that are critical to Navajo culture and religion, and are currently under physical or legal threat. Navajo citizens in this inquiry generally agree that sacred lands co-management agreements between the Navajo Nation and federal agencies are desirable as instruments that can formalize the "practice" of genuine power-sharing relative to the management of cultural property. They also agree that co-management is not yet practical as a governance structure and philosophy until the Federal Government changes its perspective toward sharing management decisions with a Native nation. Navajo citizens also argue that comanagement is not practical until the Navajo Nation builds the capable institutions and sacred lands management vision on which to base co-management agreement development and implementation. The community development concepts of the Harvard Nation-Building model are central to building effective sacred lands management plans and co-management regimes. A "best-practices" model of sacred lands co-management blends the sacred principles of the Navajo doctrine of hozho with the secular principles of property rights, protected areas, and nation-building.

This dissertation examines how the U.S. Forest Service implements and uses public involvement during the agencyâ s planning processes as mandated by the National Environmental Policy Act. Focused from the perspective of the agency personnel leading the process, this study is informed by both quantitative and qualitative analyses. Chapters two and three report the results of a web-based survey completed by 489 Forest Service employees. Chapter two shows that these employees most commonly view public involvement as a means for obtaining substantive information that could be used to improve the management decision. Chapter two also reveals that agency personnel who view public involvement as only a procedural requirement tend to achieve less positive process outcomes, but those who explicitly create opportunities for interactive dialogue with the public tend to achieve more positive outcomes, including more positive perceptions of the public involvement process and agency-public relationships. Chapter three shows that agency employees commonly believe more public influence should and does happen during the earlier stages of the planning process, but that agency employees also desire more public influence throughout the process. Chapter four uses qualitative interviews with 16 of the survey respondents to build upon the insights from chapter three. By exploring what may be constraining public influence from occurring at the desired levels, chapter four describes how agency personnel can impact how much public influence happens. The final chapter highlights the importance of looking beyond the specific public involvement technique employed during the process to the nature of the agency-public interactions. Agency personnel who are willing to engage in extra effort to translate public values into substantive management concerns generally achieve more desirable forms of public influence. They also help satisfy the publicâ s desires to communicate their visions for the management of the National Forests. Key barriers include heavy workloads, negative views of the public, and over-reliance on minimum procedural requirements. Conversely, strong normative beliefs about the positive role of the public in agency planning, leadership commitment, and a recognition of the discretion afforded planning personnel can lead to higher levels of desired public influence.
Ph. D.

President Clinton created Grand Staircase-Escalante National Monument on September 17, 1996. The Antiquities Act of 1906 gives the president power to establish national monuments on public lands through presidential proclamation. The Act has been used to create national monuments in places such as Muir Woods, Grand Canyon, Mount Olympus, Jackson Hole, and the 1978 Alaskan d-2 lands. Its use has also produced negative public response, manifested as demonstrations, lawsuits, and congressional bills. In spite of significant legal and legislative challenges, the Antiquities Act and most of the monuments established through its use remain. The negative public response to the Act and the monuments has not been able to dissuade presidents from using executive authority. In each of the controversial cases the scope of the Antiquities Act was expanded in regards to the values being protected, monument size, or land use. The public had little influence in reversing that expansion. The Antiquities Act was designed as a tool to provide protection to threatened lands. It has protected federal lands, and in many cases the national interest. The historic and scientific values of once controversial monuments such as the Grand Canyon, Muir Woods Mount Olympus, Jackson Hole, and the d-2 lands, are now indisputable. These monuments have evolved to represent part of our natural national heritage. Only time will tell if the same can be said for Grand Staircase-Escalante National Monument.

This thesis explores the role of expert-led policy processes in addressing water quality. It does so by drawing on the ‘peri-urban' as a setting which exemplifies contemporary social and environmental challenges associated with river and groundwater pollution, as well as the health and livelihood implications for the poorest citizens in peri-urban areas. The peri-urban area of Ghaziabad, on the outskirts of New Delhi, provides a good reference point for understanding those challenges, while India's environmental regulatory agency (the Central Pollution Control Board) demonstrates how policy experts influence such a setting by enacting their institutional role and mandate. The thesis examines the ways in which problems associated with deteriorating water quality in peri-urban areas are often neglected in expert-led policy processes, and the consequent implications for peri-urban poor communities. It argues that expert-driven policy approaches to addressing water quality are formulated almost exclusively on scientific grounds, while underlying ‘non-scientific' decisions and choices, emerging from actors operating at levels from policy framing to policy implementation, are not awarded the same importance, thus ignoring issues that pertain to the social, environmental and political implications of the problems. By drawing on qualitative research, the thesis focuses on two case studies. One examines the Central Pollution Control Board's framing of policy initiatives while the other follows the implementation of such policies in peri-urban Ghaziabad. The thesis demonstrates how the scale of monitoring water quality is heavily biased towards national rather than local level priorities. This leads to an understatement of important water quality problems that affect peri-urban areas in favour of large-scale analyses of pollution in river basins. This has the effect of understating important water quality problems that affect peri-urban areas in poorer localities such as villages within the Ghaziabad district. The centrality of technical discourses in the articulation of and response to water quality problems makes it difficult for non-technical perspectives (derived directly from those people who are exposed to pollution) to feed into formal decision-making. This research also identified the key influence of a number of actors (municipal engineers, public health officials and district magistrates) in shaping and implementing policy outcomes on the ground in local contexts (i.e. peri-urban areas), even though their roles are often not recognised formally. The thesis is original in its attempt to merge insights from policy studies and science technology studies (STS) and apply them to the domain of water quality, a field that has not traditionally been subjected to critical social science inquiry. It also unpacks ethnographically the Board's dual role as both a policy advisor and regulator, and further illustrates how the enactment of these roles can lead to contradictory outcomes on the ground, particularly for the poorest periurban citizens.

Wildlife species that rely on early successional habitat are showing long-term region-wide declines, including songbirds such as Eastern Towhee (Pipilo erythrophthalmus), Field Sparrow (Spizella pusilla), Blue-winged Warbler (Vermivora cyanoptera), Golden-winged Warbler (Vermivora chrysoptera), Prairie Warbler (Setophaga discolor), and Brown Thrasher (Toxostoma rufum). All six species are listed as Species of Greatest Conservation Need on a majority of the New England state's Wildlife Action Plans and in 2011, the Golden-winged Warbler was placed under review for federal listing. In areas where vegetation structure is actively maintained in early successional stages, such as powerline rights-of-way (ROWs), there is an opportunity to provide habitat over long time frames. This study focused on habitat use by six early successional bird species in the Champlain Valley in Vermont along powerline ROWs. Thirty sites that included potential habitat were established. During the breeding season, trained citizen scientist volunteers spot-mapped species distribution patterns along transects. Focal habitat use by individuals was mapped during timed field observations (n=83). Vegetation species composition and structure was evaluated within 1m2 vegetation plots across each site (n=965). Logistic regression models of study species' abundance patterns and focal habitat use were compared using Akaike's information criterion (AIC). Surrounding landscape composition, vegetation species composition and vegetation structure had the greatest influence on species abundance and focal habitat use based on best-fit models. All species occurrence, except Blue-winged Warbler and Brown Thrasher, decreased with greater development and fragmentation in the surrounding landscape. While the covariates that influenced habitat use patterns by the species were similar, the effect size and direction of influence varied. These results suggest that a universal management approach for shrubland songbird habitat would not support a broad range of species. The findings from this study determined species-specific habitat preferences that can improve management practices to benefit these declining species.

