Journal articles on the topic 'Land grants (Railroad) United States'

Near the end of the nineteenth century, English scholar James Bryce criticized Western railroad land grants as “often improvident” and as giving “rise to endless lobbying and intrigue, first to secure them, then to keep them from being declared forfeited in respect of some breach of the conditions imposed by Congress on the company.” Bryce also observed the extent to which grants of land to railroads allowed the beneficiary companies to exercise great power not only through their role as carriers of people and commerce, but also through their role as large landowners. This, he noted, brought them “yet another source of wealth and power” and “brought them into intimate and often perilously delicate relations with leading politicians.” From the perspective of the so-called “railroad tycoons” and their financial backers, the land grants became sources of wealth and power independent of and sometimes contrary to the interests of the railroad corporations themselves as carriers. Whereas Congress intended the railroad land grants to serve as a means to the end of railroad construction and the settlement of the federal government's expansive public domain, the railroads came to see them as an end in themselves: as independent sources of wealth and power.

Unlike most companies, the major railroads in the United States have proven highly resilient to the vicissi- tudes of the market. We argue that this is due neither to the unique nature of rail haulage nor to superior management acumen. Rather this solidity is due to an immense wealth transfer to the railroads in the nine- teenth century that has dramatic impacts in the present. Moreover, the government protection and encouragement that rail grants represent did not end in the nineteenth century. It continues and represents an intangible asset that, while not on railroads’ balance sheet, is very real indeed.

In June 1954 Nevada became the twenty-ninth oil-producing state in the United States (Picard 1955). Interestingly, production was from volcanic rocks from the open-hole interval 6,450 to 6,730 ft (1,966 to 2,051 m) in the Oligocene Garrett Ranch volcanics, an unexpected reservoir in the kind of rocks rarely productive anywhere in the world. The pour-point (65-80° F) and gravity (26-29° API) of the crude were high, similar to oils found in the Eocene Green River Formation of the Uinta Basin, northeast Utah. Cumulative production in the field through September 1978 was 3.3 million barrels of oil. An early estimate of ultimate primary reserves was four million barrels of oil (Bortz and Murray, 1979). The trap is a faulted truncated wedge of Oligocene and Cretaceous-Eocene rocks with a top seal of impermeable valley fill, a bottom seal of Paleozoic rocks, and an east-side seal formed by a basin boundary fault and impermeable Paleozoic rocks. The new field in Railroad Valley of east-central Nevada, finally totaling fourteen producing wells, was called Eagle Springs after the locality and the name of the discovery well drilled by the Shell Oil Company. Twenty-two years after the Eagle Springs discovery a larger oil field, Trap Spring, was discovered by Northwest Exploration Company less than ten miles west of Eagle Springs, in Tertiary ash-flow tuffs. Two hundred dry holes had been drilled in Nevada between the two discoveries. In 1982, six years after the Trap Spring discovery, Amoco Production Company drilled the first well outside of Railroad Valley at Blackburn field on the east side of Pine Valley in Eureka County. Blackburn, a structural trap above a Tertiary low-angle extensional fault, produces from Devonian reservoirs. In 1983, Northwest Production brought in the Grant Canyon field about 10 mi (6 km) south of Eagle Springs. The oil reservoir of Devonian carbonates there is entrapped in a ‘buried-hill’. The discovery in 2004 of the Covenant field in Central Utah, because of similarities to large oil fields in the thrust belt of Wyoming and Utah and some resemblance to the Nevada fields of the Great Basin, ignited a frenzy of leasing which still goes on when land is available. Located along the thrust-belt (hingeline), Covenant produces oil from the Jurassic Navajo Sandstone that apparently originated in the Paleozoic.

The United States has for long had the world's premier system of higher education. No other country has anything that comes close to our major research universities (whether they be private or public), and that includes our international competitors, Germany and Japan. Our society expects a lot of our universities, and much more than other countries expect of theirs. For example, we were the only country in the world that turned to our universities (and especially to our land grants) to deliver an important part of our foreign policy in the form of economic and technical assistance to the developing countries.

Governments frequently establish institutions to govern the transition in property rights when they acquire territory or experience radical changes in political regimes. By examining a specific example—the United States' acquisition of California from Mexico in 1848, this article investigates general questions about these institutions and institutional choice. The article fmds that the specific institution that Congress chose for California best balanced the interests of the federal government, American owners of land grants, and American squatters and settlers. Further, despite the lobbying, litigation, and delay associated with the institution, the institution was more efficient than prior institutions.

Abstract In the decade before the California Gold Rush, the popular idea that Americans held a natural right to land as a legacy of the American Revolution was enriched and expanded by such events as the Dorr Rebellion in Rhode Island, the Anti-Rent War in New York, the flood of Irish refugees into New York City, growing opposition to the expansion of slavery into new territories acquired during the war with Mexico, and the Revolution of 1848 in Europe. These events strengthened popular sovereignty and the notion that human beings had rights that transcended those defined by legislatures, courts, or even constitutions. They also promoted a new discussion of how values within the United States differed from those in Europe--where land was scarce and served as the foundation for aristocratic regimes and sharp class differences. The squatter was a ubiquitous figure on every frontier of the United States, but none more than California, where both town sites and agricultural land were covered by Mexican land grants that took decades to define and confirm. This article tells the story of how powerful forces in California undermined squatter rights--and the heritage of the American Revolution as well.