Societies frequently implement land use policies to regulate resource extraction or to regulate development. However, two important policy questions remain unresolved. First, how effective are land use regulations? Second, how do land use regulations affect socioeconomic conditions? Three issues complicate the evaluation of land use policies: (1) overt bias may lead to incorrect estimates of policy effects if implementation is nonrandom; (2) the policy may affect outcomes in neighboring unregulated lands; and (3) unobservable differences between regulated and unregulated lands may lead to biased assessments. Previous evaluations of land use policies fail to address these sources of bias simultaneously. In this dissertation, I develop an approach, using matching methods, which jointly accounts for these complications. I apply the approach to evaluate the effects of Costa Rica s protected areas on land use and socioeconomic outcomes between 1960 and 2000. I find that: (1) protection prevented the deforestation of only 10 percent or less of protected forests; (2) protection resulted in reforestation of only 20 percent of non-forest areas that were protected; (3) protection had little effect on land use outside protected areas, most likely because, as noted above, protected areas had only small effects on land use inside protected areas; and (4) there is little evidence that protected areas had harmful impacts on the livelihoods of local communities: on the contrary, I find that protection had small positive effects on socioeconomic outcomes. Furthermore, the methods traditionally used to conduct such evaluations are biased. In contrast to the findings above, those conventional methods overestimated the amount of avoided deforestation and erroneously implied that protection had negative impacts on the livelihoods of local communities. This dissertation contributes to policymaking by providing empirical measures of protected area effectiveness. Although annual global expenditures on protected areas are about $6.5 billion, little is known to date about the returns on these investments. This study also indicates that policymakers should give careful consideration to current proposals to compensate communities living in or around protected areas: contrary to widely held assumptions, the findings suggest that protection may not have harmful effects on socioeconomic outcomes.

In dieser Arbeit wird am Beispiel der Integrierten Fortbildung der Polizei des Landes Brandenburgs untersucht, wie eine grundlegende Reorganisationsmaßnahme durch die verhaltensorientierte Fortbildung unterstützt werden kann. Es werden Möglichkeiten aufgezeigt, die im Rahmen eines Reformprozesses nötigen Verhaltensänderungen mit Hilfe der organisationseigenen Fortbildungsstruktur zu erreichen. Die Änderung von eingeschliffenen Verhaltensweisen bei Erwachsenen hat sich in der Praxis als sehr problematisch erwiesen. Deshalb wird in dieser Arbeit zunächst die Frage geklärt, welche Impulse von den aktuellen Forschungsergebnisse der Neurophysiologie und der Erziehungswissenschaften für eine Weiterentwicklung der verhaltensorientierten Fortbildung von Erwachsenen ausgehen können. Weiterhin wird untersucht, mit welcher konkreten Methodik sich langfristige und praxiswirksame Verhaltensänderungen bei Erwachsenen erreichen lassen und wie diese evaluiert werden können. Mit dieser Arbeit wird ein Konzept für eine verhaltensorientierte Fortbildung von Erwachsenen vorgestellt, das sowohl den Erfordernissen der Organisationsentwicklung als auch des täglichen Dienstes gerecht wird. Die Ergebnisse der Arbeit haben nicht nur für Fortbildungsmaßnahmen innerhalb der Polizei Gültigkeit, sondern sie lassen sich auch auf andere Bereiche übertragen, in denen Erwachsene innerhalb einer hierarchisch organisierten Struktur zu einer Änderung althergebrachter Verhaltensweisen veranlasst werden sollen. Wichtige Impulse gibt die Arbeit für die Fortbildung von Erwachsenen, die im Rahmen ihrer Tätigkeit auch unter extremen Stressbedingungen handlungsfähig bleiben sollen. Umsetzbar wäre dieses Konzept also auch in der Fortbildung von Feuerwehrleuten, Militärangehörigen, Lehrern, Erziehern oder von Personal in Krankenhäusern.
Using the example of the integrated further education of the police of the land Brandenburg this paper examines how a profound measure of reorganisation can be supported by a behaviour oriented further education. Possibilities are being shown of how to achieve the necessary behavioural changes within the larger frame of a reform process with the help of a framework of further education within the organization itself. Changing established patterns of behaviour of adults has proved to be very difficult in practice. Therefore this paper first of all settles the question which impulses a further development of behaviour oriented further education of adults could receive from research results of neurophysiology and educational science. Further it is being investigated which specific methods can be employed to achieve a long-term change in the patterns of behaviour of adults which are effective in practice and how they can be evaluated. This study introduces a concept for a behaviour oriented further education of adults which does justice to the demands of the organization‘s development as well as of the daily duties. The results of the study are not only valid for the further education measures within the police but they can also be transferred to other areas in which adults are to be made to change established patterns of behaviour within a hierarchically organized structure. The study provides important impulses to the further education of adults who are to remain capable of acting within in the frame of their work even under extreme pressure. This concept therefore could also be applied to further education of firemen, military personnel, teachers, educators, and the personnel of hospitals.

In Texas, landowner associations for the management of common-pool resources such as wildlife and groundwater have become increasingly popular. Successful management of white-tailed deer (Odocoileus virginianus) depends upon the collective decision-making of landowners. Likewise, aquifer reserves are a trans-boundary resource subject to the "rule of capture." Numerous factors may affect the success of common-pool associations, including property ownership and habitat characteristics, landowner demographics, and social capital. I used a mail questionnaire to explore the relationship between these factors and their effect on association activities and management practices for eight Wildlife Management Associations (WMAs) occurring within the Lower Post Oak Savannah (LPOS) and the Central Post Oak Savannah (CPOS). In addition, I compared responses of members of WMAs in CPOS to members of the Brazos Valley Water Alliance (BVWA), a groundwater association situated in the region. Compared to CPOS, members of WMAs within the LPOS belonged to much larger groups, were generally more recent landowners that met more often, raised more money using more funding methods, and tended to have longer association membership than CPOS landowners, yet they had lower social capital. CPOS landowners owned significantly more land and considered relaxation/leisure and hunting more important land uses than LPOS landowners. The smaller group size in CPOS may be the most important factor in building social capital. Intra-association trust was positively influenced by the longevity of property ownership, the number of association meetings, the percentage of males in the association, and other factors. Negative influences on trust included absentee ownership and Habitat Cover Index, which was a measure of the amount of wooded habitat present. In CPOS, members of the BVWA were part of a much larger, more heterogeneous, and more recently formed group than members of WMAs. They also placed greater importance on utilitarian aspects of their properties, as opposed to land stewardship for conservation as practiced by members of WMAs. If associations are kept small ( < 50) with more frequent meetings, greater social capital and information sharing may be achieved, which may lead to increased land stewardship practices. However, landowners may be motivated more by their shared values independent of any benefit from their association.