Abstract At the end of the Mexican-American War in 1848, the United States annexed what had been the Mexican Department of New Mexico, and as it did, it absorbed millions of acres of agro-pastoral land whose parcels had been under a communal system of ownership by Mexican citizen-villagers. From the heirs’ point of view, the subsequent American system of adjudicating ownership of these traditional properties proved inadequate, leading to the loss of two-thirds of their commons to American land speculators and the U. S. National Forest. Like the Native Americans, the heirs of these grants have long seethed in resentment over the steady erosion of their hold on their traditional lands and culture. This article outlines the processes of despoliation of the land grants from their original owners, and, more centrally, suggests the historical cycles of collective struggle that the heirs have mounted since the 1840s in order to retain and wrest back their commons, as well as organize the grants that they have been able to secure. A stubborn land-grant movement has gone through various forms of collective action including clandestine violence, protest confrontation, legal strategies, and political lobbying. In the most recent phase, activists have hopeful signs that the U.S. Congress is ready to respond to their demand for return of commons now under federal jurisdiction.

This article tells you that how the slavery system flourished in America and the impact of slavery system in America. Slavery system in America started when Christopher Columbus discovered America in the year 1492. In 1508 the first colony settlement was established by Ponce de Leon in Samjuan. The first African slaves arrived in South Carolina in 1526. During the 16th and 17th century the city St. Augustine was the Hub of the slave trade. Once Britishers established colonies in America, they started importing slaves from Africa. At one point Mary land and Virginia full of African slaves. After the discovery America Britishers came to know that America is suitable for cotton cultivation so they dawned with an idea that for cultivating cotton in America, Africans are the most eligible persons. On the other hand Britishers believed that Africans know the methods of cultivation and they are efficient labours. So they brought African through the Atlantic slave trade to work in cotton plantation. The amounts of slaves were greatly increased because of rapid expansion of the cotton industry. At the beginning of 17th century Britishers were cultivating only cotton and later on they invented the cotton gin. The invention of the cotton gin demanded more manpower and they started importing more slaves from Africa.At the same time southern part of America continued as slave societies and attempted to extend slavery into the western territories to keep their political share in the nation. During this time the United States became more polarized over the issue of slavery split into slaves and free states. Due to this in Virginia and Maryland a new community of African and American culture developed. As the United States expanded southern states, have to maintain a balance between the number slave and free state to maintain political power in the united states senate.

The legal status of the Chagos archipelago is complex because it is of a hybrid nature: it is under the sovereignty of the United Kingdom which grants rights at sea to Mauritius, and on land to the United States (Diego Garcia). This case is also important because it is not easy to have two divergent preoccupations: the protection of the environment in the face of the rights of Chagossians and environmental sustainability in the face of equity and human rights. This case was first submitted to the Permanent Court of Arbitration (PCA), before the UN General Assembly had asked the International Court of Justice (ICJ) about the claims that the PCA declared it lacked jurisdiction to answer.

The land grant system is a value-added infrastructure, designed to extend the boundaries of traditional colleges and universities to bring science to bear on the pressing needs and problems of underserved citizens and communities. With supplemental resources to support mission-oriented research and outreach, the system has addressed a market failure in higher education. It has been a key asset in achieving for the United States a vibrant agricultural economy, a prominent position in world trade, significant rural development, healthy families and communities, and the increasingly sustainable natural resource base that are characteristic of “the great American Society.” This paper explores some of the recent challenges facing the land grant system, provides a framework for examining these challenges, and stresses the need for a new cadre of “land grant economists” to provide leadership as land grants struggle to identify new visions, missions, programs, and innovations that would serve as the bedrock of a new system. Selected areas of emerging opportunities for land grant intervention are also identified.

The author looks back at the dramatic events that gripped the nation in the spring of 1946 when the country’s two most powerful railroad unions, the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers and the Brotherhood of Railway Trainmen, declared a strike and, within hours, 250,000 members had walked off their jobs. Reaction to the strike on the part of President Harry Truman was swift and dramatic. While never granted, his request to Congress for emergency executive power to draft the striking workers into the army remains to this day the single most radical proposal ever publicly made by any American President in relation to a lawfully organized labor action. The outrage of the Congress to the strike resulted in the passage of the Hartley Act in 1947, a harsh anti-labor legislation that redefined the relationship between labor and the United States government and whose effects reverberate to this day. Sixty three years after its passage, it remains the law of the land.