A compensação extrapropriedade é uma das alternativas legais para regularização de imóveis rurais com déficit de reserva legal. Com a recente revogação do Código Florestal, as compensações podem envolver imóveis localizados até em distintos Estados, considerando apenas a correspondência entre biomas. Do ponto de vista ambiental, no entanto, as compensações só fazem sentido se ocorrer entre áreas com equivalência ecológica (composição, estrutura e função) e o mais próximas possível entre si. Este estudo buscou contribuir para o aprimoramento do mecanismo de compensação, considerando aspectos da equivalência ecológica (composição), tendo o Estado de São Paulo como área de estudo. Para tanto foram analisadas: (i) se as compensações ocorrem entre áreas com equivalência da vegetação, (ii) e qual seria a distância máxima para que as trocas ocorram entre áreas com maior equivalência. Foram consultados 104 processos de compensação de reserva legal para a coleta de informações sobre os imóveis, como localização. As fitofisionomias de cada área foram identificadas segundo o mapa da vegetação remanescente do Estado. A distância máxima a ser permitida foi estimada comparando-se a similaridade florística de remanescentes de Cerrado e Floresta em relação à distância geográfica por meio do teste de Mantel. Verificou-se que dos 117 casos analisados, 72 não apresentam equivalência no âmbito do bioma (13) ou das fitofisionomias (59). A conservação de florestas ombrófilas próximas ao litoral é priorizada em detrimento das áreas de floresta estacional, de cerrado e ecótono do interior paulista. Estas reservas estão distantes da origem do passivo (200-400 km), reforçando os contrastes na paisagem em termos de vegetação. Não houve correlação entre similaridade florística e distância geográfica, o que não permitiu precisar um limite (em km) para as compensações. Contudo, recomenda-se que estas ocorram entre áreas de grupos de municípios limítrofes, onde é provável que haja maior uniformidade ambiental e, consequentemente, maior similaridade em termos de composição florística.
The mechanism of compensation is one of the legal alternatives to regulate rural properties with deficit of legal reserve. After the recent repeal of the Forest Code, compensation can involve areas of different states, considering only the correspondence of biomes. From the environmental standpoint, however, compensation makes sense only if it occurs between areas with ecological equivalence (in composition, structure and function) and as near as possible to each other. This study aimed at contributing to the improvement of the mechanism of compensation, taking into account aspects of ecological equivalence (composition), considering the state of São Paulo (BRA) as study area. It was analyzed: (i) if compensations occur between areas with equivalence of vegetation and (ii) which would be the maximum distance to allow exchanges between areas of higher equivalence. 104 processes of compensation of legal reserve were consulted to collected information about the properties, such as localization. The phytophysiognomies of each area were identified according to the map of remnant vegetation of the state. The maximum distance to be allowed was estimated by comparing the floristic similarity of the remnants of Cerrado and Forest in relation to the geographical distance by using the Mantel test. 72 of the 117 studied cases have no equivalence considering the biome (13) or the phytophysiognomies (59). Conservation of ombrophylous forests near the coast is prioritized in detriment of seasonal semideciduous forests, cerrado and ecotone of the paulist interior. These reserves are very distant from the origin of the passive (200-400 km), reinforcing contrasts in the landscape. There was no correlation between floristic similarity and geographical distance, which did not allow to determinate a limit (in km) for compensation. However, it is recommended that the compensations occur between neighboring municipalities, which are likely to be more environmentally uniform and, consequently, more similar in terms of floristic composition.

A reserva legal, instituída pelo Código Florestal Brasileiro (Lei n° 4.771 de 1965), determina que toda propriedade rural deve manter uma parcela da sua área permanentemente coberta com vegetação nativa. Mesmo reconhecida como importante instrumento para a conservação da biodiversidade no país, suas normas são amplamente desrespeitadas. O presente estudo teve por objetivo analisar os fatores que afetam o cumprimento da reserva legal nos municípios do Estado de São Paulo. Para tanto, a existência de correlação entre medidas de cumprimento à RL, referentes ao número e área de reserva legal averbada, dos municípios e Agências Ambientais do Estado e fatores sócio-econômicos, ecológicos e institucionais obtidos em banco de dados Estaduais e Federais foi investigada por meio de diagramas de dispersão, testes de correlação e análise de regressão linear múltipla. Posteriormente, indicadores quantitativos de estrutura e organização interna das Agências Ambientais, obtidos em questionário aplicado a estes órgãos, foram comparados aos índices de cumprimento da reserva legal. Os dados mostram que 98,2% das propriedades rurais do Estado não respeitam o percentual de 20% de RL preconizado na legislação federal e confirmam a hipótese inicial de que algumas regiões do Estado apresentam déficit menor de áreas protegidas nas propriedades privadas. As análises estatísticas revelam, ao contrário do que era esperado, que o valor de produção de produtos agropecuários e o preço da terra não são os principais determinantes da manutenção de áreas protegidas nas propriedades rurais. Os resultados indicam ainda que índices maiores de vegetação nativa remanescente implicam em cumprimento à reserva legal mais efetivo e que a estrutura e organização com que contam as Agências Ambientais não possuem papel decisivo no êxito dos procedimentos de averbação de reserva legal. A maior contribuição do estudo é apontar que o principal argumento utilizado pelos segmentos produtivos da agropecuária para justificar o descumprimento à Reserva Legal, de que são fatores econômicos, principalmente, que afetam a decisão de manter a RL, não se sustenta. Outros fatores, não tratados neste estudo, podem influenciar o cumprimento da RL, portanto, são necessários mais estudos que abordem, em profundidade, os diferentes aspectos que envolvem a decisão de manter áreas protegidas em terras privadas.
Legal Reserve Forest, instituted by the Brazilian Forest Code (Law 4.471/1965), requires that each rural properties in national territory must have a patch of native vegetation in their land. Despite the importance for nature conservation has been recognized, until today the LR it has not been fully implemented. The present study aim to investigate the factors that interfere in the obey of legal reserve in the municipal districts of the Sao Paulo Stated. The correlations between the indexes of accomplishment of LR across the municipal districts and Environmental Agencies of Sao Paulo Stated and socioeconomic, ecological and institutional factors available on government databases, was explore by bloxplots, correlation analysis and multiple linear regression analysis Then, quantitative indicators of structure and organization of Environmental Agencies, calculated by the questionnaire applied in this institutions, was compared to the indexes of accomplishment of LR. The first surveying of data show that 98.2% of rural properties dont comply with the percentage of 20% of LR fixed in the Federal Law and sustain the initial hypothesis that some regions of the State present lower deficit of protect areas on private ownerships. The analysis demonstrate, instead of the expected, that Production Value of main agricola products and Land Price were not the main determinants of keep vegetation areas in the rural properties. The results also show that high percentage of forestry remnants significantly imply in compliance more effective and the structure and organization of Environmental Agencies dont appear as an essential role in the outcome of LR proceeds of assigned. The main finding of the study is point that main argument used by farming sector, that economic factors mainly affect the decision to keep protected areas as LR, was not support. Other factors, not discussion on this work can explain the variation of LR so, it is essential that more studies treat deeply different aspects of decision to keep protected areas in private lands.

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The theme that compares property rights and rights originating from the indians about the land they traditionally occupy, seeking a historical and interpretative analysis of each of them in order to understand the real intention of the lawgiver and the current adjustment Constitutional and infra constitutional regarding these topics. The work begin with the historical and the political analysis of the laws seeking for property rights and indians' rights. The realized the definition and characterization of each of these topics. Presents legislative, doctrine, jurisprudence and procedural researches , as well as empirical data, aiming to show that the demarcation of Indians lands in the State of MatoGrosso disregarding Constitutional principles analysed through the research, mainly those established at article 5º, XXII and article 231, § 1º of The Federal Constitution of 1988. Demonstrate that infringement to the constitutional principles by demarcation process accomplished by FUNAI culminates with the increase in judicial disputes and quarrel over land in MatoGrosso. This investees of demarcation held in absentia of the indigenous communities themselves, which actually fighting for public policy assistance on the reservations already delimited, and not, for more land.
O tema coteja o direito de propriedade e os direitos originários dos índios sobre as terras que tradicionalmente ocupam. Busca-se uma análise histórica e interpretativa de cada um deles, de forma a se entender a real intenção do legislador e as atuais disposições constitucionais e infraconstitucionais a respeito desses temas. O trabalho parte da análise da história e da política das legislações que contemplam o direito de propriedade e os direitos dos índios. É realizada a definição e a caracterização de cada um desses direitos. São apresentados resultados de pesquisa legislativa, doutrinária, jurisprudencial e processual e dados empíricos, com vistas a demonstrar que as demarcações das terras indígenas no estado de Mato Grosso desrespeitam os ditames constitucionais e infraconstitucionais analisados, em especial aqueles estabelecidos no art. 5º, XXII e no art. 231, § 1º da Constituição Federal de 1988. É demonstrado que a infringência aos ditames constitucionais pelos processos demarcatórios realizados pela FUNAI culmina com o aumento de litígios judiciais e de disputas por terras mato-grossenses.Tais investidas demarcatórias são realizadas à revelia das próprias comunidades indígenas, as quais, na realidade, lutam por políticas públicas de assistência nas reservas já demarcadas, e não, por mais terras.

Profa. Dra. Vanessa Elias de Oliveira
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal do ABC, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Planejamento e Gestão do Território, 2014.
Esta pesquisa apresenta um mapeamento das principais políticas públicas e das relações dos seus respectivos atores governamentais aplicadas às terras públicas federais no Litoral Norte de São Paulo. O objetivo é identificar os principais pontos de conflitos na gestão desses espaços e as dificuldades intersetoriais e intergovernamentais, bem como o entendimento sobre as escalas de poder. Frente a estas questões, a pesquisa elabora algumas hipóteses que podem contribuir para a compreensão das atuais formas de uso e ocupação do solo nos espaços litorâneos.
This research presents a mapping of the main public policies and relations of their respective governmental actors applied to federal public lands in the North Coast of São Paulo. The objective is to identify the main points of conflict in the management of these spaces and intersectoral and intergovernmental difficulties as well as the understanding of the scales of power. From these questions, the research draws some hypotheses that may contribute to the understanding of the current forms of use and occupation of land in the coastal areas.

En Chine, l'Etat reste le seul propriétaire de tous les terrains et par délégation, les collectivités territoriales gèrent elles aussi l'utilisation du foncier. Avant 1987, l'Allocation administrative (Allocation), souvent à titre gratuit, avait été la seule modalité d'offre foncière qui répondait aux demandes des utilisateurs publics. Dès que le droit d'utilisation du sol a pu être transféré légalement à partir de 1987, des réformes successives ont conduit au développement d'un "marché foncier". Le système d'offre foncière se décompose alors en deux modes principaux : le mode d'Allocation et le mode de cession. Les procédures, les acteurs et les utilisateurs agissant sur la dynamique foncière se sont de plus en plus complexifiés. Mais, le manque ou l'inefficacité des outils juridiques et des moyens pour assurer la gestion de la ressource foncière et sécuriser les transactions génèrent beaucoup de désordres et de dysfonctionnements dans le mouvement d'urbanisation accélérée en Chine. L'enjeu de ce travail est d'étudier l'articulation entre d'une part, l'offre foncière et d'autre part, la consommation excessive de terres agricoles, la rénovation totale des quartiers anciens de qualité patrimoniale, la rétention foncière et l'incohérence entre le marché du logement et les besoins fondamentaux résidentiels. Notre méthodologie a consisté en un large inventaire bibliographique pour assimiler les contextes fonciers chinois. Elle s'est aussi appuyée sur des entretiens avec différents acteurs intervenant dans l'urbanisme ainsi que sur des visites de terrains de trois études de cas : Beijing, Shanghai et Xi'an. L'objet de cette thèse est de tenter de comprendre, d'analyser, d'approfondir les fondements des régimes fonciers, et de saisir toute la diversité des situations réelles dans le but de favoriser l'urbanisation et le renouvellement urbain, en Chine, pour le futur. Au cours de cette réflexion, théorique et pratique, et en continuité avec le sujet de notre DEA, nous nous sommes demandé dans quelle mesure la pratique de l'urbanisme en France pouvait faire l'objet de transferts dans les villes chinoises.

Landuse change is occurring across rural Australia with significant implications for rural communities, socially, economically and environmentally. Some of this change is the result of explicit government policy. Policy-driven landuse change has the potential to change landscapes, alter local and regional economies, and change social dynamics. In some cases, the changes that take place are unable to be absorbed by local communities, who may not have the resilience or 'stocks' of social capital to cope with and adapt to the changes. Hence, policy-driven landuse change may threaten the social and economic sustainability of surrounding communities. Alternatively, the change may be 'embraced' by the local community as a positive alteration to the existing economic, social and physical landscape, and can offer economic and social opportunities for communities under pressure from highly variable market and climatic conditions. By synthesising three bodies of literature, and exploring case study evidence, this thesis aims to make both a practical and theoretical contribution, by exploring the conditions under which policy-driven landuse change can contribute to sustainable rural communities. I argue to achieve this, it is necessary to identify and manage social and economic issues associated with landuse change. This study examines two case studies of policy-driven landuse change, and examines the social, economic and institutional issues that have arisen. The knowledge gained from this study will enable policy makers to better implement proposed landuse change to promote opportunities for regional and local communities. The first case study examines the Adjungbilly community near Gundagai and Tumut in NSW. Predominantly a grazing community, the major change in the region is the active, government-sponsored replacement of agricultural landuses with softwood plantations. Large tracts of pastoral land have been purchased and are now being developed as pine plantations. This is having significant impacts on the rural community, resulting in a negative relationship between Forests NSW and the local Adjungbilly community. The second case study examines a rural community within the Bourke district of western NSW. While the region is still dominated by large grazing properties, since 1996 the NSW NPWS have purchased three former grazing properties to create Gundabooka National Park totalling over 60,000 hectares. Gundabooka National Park was proclaimed under a state government initiative to protect natural systems in the Western Division considered under-represented in the reserve system and to protect cultural values. The landuse change in this region is far less visually obvious than that of Adjungbilly, but still represents a significant change in management philosophies, goals and priorities, from one of economic production to one of ecological conservation. In contrast to the Adjungbilly case study, the Bourke community have responded to the transition to national park positively. It is therefore possible to learn from this to better inform the management decisions and philosophies that influence future landuse change decisions. To introduce policy-driven landuse change in a way that contributes to a community's long-term sustainability, and offers economic and social opportunities for the community, this thesis has proposed a community landuse policy approach, combining social impact assessment, public participation, and social capital enhancing strategies into a practical policy framework. This approach is encapsulated within five management philosophies: • Place-based management; • Managing landuse change at a local and regional level; • A triple-bottom-line approach; • Adopting a participatory approach; and • Whole-of-government decision-making. These management philosophies lay the foundations for all decision-making surrounding landuse change. By planning for change, and introducing it in a sensitive manner, communities and governments can influence the social outcomes and the ongoing sustainability of communities. Policy-driven landuse change can, therefore, be a positive experience for communities, enhancing their long-term sustainability.