The right to own property is an intrinsic human right that grants ownership and enjoyment to the landowners. The right to property is not absolute, however, because it is subject to the state's authority to acquire the private land. Land acquisition, as the term implies, is the power given to the state to acquire any privately owned land for a public purpose in consideration for adequate compensation.[1] Land acquisition is a critical development tool for the state to overcome the land scarcity when it is required to establish railways, airports or any infrastructure for the public good. On the other hand, land acquisition is a labourious process affecting a wide range of stakeholders. It often involves competing interests between the state (representing the general public) and impacted persons towards their private property. As a result, the land acquisition regime is ostensibly a way of balancing competing interests. However, many countries especially developing nations are having difficulties in striking a balance between public and private interests due to a lack of legal protection and a traditional top-down approach by the state's government branches.[2] This article analyses the approaches taken by the United States, Australia and Malaysia in maintaining the balance in land acquisition. The methodology employed in this study is primarily focused on comparative legal analysis. Present research has shown that, there is little attention given to the balance of rights between the public and private interests in Malaysian land acquisition laws. [1] Keith, Simon, Patrick McAuslan, Rachael Knight, Jonathon Lindsay, Paul Munro-Faure, David Palmer, and L. Spannenberg, "Compulsory acquisition of land and compensation," FAO Land Tenure Studies, 10 (2008): 7-8. [2] See generally, Ghimire, Subash, Arbind Tuladhar, and Sagar Raj Sharma. "Governance in land acquisition and compensation for infrastructure development." American Journal of Civil Engineering 5, no. 3 (2017): 169-178; Rose, Hadley, Frank Mugisha, Andrews Kananga, and Daniel Clay. "Implementation of Rwanda’s Expropriation Law and Its Outcomes on the Population." In Proceedings of the Annual World Bank Conference on Land and Poverty, Washington, DC, USA, (2016): 14-18.

The story of the Issei — the 100,000 Japanese immigrants who traveled to Hawaii and the United States during the turn of the 20th century — is an epic of survival amid hardship. Through the efforts of labor contractors backed by the Japanese consulate, the majority of the newcomers were recruited to undertake heavy labor on Hawaiian plantations. Others settled on the mainland, predominantly on the nation's Pacific Coast, where they worked as farmers, fishermen, railroad workers, and agricultural laborers. Smaller contingents of students, artists, and professionals also crossed the ocean and scattered through the United States. As the immigrants became established, many brought over “picture bride” wives and started families. Through careful saving of wages and communal self-help, numerous immigrant laborers bought farms and established small businesses, churches, and community institutions. At the same time, they were victimized by widespread racial prejudice and discriminatory legislation. Like other Asian immigrants, they were barred from naturalization by federal law, and therefore from voting, and in many states the Issei were forbidden to marry whites or to practice certain professions. In Hawaii, the white planter class limited educational opportunity and kept Issei in menial labor positions. On the West Coast, white laborers and political leaders, who rigidly excluded Asian workers from unions, organized movements to exclude the Issei from residence on the grounds that they depressed wage scales through their willingness to work for lower pay. Following the “Gentlemen's Agreement” of 1907–8, the entry of Japanese laborers into the country was largely restricted. Shortly thereafter, in response to demands by white farmers enraged by competition from their Issei counterparts, California and neighboring states enacted alien land acts, which forbade all Japanese and other “immigrants ineligible to citizenship” from owning agricultural land. As a result, the Issei were forced to take short-term leases on land or to put their holdings in the names of white colleagues or of their own children, the Nisei (American-born citizens of Japanese ancestry). Exclusionist pressure, founded on nativist opposition to the alleged racial danger posed by the Issei to the American population, flared up again following World War I and climaxed in the Immigration Act of 1924, which outlawed all Japanese immigration to the United States.

El artículo analiza la forma en que empresas tanto de México como de Estados Unidos se articularon para negociar con los gobiernos de ambos países y aprovechar las coyunturas legales para abrir tierras al cultivo en los valles de Imperial y Mexicali. En él, se afirma y se demuestra que es falso que la Colorado River Land Company fuera la empresa que dominara el valle de Mexicali y se ubica su participación en un contexto más amplio. También se explica la situación de la empresa del ferrocarril Southern Pacific en ambos lados de la frontera. Y, sobre todo, se analiza cómo, por qué y para qué se organizaron empresas mexicanas integradas por estadounidenses. This article analyzes the way in which companies in both Mexico and the United States were assembled to negotiate with the governments of both countries and to take advantage of legal situations in order to open land for cultivation in the Imperial and Mexicali valleys. The article affirms and demonstrates that it is false that the Colorado River Land Company was the business that dominated the Mexicali Valley and its participation is placed in a broader context. Additionally, the article explains the situation of the Southern Pacific Railroad company on both sides of the border. Above all, it analyzes how, why, and for what purpose Mexican companies were organized and incorporated by U.S. companies.

AbstractThis article examines a back-to-Africa movement from early twentieth-century Cuba. The leader, William George Emanuel, arrived in Cuba from Antigua in 1894, and over the next several years, he worked to unite thecabildos de naciónandsociedades de coloron the island. After independence in 1898, Emanuel and his followers rejected Cuban citizenship and began petitioning Britain, the United States, Belgium, and the Gold Coast for land grants in West and Central Africa. Each petition, however, told a different story. Emanuel skillfully tailored his appeals according to his audience, variously claiming that he and his followers were “British,” “African,” “Congolese,” or “Mina,” among other identities. Anticipating the rise of Marcus Garvey by over a decade, Emanuel's campaign reveals an overlooked pan-Africanist strand in the typical narrative for this period of Cuban history. Drawing mainly on the petitions themselves, the article analyzes how Emanuel blended the languages of empire, nation, race, and ethnicity to create a dynamic pan-African identity. More generally, the article demonstrates how marginalized groups have long negotiated the boundaries of identity in the pursuit of belonging.