Aboriginal communities in Canada are increasingly involved in land use planning initiatives to promote community-led economic renewal and advance self-determination. As analyzed by political ecologists elsewhere, international and national civil society organizations are also increasingly important actors in environmental governance in Canada. However, nascent conflicts due to the role of civil society organizations in influencing planning policy development, and its effects on Aboriginal–state relationships, have not yet been explored. Through community-based fieldwork with Pikangikum First Nation, interviews with Provincial Ministries and conservation organizations, and in-depth document analysis, this thesis analyzes the roots of contentious politics for land use planning in the Far North Region of Ontario. Specifically, it analyzes 1) the evolution of land use planning policy development between 1975 and 2010 in the region; 2) the role and strategies of civil society organizations in influencing planning policy development, and 3) the impacts that different planning approaches have for enabling Aboriginal decision-making authority in their territories. Results show that during four different planning processes held between 1975 and 2010, Aboriginal communities and organizations in the Far North actively resisted state-led land use planning and resource allocation, and developed partnerships with the Ontario Government to enable community-led planning in their traditional territories. Since 2008, Aboriginal organizations have condemned new comprehensive legislation for opening the Far North Region to development and setting a restrictive conservation target, without clarifying substantive issues of jurisdictional authority, sharing of resources, and consultation protocols. These changes were the result of international and national civil society organizations's actions to strategically mobilize public and political support. The planning approaches that emerged from different planning policies were found to directly influence how Aboriginal–state relations are developed; who sits at the decision-making table; how resources are distributed; and how knowledge systems are balanced. Without careful attention to how power is distributed across levels of governance and where accountability lies, multi-level governance—and the bridging role that is promoted for civil society organizations—may lead to patterns of scale dominance, and become a way to justify continued control by the state, corporations, and international civil society organizations on Aboriginal territories.

In this thesis I recount the historical relationship between settlement and food lands in Southern Ontario. Informed by landscape and food regime theory, I use a landscape approach to interpret the history of this relationship to deepen our understanding of a pertinent, and historically specific problem of land access for sustainable farming. This thesis presents entrenched barriers to landscape renewal as institutional legacies of various layers of history. It argues that at the moment and for the last century Southern Ontario has had two different, parallel sets of determinants for land-use operating on the same landscape in the form of agricultural policy and urban planning. To the extent that they are not purposefully coordinated, not just with each other but with the social and ecological foundations of our habitation, this is at the root of the problem of land access for sustainable farming.

碩士
國立中正大學
政治學系政府與公共事務碩士在職專班
104
By the end of R.O.C. year 104, overall square of the lands on which the government has initiated urban planning in Taiwan is merely 482,536 acres, while almost eighty-seven percent of the overall area of Taiwan is non-urban land. This study aims to understand the policy regulating the use of non-urban land, the background and the enforcement of the regulation. By a case analysis of farming-and-grazing lands in Tainan City, this study examines whether non-urban land use control policy can direct the reasonable use of arable lands; whether there is a gap between the policy objectives and the status quo; what difficulties rank-and-file personnel experiences, and which is the most difficult, during implementation. Research methodologies were document analysis, secondary data analysis, and in-depth interview. For a static and systematic analysis, this study also used observation to realize the research case and statistics analysis to dissect the environment and structure of arable land management in Tainan City. Generally speaking, the situation of non-urban lands used illegally was more than common. The causes of that situation were several, such as lawbreakers' economic considerations and the lack of legal consciousness. Among all, the main cause which led to an ever-expanding violation of the regulation was ineffective public enforcement due to the pressure of the public opinion to bear on responsible agencies. The result showed that: when executing the policy of non-urban land use, rank-and-file personnel had met many difficulties: people's unfamiliarity with laws, stonewalls by elected officials, the lack of human resources and finances, incompetent investigation, etc. Furthermore, internal problems were no less strenuous. In the beginning, it was arduous to distinguish between responsibility and accountability. Then, punitive administration usually attracted the attention of elected officials. Under the pressure of this attention, it was highly unlikely for executive agencies to succeed without the support of local governors. For instance, the policy of non-urban land use control in Tainan city was hardly able to direct the fair use of arable lands, which completely invalidated the division of specific arable areas and already made the records of land registration inaccurate. Lastly, regulatory capture occurred in various laws under the jurisdiction of competent authorities. The situation in Tainan City was no exception.

The Pitjantjatjara Land Rights Act (PLRA), passed by the Parliament of South Australia in 1981, was a milestone for Indigenous self-determination in Australia and a pinnacle of Anangu/state relations. Although passed under Liberal Premier David Tonkin, the PLRA had its roots in the leadership of Labor’s Don Dunstan, Premier for over a decade until 1979 and before that Aboriginal Affairs Minister. Dunstan’s vision for Indigenous land rights and self-determination for the Anangu Pitjantjatjara Yankunytjatjara (APY) Lands was embraced by both major parties. This historic achievement of communal land title and community self-determination was also the result of a five-year campaign by the Pitjantjatjara Council (PC) formed by Anangu in 1976. The PLRA created Anangu Pitjantjatjara (AP) as the ‘body corporate’ of Traditional Owners (TOs) and, through an elected Executive, empowered Anangu decision-making over development, access and other matters. By 2004 the Rann Labor Government was arguing that self-determination on the APY Lands had failed and seeking to appoint an Administrator to oversee the Lands. Over the next two years, amidst much contestation, Rann gained Opposition support to substantially amend the PLRA. Amendments re-asserted SA Government oversight and control of the Lands through ministerial powers to direct the Executive, or to suspend it and appoint an Administrator, amongst other changes. This thesis is a narrative account and critical analysis of what happened, how and why in the 25 years between the passing of the PLRA 1981 and its amendment into the APYLRA by 2006. It draws on two bodies of social science literature, critical policy analysis and political theory on Indigenous rights. Conceptually it argues that framing is an important part of the policy process. Using interpretative and critical policy thinkers like Colebatch, Bacchi and Fischer, the thesis considers how problems were identified and issues problematized in the politics of policy-making. It locates this discussion within broader questions of recognition, sovereignty, decolonisation and power. The thesis argues that the original policy context for the PLRA sought greater self-determination as justice for Anangu, enhancing the social well-being of their communities and reversing some of the debilitating effects of colonisation. In a very different framing 25 years later, Anangu leadership and governance were blamed for social ills in their communities, such as petrol sniffing. Despite two Coronial Inquests identifying inadequate government service delivery as contributing to the persistence of petrol sniffing on the Lands, the State Government targeted self-determination as the problem. Anangu community-control was pathologised, whereas in 1981 it had been eulogized. Drawing on the work of political theorists Kymlicka, Tully, Taylor and Fraser on minority rights and the politics of recognition, the thesis explores possibilities and limitations of self-determination within the context of the APY Lands. While the 1981 PLRA optimistically promoted Anangu self-determination as a form of internal decolonisation, this thesis argues that policy shifts through to 2006 mark a substantial retreat from the politics of recognition and minority rights.

This work presents an overview of housing at Oak Valley, a remote Aboriginal community in the Maralinga Tjarutja Lands and paints a broad contextual picture of the political processes and resultant housing. It examines specific cultural and environmental issues relevant to the population and remote areas of South Australia, documents the process and structures for the provision of housing and investigates the subsequent housing types
Thesis (M. Env. Stud.) -- University of Adelaide, Mawson Graduate Centre for Environmental Studies, 1999

This work presents an overview of housing at Oak Valley, a remote Aboriginal community in the Maralinga Tjarutja Lands and paints a broad contextual picture of the political processes and resultant housing. It examines specific cultural and environmental issues relevant to the population and remote areas of South Australia, documents the process and structures for the provision of housing and investigates the subsequent housing types
http://proxy.library.adelaide.edu.au/login?url= http://library.adelaide.edu.au/cgi-bin/Pwebrecon.cgi?BBID=679955
Thesis(M. Env. Stud.)--, 1999