In contrast to the United States, where there is little or no public financing of parties and candidates below the presidential level, the German “party state” grants generous subsidies in a variety of forms to the political parties, though not to individual candidates. The German Basic Law (constitution), various laws passed by the national and Land (state) parliaments, and the Federal Constitutional Court have been important factors in the development of a complex and costly system of public financing for election campaigns, parliamentary parties and party foundations and for free television and radio time and billboard advertising space. In addition, the federal government incurs large tax expenditures through the encouragement of tax deductible contributions to political parties. In spite of the crucial role which public financing has assumed, recent scandals have occurred involving illegal contributions from business interests. A revised party law of 1984 and a Federal Constitutional Court decision in July 1986 have brought about significant changes, but controversy in Germany over public financing and the impact of recent reforms continues.

Dendroecological techniques were applied to reconstruct stand-replacing fire history in upper montane forests in northern New Mexico and southern Colorado. Fourteen stand-replacing fires were dated to 8 unique fire years (1842–1901) using four lines of evidence at each of 12 sites within the upper Rio Grande Basin. The four lines of evidence were (i) quaking aspen ( Populus tremuloides Michx.) inner-ring dates, (ii) fire-killed conifer bark-ring dates, (iii) tree-ring width changes or other morphological indicators of injury, and (iv) fire scars. The annual precision of dating allowed the identification of synchronous stand-replacing fire years among the sites, and co-occurrence with regional surface fire events previously reconstructed from a network of fire scar collections in lower elevation pine forests across the southwestern United States. Nearly all of the synchronous stand-replacing and surface fire years coincided with severe droughts, because climate variability created regional conditions where stand-replacing fires and surface fires burned across ecosystems. Reconstructed stand-replacing fires that predate substantial Anglo-American settlement in this region provide direct evidence that stand-replacing fires were a feature of high-elevation forests before extensive and intensive land-use practices (e.g., logging, railroad, and mining) began in the late 19th century.

How do our own cultural-historical experiences in geographic spaces like the border(s) we occupy shape our identities, consciousness, positionality, and power? Using the autohistoria-teoria methodology, the intent of this manuscript is to explore my paternal grandmother’s family, Los Martínez’ cultural historical experiences as descendants of conquistadores, who eventually lived along the Rio Grande-Río Bravo del Norte, which is now the Texas–Mexico border. Archival data, including birth, marriage, and death certificates, land grants, maps, border crossing documents, published books, and family oral stories were used to establish a timeline and develop a narrative that spans across time and geographic zones that were originally indigenous, colonized by Spain, became México, and for some of these territories eventually became part of the United States. I will share Los Martínez’ origins that begin in the Kingdom of the Navarre, their story as conquistadores and settlers in northern México and Texas geographic areas that were part of Nuevo España. The overarching theme I plan to capture is the fluidity of borders as figured worlds, but I also plan to highlight the formation of hybrid identities, consciousness, positionality, and power within the spaces/figured worlds that we occupy as both colonizer and colonized.

Symphyotrichum pilosum (Willd.) Nesom, the white heath aster, is a robust, native North American, polyploid, herbaceous perennial. Until recently the species was treated as part of Aster. Its placement in the segregate genus Symphyotrichum follows the revised generic combinations proposed for North American asters. Occurring throughout eastern North America from Nova Scotia and Maine in the northeast, southward to Georgia, west ward through southern Quebec and Ontario to Wisconsin, Iowa, Kansas, and Arkansas in disturbed areas such as fallow land, roadsides, dumps, quarries, arable fields, railroad beds, and embankments, the species is troublesome in the United States but a weed of minor importance in Canada. Two varieties, var. pilosum and var. pringlei are recognized. The former, the hairy variety, is weedier than the latter, the hairless variety. The species commonly occurs in fields following the first year of abandonment and may dominate in the second, or subsequent years. Control may be achieved through the application of selected herbicides. Also, even a moderate amount of grazing by herbivores such as small rodents and rabbits is sufficient to restrict growth in the species. Mildew is chronic and widespread in natural populations but typically neither kills the plants nor prevents seed production. This contribution summarizes the known biological data for the species. Key words: Symphyotrichum pilosum, Aster pilosus, white heath aster, weed biology, var. pilosum, var. pringlei

In 1992, all governmental resourcing and investment in New Zealand, including that for science, underwent dramatic reform. The global philosophy driving the reform was new public management—a method by which nations could be run more economically by emulating the commercial world. Central to the reform was separation of policy, purchasing (investment), and providers (in the case of research scientists). The reform led to a large reduction in the number of governmental scientists. For example, in 1 year alone, 2001–2002, the Horticultural and Food Research Institute, one of the nine governmental branches of science, lost 51 staff members, 10% of its work force. Over a decade later after the establishment of the reform, in July 2003, the New Zealand government's investment agency announced its budget for the next 6 years. The government-funded science sectors considered to do modern research such as computer technology and biotechnology, and halved funding for land-related sciences. The reduced budget dramatically limited New Zealand's capacity for research in soil and land-use science and ended all research positions in this area (38 jobs). Public outcry through newspaper editorials and from leading businessmen, along with effective leadership from the scientific community, led to the reestablishment of funding in the form of a virtual national center called Sustainable Land Use Research Initiative (SLURI). The elimination of funding for soil and land-use science research in New Zealand was an unexpected and potentially disastrous result of new public management. New Zealand's experience has relevance for the United States, because budgets for agricultural research are being severely reduced or converted to competitive funding. The U.S. President's fiscal year 2006 budget proposed to cut formula funding by 50% and to zero it out in fiscal year 2007. The funds would have been put in competitive grants. In New Zealand, the lack of ability to respond to a scientific problem demonstrated that a balance must be maintained in funding decisions so that scientific capability is retained to solve unforeseen future problems.

The "Rule of Law" and "Individual Property Rights" are often regarded as necessary conditions for economic growth and development. Recently, the common ownership of First Nation reserve lands in Canada was identified as "Dead capital." Apparently, the problems of delayed development can be traced to a dysfunctional property system. A serious critique of collective ownership with its concomitant high transactions costs suggests a stronger on-reserve role for market relations. Only by individualizing land ownership and coming out from under the Indian Act can the commercial potential of reserve lands be realized. Clearly, a closer look at the property rights paradigm is required. To assist with a discussion of such proposals for development, this paper will employ a critical economic history approach, by (i) explaining the foundations of the property rights paradigm; (ii) employing two case summaries to demonstrate how US and Canadian authorities directed the conversion of collective Indigenous land holdings to individual transferable titles; and (iii) identifying some outcomes associated with the creation of transferable individual rights in property. Two case summaries demonstrate how economic history can illustrate the private property rights experiences of Indigenous peoples. Coercion by the United States government resulted in the breakup (allotment) and sale of large Indian territorial reservation lands. In the Canadian prairie west, Métis entitlements took the form of grants of millions of acres of scrip and the assignment or conveyance of their interests left them without a land base. In these cases, lands and entitlements ostensibly reserved for Indigenous peoples were diverted to emerging settler land markets. Evidence suggests that the weaker property rights of speculators/settlers triumphed over the legally recognized rights of Indigenous peoples. In other words, the Rule of Law in respect of property was somewhat different for settlers/speculators and Indigenous peoples. In these historical cases, the individualization of collective ownership into transferable assets had similar outcomes that do not seem to accord with predictions that economic growth will ensue from the promotion of private property rights and the reduced transaction costs.

On the evening of October 29, 2012, “Hurricane” Sandy made land- fall on the New York coastline, battering the land with strong winds, torrential rain, and record-breaking storm surges. Homes and commercial structures were destroyed; roads and tunnels were flooded; and more than 23,000 people sought refuge in temporary shelters, with many others facing weeks without power and electricity. At the time, Sandy was heralded as one of the costliest hurricanes in the his- tory of the United States; the second costliest hurricane only to Katrina, which hit New Orleans in 2005. Unfortunately, recent experience with Hurricanes Florence, Maria, Harvey, and Irma suggest that this pattern of devastating superstorms may become the new norm as climate change produces more extreme and unpredictable weather events. In Sandy’s aftermath, as individuals returned to their homes, or what remained of them, and communities began to rebuild, the true cost of the storm became apparent. A year after the storm, the Federal Emergency Management Agency (“FEMA”) estimated that over $1.4 billion in assistance was provided to 182,000 survivors of the dis- aster; another $3.2 billion was provided to state and local governments for debris removal, infrastructure repair, and emergency protective measures. More than $2.4 billion was provided to individuals and businesses in the form of low-interest loans through the Small Business Administration (“SBA”), and millions more were spent on grants de- signed to implement mitigation measures in the future and to provide unemployment assistance to survivors. Before the storm, homeowners paid premiums for flood insurance provided through the National Flood Insurance Program (“NFIP”), and for homeowner’s insurance provided by dozens of private insurers. In the months following the storm, they began to file claims for assistance in rebuilding their homes. While many such claims were re- solved successfully, many homeowners were unhappy with the settlement amounts offered by their insurance carriers and felt compelled to file lawsuits in the surrounding state and federal courts. Many of those lawsuits were filed in the United States District Court for the Eastern District of New York (“EDNY”). This case study describes the EDNY’s specifically crafted, unique approach to handling the mass litigation that ensued from Sandy’s devastation, documents some of the problems that the Court faced during that mass litigation, and describes some of the lessons learned from the Court’s experience.