Просвіркіна А. О. Політичні та економічні інтереси Китаю у країнах Південної та Західної Африки у ХХІ ст. : кваліфікаційна робота магістра спеціальності 291 "Міжнародні відносини, суспільні комунікації та регіональні студії" / наук. керівник О. М. Маклюк. Запоріжжя : ЗНУ, 2019. 129 с.
UA : Об’єкт дослідження − це особливості взаємовідносин Китаю та країн Африки у ХХІ ст. Предметом дослідження є політичні та економічні інтереси Китаю в країнах Південної та Західної Африки. Мета роботи полягає у розкритті особливостей та перспектив китайсько-африканських взаємовідносин у політичній та економічній сферах у ХХІ ст. Наукова новизна одержаних результатів:узагальнено концептуальні засади зовнішньої політики Китаю в Африці; виявлено загальні риси, специфіка та особливості формування і розвитку відносин між КНР і країнами Західної і Південної Африки; дістало подальший розвиток: розкриття економічних інтересів КНР щодо держав Африки. Основні висновки.У ХХI столітті можна спостерігати, що політичне співробітництво між Китаєм і країнами Африки розвивається в усіх напрямках. Серед причин зацікавленості Китаю в Західній та Південній Африці можна відзначити геополітичний аспект, зокрема уряд КНР здатний посилити свій політичний вплив тільки за рахунок країн, що розвиваються, тим самим підвищивши свою значимість на світовій арені. Поглиблення співробітництва КНР з африканськими країнами супроводжується посиленням китайської військової присутності в регіоні. КНР і країни Африки, повністю відповідають країнам, що будують взаємовигідні відносини. Економічні інтереси Китаю в країнах Західної та Південної Африки пояснюються прагненням керівництва країни створити сприятливі умови для стрімкого економічного зростання КНР за рахунок нових ринків збуту та інвестування. Економічне співробітництво також вигідне для обох сторін. Завдяки фінансовій допомозі КНР економіки багатьох країн Африканського континенту вийшли з депресії і спостерігаються ознаки подальшого економічного зростання, розвивається інфраструктура, підвищується рівень життя населення на континенті.
EN : Object is there are features of relations between China and countries of Africa in the XXI century. The subject is there are political and economic interests of China in the countries of South and West Africa. The purpose of the master's qualification work is revealing the characteristics and prospects of Sino-African relations in political and economic spheres in the XXI century. Scientific novelty of the results obtained:generalized: conceptual principles of China's foreign policy in Africa; revealed common features, specifics and features of the formation and development of relations between the PRC and the countries of West and South Africa; further developed: disclosure of the economic interests of the PRC to the countries of Africa. The main conclusions. In the XXI century, it can be observed that political cooperation between China and African countries is developing in all directions. The reasons for China's interest in West and South Africa are geopolitical, in particular the Chinese government is only able to increase its political influence at the expense of developing countries, thereby increasing its importance in the world stage. The deepening of China's cooperation with African countries is accompanied by an increased Chinese military presence in the region. The PRC and the African countries are fully in line with the countries that build mutually beneficial relations. China's economic interests in Western and Southern Africa are explained by the desire of the country's leadership to create favorable conditions for the rapid economic growth of the PRC at the expense of new markets and investment. Economic cooperation is also beneficial for both parties. Due to financial assistance from the PRC, economies in many countries in the African continent are depressed and there are signs of further economic growth, infrastructure is developing, and the standard of living of the continent is increasing.
DE : Die Aktualität der Forschung. Die wichtige Stelle in der Außenpolitik der Chinesischen Volksrepublik (der Volksrepublik China) nehmen die Länder «der dritten Welt» ein. Im März 2004 hat die neue Führung erklärt, dass ein zentraler Punktin der Außenpolitik der Volksrepublik China die Bildung «der harmonischen Welt» ist. Aus diesem Grund führt China die aktive Arbeit durch, die auf die Entwicklung der Kontakte mit anderen Ländern in den politischen, wirtschafts technischen und kulturellen Sphären gerichtetist. China hat die breiten politischen Interessen auf dem Afrikanischen Kontinent undrealisiert die konsequentePolitik in dieser Richtung. So hat am 12. Januar 2006 die Regierung der Volksrepublik China das politische strategische Dokument «Die Politik Chinas in Bezug auf Afrika» veröffentlicht, in dem die Ziele und der Inhalt der Politik der Volksrepublik China über die Beziehungen mit den Staaten des Afrikanischen Kontinentes dargelegt waren. Es war das erste politische strategische Dokument, das von der Regierung der Volksrepublik China für die Beziehungen mit den Staaten Afrikas veröffentlicht ist. Für heute verwandelt sich China in den wichtigen Teilnehmerdes internationalen Konkurrenzkampfesfür den Einfluss auf dem Kontinent. Die Strategie, die Formen und die Instrumente der Außenpolitik Chinas in Afrika fordern die komplexe Forschung und bilden das wissenschaftliche und angewandte Interesse für die Prognostizierung der Vektoren der strategischen Entwicklung derpolitischen und wirtschaftlichen Prozesse in der Welt. Teilnahme Chinasan ihrer Entwicklung. Ab 2009 ist China der Haupthandelspartner und eine der führenden Spender und der Investoren Afrikas. Jedoch haben die Wirtschaftsbeziehungen Chinas mit den afrikanischen Ländern auch die negativen Aspekte, unter anderem die Massenmigration der Bürger Chinas, das großzügige Abholzen der Wälder, der Überfüllung des afrikanischen Marktes von den chinesischen Waren. China betrachtet die Länder südlich und westlich in erster Linie als Lieferanten der Naturschätze und des Territoriumsfür die Realisierung derStrategie der Internationalisierung des chinesischen Business. Für die Länder Afrikas die Beziehungen mit China waren vom Gesichtspunkt des Importes der Waren, der neuen Technologien und der Produktion mit dem hohen Niveau des Bruttomehrwertes, der Infrastrukturprojekte, der Entwicklung der Landwirtschaft, der verarbeitenden Industrie wichtig. Die angebotene Forschung ist der Analyse der chinesisch-afrikanischen Zusammenarbeit und der Ermittlung der Charakteristiken der politischen und Wirtschaftsinteressen Chinas in den Ländern Süd- und Westlichen Afrikas im XXI Jahrhundert gewidmet. Das Objekt der Forschungist die Besonderheit der Wechselbeziehungen Chinas und der Länder Afrikas im XXI. Jahrhundert. Der Gegenstand der Forschung sind die politischen und Wirtschaftsinteressen Chinas in den Ländern Süd - und Westlichen Afrikas. Das Ziel der Forschung besteht im Öffnen der Besonderheiten und der Perspektiven der chinesische-afrikanischen Beziehungen in den politischen und Wirtschaftssphären im XXI Jahrhundert. Für die Errungenschaft des gestellten Ziels waren in der Forscung die folgenden Aufgabengestellt: — das Wesendernationalen, politischen und