This paper was designed to derive legal issues on the railway special judicial police system, present comments on them, and ultimately promote policy suggestions. The main issues can be summarized as the appropriateness of the name, the basis for the exercise of administrative police authority, competition under the jurisdiction of general police officers, and compliance with the principle of legal reservation. The legal authority of the railway police was reviewed in the order of organizational laws, administrative police laws, judicial police laws, and administrative rules. And we looked at the cases of Britain, France, the United States, and Germany and drew implications. Railway police in developed countries were given both administrative police power and judicial police power within their jurisdiction, and security guards were helping regular railway police officers. The legal problems of the current railway special judicial police system are the railway police do not have a legal basis for exercising administrative police power and the Regulations on the Execution of Duties of Railway Judicial Police Officers are only administrative rules. In this paper, five issues were derived and the following comments were developed. First, the Railway Safety Act should be revised so that railway police can exercise their administrative police rights. Second, it is necessary to upgrade the Regulations on the Execution of Duties of Railway Judicial Police Officers to the level of legal orders. Third, There is a great need to reasonably coordinate object jurisdiction and regional jurisdiction with the general police. Fourth, railroad operators should be obligated to operate security personnel. Fifth, it is desirable to reorganize the organization of the Railway Bureau of the Ministry of Land, Infrastructure and Transport.

Salt marshes have experienced the brunt of human civilization for eons as they were diked for pasture or producing salt hay and less saltwater-dependent crops, filled for port, commercial, and residential development, used as landfills and to dispose of dredged material, ditched in efforts to reduce mosquito populations in coastal communities, or have had their connection to estuaries simply reduced or severed by roads and railroads. This was largely done because they were viewed as unproductive wastelands, public health hazards, or because their location was important for accessing deep water or connecting two points of land, or simply providing a desirable location for homes. In the 1960s scientists studying coastal habitats started writing about the ecological significance of these wetlands in the United States in terms the public could understand (e.g., Goodwin 1961, Odum 1961, and Teal and Teal 1969). Consequently the public was becoming more informed of the importance of these wetlands to coastal fisheries as well as to migratory birds as they witnessed accelerating destruction of salt marshes for residential and other development. In the 1960s, state legislatures began passing laws to restrict development of these wetlands, first in New England states then elsewhere (see Tiner 2013 for a comprehensive review of the history of tidal wetlands). Today salt marshes are among America’s most valued natural resources and government agencies and non-government organizations (NGOs) are both actively involved in restoring these wetlands. Most cases of this restoration involve bringing back tidal flow and more saline conditions in one way or another. Where the marshes have been crossed by a road or railroad, tidal flow has either been eliminated or restricted to varying degrees that has greatly affected soil salinities and promoted growth of brackish and freshwater species. In many cases in the northeastern U.S., these crossings have led to a drastic change in plant composition and vegetation structure – from a diverse salt marsh community dominated by low-growing halophytic plants to a virtual monoculture of common reed (Phragmites australis) – a non-native2 that favors less saline habitats and grows to 3.7 m (12 feet) or more in height under the best circumstances. Some options for restoring tidal flow in these situations include: 1) reconnecting the marsh to the adjacent estuary (where tidal flow was eliminated), 2) removing tidal gates, and 3) expanding the size of the existing culverts. These may be some of the simplest restoration projects from a construction standpoint, although concerns about increased flooding on private property surrounding the marsh is often the major hurdle to overcome. A small restoration project in Massachusetts serves as one example of the effectiveness of simply restoring tidal flow can bring about a return of salt marsh vegetation to an area that had been colonized by common reed. While some restoration projects are initiated as mitigation for destruction of wetland elsewhere, this project was a “pro-active project” – simply done for the benefit of the environment - to restore native halophytic vegetation and reduce the extent of non-native common reed.

Public trusts for natural resources incorporate both limits and duties on governments in their stewardship of those natural resources. They exist in every state in the United States—in constitutional provisions, statutes, and in common law. Yet the law recognizing public trusts for natural resources may contain only the most basic provisions—often just a sentence or two. The purpose and terms of these public trusts certainly answer some questions about the limits and duties of trustees, but they do not answer all questions. When questions arise that the body of law creating or recognizing a public trust for natural resources does not fully answer, trustees, lawyers, and courts often look to trust law for help. In fact, they have been doing so for more than a century, including in the U.S. Supreme Court’s landmark 1892 public trust decision, Illinois Central Railroad Co. v Illinois. In this sense, trust law provides a set of background or underlying principles for interpreting and applying public trusts. Using cases from around the country, this Article sets out a four-step methodology for determining when and how to use trust law principles to help interpret public trusts. This methodology can be applied in any case involving the use of specific trust principles to help interpret any particular public trust. This Article also explains that the relevant trust law should not be limited to private trust law, but rather it should include general trust principles, charitable trust law principles, and private (or noncharitable) trust law principles. This Article uses a 2019 Commonwealth Court of Pennsylvania decision, Pennsylvania Environmental Defense Foundation v. Commonwealth, as a case study. The case applies article I, section 27 of the Pennsylvania Constitution, which requires that public natural resources be conserved and maintained for the benefit of present and future generations. In that case, the court used an interpretation of private trust law to decide that the state could spend some bonus and rental payment money from oil and gas leasing on state forest and park land, which is constitutional public trust property, for non-trust purposes. This Article applies the four-part methodology to the case, explains general trust law and charitable trust law principles that the Commonwealth Court of Pennsylvania did not address, and argues that the use of these principles better fits the constitutional public trust. It concludes that the money from bonus and rental payments should be spent entirely for the purposes of the trust. This Article draws attention to both the potential value of trust law principles and also to their potential danger in the interpretation and application of public trust laws for natural resources. Trust law has the potential to enhance the protectiveness of public trusts by imposing various fiduciary duties on trustees. It also has the potential to undermine public trusts, particularly through rules requiring or encouraging that trust assets be financially productive. To vindicate public trusts for natural resources, environmental and natural resources lawyers need to become better trust lawyers.

The Moroccan Diasporic Youtubers are silenced or neglected because they use vulgar language, and although they are becoming part of the Moroccan popular culture, researchers seem to overlook their socio-political views on Morocco. Thus, the article would investigate how Richard Azzouz, the most famous Moroccan Diasporic Youtuber, views Morocco and its citizens. Azzouz views Morocco as a place of slavery and oppression because Morocco is a kingdom with its own Monarchy. Azzouz represents Stephane Dufoix’s “Antagonistic Mode” since he is against the nation-state and resents the ‘Arab’ culture it promotes. He tries to value the Amazigh identity over the Arab one by valuing the American identity. Yet, his attempt to value Amazigh identity becomes a devaluation of his own identity because his ‘Americanness’ is better than all other identities. The use of the video “Azzouz is Mad” through careful reading uncovers his claims of ‘superiority’ and ‘freedom’ since he associates himself with the United States. The contextual approach moves outside the text to trace how Azzouz and the Moroccan youth perceive Morocco as a prison. Then, the paper argues that the vision of Morocco as a place of slavery is shared by the Moroccan diasporas and Moroccan youth. Azzouz, similar to other diasporic YouTubers, associates himself with the host land for legitimacy, yet Azzouz falls in a paradox: the position that grants him legitimacy negates his views of valorization. Thus, the paper gives voice to the socio-political views of Azzouz and, through him, all the Moroccan Antagonist exiles; while, also, it traces the slippages in his discourse. Los YouTubers marroquíes de la diáspora son silenciados o descuidados porque usan un lenguaje vulgar y aunque se están convirtiendo en parte de la cultura popular marroquí, los investigadores parecen pasar por alto sus opiniones sociopolíticas sobre Marruecos. Por lo tanto, el artículo investigará cómo Richard Azzouz, el más famoso Youtuber de la diáspora marroquí, ve a Marruecos y a sus ciudadanos. Azzouz ve a Marruecos como un lugar de esclavitud y opresión porque Marruecos es un reino con su propia monarquía. Azzouz representa el “Modo Antagónico” de Stéphane Dufoix ya que está en contra del estado-nación y resiente la cultura “árabe” que promueve. Intenta valorizar la identidad amazigh sobre la árabe mediante la valorización de la identidad americana. Sin embargo, su intento de valorar la identidad amazigh se convierte en una devaluación de su propia identidad porque su “americanidad” es mejor que todas las demás identidades. El uso del vídeo “Azzouz is Mad” a través de una lectura atenta pone al descubierto sus reivindicaciones de “superioridad” y “libertad” ya que se asocia a los Estados Unidos. Luego, el documento argumenta que la visión de Marruecos como un sitio de esclavitud es compartida por las diásporas marroquíes y la juventud marroquí. Azzouz, al igual que otros YouTubers de la diáspora, se asocia con la hostilidad por la legitimidad, pero Azzouz cae en la paradoja de que la posición que le otorga la legitimidad niega su visión de la valorización. Así pues, el documento da voz a las opiniones sociopolíticas de Azzouz y, a través de él, a todos los exiliados antagonistas marroquíes; mientras que, también, traza los deslices de su discurso.

The first wave of Chinese immigration was between 1849 to 1882, and 110,000 Chinese immigrants had settled on the west coast of the US, attracted by “Gold Mountain” in California and the large employment of railroad workers (Hsieh). When some anti-immigration acts passed, especially the Chinese Exclusion Act in 1882 which banned Chinese immigration for ten years, only certain documented immigrants were allowed to come to America (Carlin). The Chinese Exclusion Act was not repealed until 1943 when the US need a smooth relationship with China in World War II (Ashabranner). Although the Immigration Act of 1965 continuously had a restrictive impact on Chinese immigrants, productive Chinese immigrants made great contributions to the US economy and politics in a large number of industries and business. One example is building the long railroad which allowed communications between the West and the East, and unified the country after the Civil War. They also brought their cultures to the add to diversity in the United States (Documentary :Silent Chinese laborers in the US). As time went on, more and more Chinese started their new lives in the land which across the Pacific Ocean from their hometowns because of political, economic, and academic factors (Hsieh).