Wirtschaftsinteressen der Subjekte | der internationalen Beziehungen unter den Bedingungen der Globalisierung zu öffnen; — die Besonderheiten der Wechselbeziehungen Chinas und der Länder Afrikas im Kontext der Prioritäten der chinesischen Außenpolitik abzufassen; — den Charakter der chinesische-afrikanischen Beziehungen zu bestimmen; — die Besonderheiten und die Dynamik der wirtschaftlichen Zusammenarbeit zu analysieren; — die Richtungen und die Perspektiven der Innovativen, der Infrastruktur und der energetischen chinesisch-afrikanischen Beziehungen aufzuklären; — die Entwicklung der chinesische-afrikanischen Wirtschaftszusammenarbeit zu bestimmen. Der chronologische Arbeitsumfangerstreckt sich über den Zeitraum 2001 bis 2018. Die untere Auswahlgrenze ergibt sich aus der Tatsache, dass im Jahr 2001 das Forum für China-Afrika-Zusammenarbeit FOCAC umgesetzt wurde, auf dessen Grundlage die Erklärung von Peking zum China-Forum verabschiedet wurde. Chinesisch-afrikanische Zusammenarbeit und das chinesisch-afrikanische Programm für wirtschaftliche und soziale Entwicklung. Das Forum beschleunigte den Handel, die Investitionen und den Kreditfluss zwischen China und Afrika. Die obere Grenze des chronologischen Rahmenserklärt sich aus der Tatsache, dass 2018 das Jahr von Peking großen internationalen Initiativen ist (Seidenstraße und Seeseidenstraße). Die geographischen Rahmenerfassen das Territorium der Länder Afrikas, und zwar die besondere Aufmerksamkeit war dem subregionalen System der Region Süd- und Westlichen Afrikas zugeteilt. Die wissenschaftliche Neuheit. Verallgemeinert: die begrifflichen Grundlagen der Außenpolitik Chinas in Afrika; es sind die allgemeinen Striche, die Besonderheit und die Besonderheiten der Bildung und der Entwicklung der Beziehungen zwischen der Volksrepublik China und den Ländern West und Südafrikas enthüllt; hat die weitere Entwicklung bekommen: das Öffnen der Wirtschaftsinteressen der Volksrepublik China in Bezug auf die Staaten Afrikas. Die ganze außenpolitische Tätigkeit der Staaten wird vor allem im Streben ausprägt, die nationalen Interessen zu verteidigen. Unter den nationalen Interessen versteht man vorzugsweise die Interessen des Staates. Die Bildung des nationalen Interesses sieht die Vereinbarung der Interessenaller Bürger des Landesvor, obwohl manchmal es auf die Berücksichtigung der Meinung der zahlreichsten sozialen Gruppen zurückgeführt wird. Die bedeutenden Nutzungsdauern in der Sphäre der Koordination des nationalenInteresses hat die Schule «des politischen Realismus». Das traditionell nationale Interesse nimmt drei Hauptelemente auf: die Militärsicherheit; das Wirtschaftsblühen und die Entwicklung; die Staatshoheit wie die Grundlage der Kontrolle über einem bestimmten Territorium und der Bevölkerung. Zu Beginn des 21. Jahrhunderts erlebte Chinas außen- und außenwirtschaftlicher Kurs Veränderungen, die durch den Wunsch Chinasausgelöst wurden, seinen Status in der Welt zu stärken und seine wirtschaftliche Stärke zu steigern. Im März 2004 erklärte die neue Führung zunehmend, das Kernstück der chinesischen Außenpolitik sei die Schaffung einer "harmonischen Welt", die die außenpolitische Strategie der Beziehungen Chinas zu anderen Ländern definiere. Die wichtige Stelle in der Außenpolitik der Volksrepublik China nehmen die Länder «der dritten Welt», unter anderem die Länder Süd — und Westlichen Afrikasein. Die Besonderheit der Beziehungen zwischen China und den afrikanischen Ländern ist eine klare Institutionalisierung und deren formale Gestaltung. Bei der ersten Konferenz waren «das Programm der chinesische-afrikanischen Zusammenarbeit in der Wirtschaft - und sozialen Entwicklung»; und «die Pekinger Deklaration» übernommen. Auch war in 2006 «die Deklaration über die strategische Partnerschaft» übernommen, die die Prinzipien der vielseitigen Diplomatie und der Realisierung der Reformen der UNO unddesSicherheitsrats berührt. Noch eine der Erscheinungsformen Institutionalisierung der chinesische-afrikanischen Zusammenarbeit ist «das Dokument von der Politik Chinas in Bezug auf Afrika». Im gegebenen Dokument sind die konkreten Mechanismen der strategischen Zusammenarbeit zwischen China und den afrikanischen Staaten angegeben. Im Dokument hat die Führung der Volksrepublik China angeboten, das politische gegenseitige Vertrauen zu festigen, den beiderseitig vorteilhaften Charakter der wirtschaftlichen Zusammenarbeit auszudehnen, die Bedeutung der gegenseitigen Entlehnung auf dem Gebiet der Kultur beizumessen, die Wechselwirkung in der Sicherheitssphäre zu verstärken und die enge Koordination in den internationalen Fragen einzustellen. 2007 wurde der China-Afrika Development Fund, Chinas größter Private-Equity-Fonds gegründet, der sich auf die Stimulierung, Förderung und Gewinnungchinesischer Investitionen nach Afrika spezialisiert hat. Vorteil der chinesischen Diplomatie in Bezug auf Afrika, ist die Nutzung der These über die Gemeinsamkeit des historischen Schicksals Chinas und Afrikas. Dies impliziert eine lästige und demütigende Abhängigkeit von den europäischen Mächten während ihrer Kolonialherrschaft, die sowohl Chinaals auch Afrika großen Schaden zufügte und ihre Entwicklung erheblich behinderte. Die chinesische Führung hat diese These bereits genutzt, um die Kontakte zu afrikanischen Ländern zu vertiefen und die nationalen Gefühle der Afrikaner weiterhin gekonnt zu manipulieren, sich mit ihnen gleichzusetzen und sie mit den USA und Europa zu kontrastieren. Am 4. Dezember 2015 wurde während des 5. Gipfeltreffens des chinesischafrikanischen Kooperationsforums ein neues Weißbuch veröffentlicht, das fünf Abschnitte umfasste: Aufbau und Entwicklung umfassender strategischer Partnerschaftsbeziehungen, Chinas außenpolitischer Vektor, 4 Hieroglyphen: echte (&), praktische (®), enge (i#) und aufrichtige (X), «Gewährleistung der umfassenden Entwicklung der chinesisch-afrikanischen Beziehungen», «ein Forum und andere regionale Organisationen Afrikas», «Ort der regionalen Organisationen in der chinesisch-afrikanischen Zusammenarbeit». Zusätzlich zu den fünf Kapiteln enthält das Weißbuch sieben Schlüsselbereiche, die die Grundlage für die Entwicklung der chinesisch-afrikanischen Beziehungenbilden sollten: die Stärkung des politischen Vertrauens, die Vertiefung der Zusammenarbeit in internationalen Angelegenheiten, die Vertiefung der handelspolitischen und wirtschaftlichen Zusammenarbeit, die Stärkung der bilateralen Entwicklungszusammenarbeit, die Vertiefung und die Ausweitung des Austauschs und der Zusammenarbeit im humanitären Bereich, die Förderung von Frieden und Sicherheit in Afrika, die Intensivierung des Austauschs und der Zusammenarbeit in konsularischen Fragen von Migranten sowie im Bereich von Recht und Strafverfolgung und andere Strukturen. Eine wichtige Komponente der wirtschaftlichen und politischen Entwicklung zwischen Volksrepublik China (der Volksrepublik China) und den Staaten des Afrikanischen Kontinentes ist das Forum der chinesische-afrikanischen Zusammenarbeit (FOKAS). Die dritte Besonderheit der Wechselbeziehungen Chinas und Afrikas ist das Streben der chinesischen Führung, die positive Weise der Volksrepublik China wie in der Welt, als auch auf dem Afrikanischen Kontinent unter anderem zu schaffen. Seit Beginn des 21. Jahrhunderts hat die chinesische Regierung den Begriff "soft power" zunehmendals Einflussmittel in afrikanischen Ländern eingesetzt. China hat seine kulturellen und erzieherischen Aktivitäten verstärkt und arbeitet daran, die humanitäre Zusammenarbeit zu unterstützen. Die Vertiefung der Zusammenarbeit der Volksrepublik China mit den afrikanischen Ländern wird von der Verstärkung der chinesischen Militäranwesenheit in der Region begleitet. Insbesondere chinesisches Militärpersonal war an friedenserhaltenden Einsätzen in der Westsahara, in Sierra Leone, im Sudan,in Mali und in der Elfenbeinküste beteiligt. Ab März 2017 nahmen mehr als 2,5 Tausend chinesische Militärangehörige, Polizisten und Militärangehörige an den Friedensmissionen der Vereinten Nationen auf dem afrikanischen Kontinentteil. Formal ist die Intensivierung der Sicherheitskooperation durch die Notwendigkeit gerechtfertigt, wirtschaftliche Positionen und chinesische Investitionen vor allen Arten von Exzessen wie plötzlichen Bürgerkriegen, Aufständen oder einfach den Aktivitäten verschiedener Arten von Terrororganisationen zu schützen. In solchen Fällen werden jedoch, private Militärunternehmen verwendet. Im 21. Jahrhundert ist zu beobachten, dass sich die politische Zusammenarbeit zwischen China und den afrikanischen Ländern in alle Richtungen entwickelt. Überhaupt, ist es möglich zu sagen, dass man unter den Gründen des Interesses Chinas in Afrika den geopolitischen Aspekt bemerken kann, unter anderem ist die Regierung der Volksrepublik China fähig, den politischen Einfluss nur auf Kosten von den sich entwickelnden Ländern zu verstärken, die Bedeutsamkeit auf der weltweiten Arena dadurch erhöht. Die Vertiefung der Zusammenarbeit der Volksrepublik China mit den afrikanischen Ländern wird von der Verstärkung der chinesischen Militäranwesenheit in der Region begleitet. Die China und die afrikanischen Länder stimmenvoll und ganz mit den Ländern überein, die für beide Seiten vorteilhafte Beziehungen aufbauen. Es ist erwähnenswert, dass China die wirtschaftlichen Interessen in den Vordergrund stellt. Entsprechend den verfolgten wirtschaftlichen Zielen passt die chinesische Führung ihre Außen- und Außenwirtschaftspolitik an. Auf diese Weise möchte China Zugang zur Energie- und Mineralressourcen des afrikanischen Kontinents erhalten und eine kontinuierliche Versorgung mit Rohstoffen nach China sicherstellen, um den Bedürfnissen der schnell wachsenden chinesischen Wirtschaft gerecht zu werden. Wichtig ist, dass China seit 2009 ein wichtiger Handelspartner und einer der führenden Geber und Investoren Afrikas ist. Führende afrikanische Handelspartner Chinas sind Südafrika, Angola und Nigeria. Einige afrikanische Länder haben im Handel mit China auf RMB umgestellt: Es wurde berichtet, dass fast 40% des chinesisch-afrikanischen Handels in chinesischer Währung getätigt wurden. Die afrikanischen Länder sind für die chinesischen Unternehmer in erster Linie wegen der niedrigen Konkurrenz und den Hochbedarf auf die chinesische Produktion sehr attraktiv. Im Jahr 2017 belief sich Chinas bilateraler Handel mit afrikanischen Ländern auf 170 Milliarden US-Dollar. Hervorzuhebenist, dass der afrikanische Kontinent seit langem ein attraktiver Ort für Auslandsinvestitionen ist. Ein wichtiger Bestandteil der chinesischafrikanischen wirtschaftlichen Zusammenarbeit ist die Hilfe Chinas für Afrika. China ist in erster Linie bestrebt, Afrika nicht nur zu finanzieren, um die Entwicklung der Region zu unterstützen, sondern auch, um davon zu profitieren. Dies spiegelt sich hauptsächlich in höheren Investitionen und in der Bereitstellung von Krediten wider. Vorzugsweise es wird gezeigt, in der Erhöhung der Umfänge der Investition, sowie in der Überlassung der Kredite. Die Investitionen der chinesischen Unternehmen,die zu Afrika angelegt werden, vergrößern den Umfang des chinesische-afrikanischen Handels, schaffen die günstigen Bedingungenfür die privaten afrikanischen Unternehmen und fördern die Einkäufe der chinesischen Ausrüstung und der Technik. Die chinesischen Unternehmeninvestieren die Mittel in die Rohstoffzweige, in die Energetik, Kommunikation — und die Informationstechnologien, die Objekte der Infrastruktur und den Transport. Im Dezember 2015 gab Xi Jinping bekannt, dass China weitere 10 Milliarden US-Dollar zum China-Afrika Development Fund beitragen wird, der zur Unterstützung von in Afrika tätigen chinesischen Unternehmeneingerichtet wurde. Laut seinem Leiter hat der Fond in 87 Projekte in 36 Ländern für mehr als 3,5 Milliarden US-Dollar investiert. Die wichtigste Finanzierungsquelle für Afrika ist die Export-Import-Bank von China (Eximbank): In den Jahren 2000-2015 gewährte sie fast allen afrikanischen Ländern Kredite in Höhe von insgesamt 63 Mrd. USD. USA. Ab 2016 veröffentlichte die China-Afrika Research Initiative (CARI) der Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS) die Ergebnisse von Studien zu chinesischen Darlehen an Afrika von 2000 bis 2014. Chinesische Banken, Unternehmen und Regierungen stellen Afrika über 80 Milliarden USDollar zur Verfügung. Die größten Empfänger waren Angola (21,2 Mrd. USD), Äthiopien (12 Mrd. USD), gefolgt von Kenia, Sudan (5 Mrd. USD). Die Hauptempfänger von Finanzmitteln sind also nicht unbedingt die Eigentümer von Öl und Mineralien des Landes: die Ersten auf der Liste — das ölreiche Angola, gefolgt von den armen Rohstoffen Äthiopiens. Zur gleichen Zeit gingen chinesische Kredite an den Kontinent mehr in den Bau von Infrastrukturen — Straßen und Eisenbahnen, Elektrifizierung usw. - als in die Produktion von Kohlenwasserstoffen und Mineralien. Da Chinasich nicht in die politischen Fragen der Länder einmischte, keine Systeme auferlegte, keine spezifischen Anforderungenan die afrikanischen Länder im Austausch für Investitionsunterstützung stellte, trug es zur Zustimmung und besseren Wahl Chinas als Investor und Verbündeter der afrikanischen Länder bei. Wenn China im Laufe der Zeit anfänglich starke Beziehungen zu afrikanischen Staaten aufbaute und nicht nur das Kolonisationsprinzip der europäischen Länder kritisierte, wurde dies aus zwei Gründenvorteilhaft: die Stärkung der Beziehungen zu einem großen Pool afrikanischer Länder(als führender Entwicklungsländer) und die «Eroberung» von Schwellenländern, Rohstoffen und Humanressourcen. Es ist zu erwarten, dass China, gesättigt mit den Investitionen der afrikanischen Länder, das BIP dieser Länder steigern wird. Die aktive Anlagepolitik ist eine Grundlage der Erdölstrategie Chinas in Afrika. China hat bereits 30 Milliarden US-Dollar in die Entwicklung der Öl- und Gasindustrie und der damit verbundenenInfrastruktur des Kontinents investiert. Um die Handels- und Wirtschaftsbeziehungen zu stärken, nutzt China ein Kredit- / Infrastrukturprogramm im Austausch gegen Rohstoffe. Von China gewährte Kredite werden zurückgezahlt, wenn verschiedene Rohstoffe wie Öl, Bauxit usw. geliefert werden. Der Zinssatz für Kredite ist sehr niedrig (in der Regel 1,25-1,5%), wobei nach den Vereinbarungen etwa 70% des Kredits für den Kauf von Ausrüstungsgegenstäinden und die Bezahlung von Dienstleistungen für Unternehmenin der VR China aufgewendet werden. Am häufigsten werden Kredite für den Bau von Infrastruktur verwendet.