We examine pervasive opposition to building market-rate housing and relate it to localism: a perspective that grants moral authority to incumbent residents. We argue that localism has become prevalent in housing planning in the United States and that its seeming equality—allowing all communities the right to define themselves—conceals profound imbalances that favor the affluent. We use survey data from California to measure localism, using opposition to state land use preemption as a proxy. We find that localism is concentrated among white, affluent homeowners. This suggests that localist beliefs are less prevalent in the population than they are in planning practice.

Abstract Privately-owned forests provide important environmental, economic, and cultural benefits to the general public. Resulting impacts from landownership changes and conversion of working forests to other land uses threaten these benefits. The USDA Forest Service Forest Legacy Program (FLP) permanently protects threatened private forests that are of environmental, cultural, and economic importance to the greater public while keeping land ownership and forest management at the private or local level. FLP provides grants to state agencies to purchase conservation easements on private forestlands or, less frequently, acquisition by public agencies. We employed IMPLAN’s input-output model of the 2016 economy to estimate how land protected by FLP in four regions of the United States contributes to the economy. FLP land adds tens of millions of dollars of value annually and supports thousands of jobs in the four study areas and, due to the permanent protection of these lands, they will continue to do so in perpetuity. Nonfederal partners contributed 34%–60% of total project costs, highlighting the importance of land conservation to multiple stakeholders and the ability to leverage federal resources. The permanent nature of FLP protection provides long-term security for the economic and cultural benefits these lands provide. Study Implications: The Forest Legacy Program (FLP) is administered by the USDA Forest Service to protect historic forest uses and intact working forest landscapes. This study quantified economic activities on FLP land in four areas to assess how these activities contribute to the economy of the multistate region in which the projects are located. The substantial economic contribution in natural resource industries suggests that permanent protection of forests provides economic and cultural benefits in perpetuity. This information illustrates the contributions of FLP to local economies and can be used to assess the value of the program and the potential for future funding.

BackgroundThe U.S. has experienced exponential growth in overdose fatalities over the past four decades and more than 22 million people are currently living with a substance use disorder (SUD). While great strides have been made in advancing the science of SUD prevention and treatment, proven programs and interventions are not commonly disseminated at scale in impacted communities. The U.S. Cooperative Extension System (Extension) has been recognized as a valued partner in addressing SUD in communities. Federal funding supporting Extension's response to the opioid epidemic reached $35 million in 2021 primarily through two grant programs: the United States Department of Agriculture's (USDA) Rural Health and Safety Education program; and the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA) Rural Opioid Technical Assistance (ROTA) grants. The primary objective of this scoping review was to identify the range of Extension activities aimed at mediating substance misuse.MethodsAuthors utilized the PRISMA-SCR model to complete this scoping review. Due to the nature of Extension work and the expectation that few activities would be cited in the peer-reviewed literature, the scoping review included a search of peer-reviewed databases, Extension websites for each state and U.S. territory, and the utilization of a web search engine. Upon initial analysis of records returned, authors noted a discrepancy between results returned and the number of states receiving ROTA grants. Thus, authors supplemented the PRISMA-SCR review protocol with a systematic procedure for investigating ROTA funded activities not readily apparent in the peer-reviewed or grey literature.ResultsA total of 87 records met inclusion criteria. Findings included seven peer-reviewed articles and 80 results from the grey literature. An additional 11 ROTA grantees responded to requests for information regarding state level activities.ConclusionsNationwide, Extension has scaled multiple efforts to address SUD operating through a loose confederation of organizations connected to the land-grant system. Most activities are funded by federal grants and focus on state-sponsored training and resource sharing. The volume of effort is significant, however, implementation at the community-level has been slow. Significant opportunities exist for local adoption of evidence-based practices aimed at mitigating SUD.

Proponents of the free culture movement argue that contemporary, “over-zealous” copyright laws have an adverse affect on the freedoms of consumers and creators to make use of copyrighted materials. Lessig, McLeod, Vaidhyanathan, Demers, and Coombe, to name but a few, detail instances where creativity and consumer use have been hindered by copyright laws. The “intellectual land-grab” (Boyle, “Politics” 94), instigated by the increasing value of intangibles in the information age, has forced copyright owners to seek maximal protection for copyrighted materials. A propertarian approach seeks to imbue copyrighted materials with the same inalienable rights as real property, yet copyright is not a property right, because “the copyright owner … holds no ordinary chattel” (Dowling v. United States 473 US 207, 216 [1985]). A fundamental difference resides in the exclusivity of use: “If you eat my apple, then I cannot” but “if you “take” my idea, I still have it. If I tell you an idea, you have not deprived me of it. An unavoidable feature of intellectual property is that its consumption is non-rivalrous” (Lessig, Code 131). It is, as James Boyle notes, “different” to real property (Shamans 174). Vaidhyanathan observes, “copyright in the American tradition was not meant to be a “property right” as the public generally understands property. It was originally a narrow federal policy that granted a limited trade monopoly in exchange for universal use and access” (11). This paper explores the ways in which “property talk” has infiltrated copyright discourse and endangered the utility of the law in fostering free and diverse forms of creative expression. The possessiveness and exclusion that accompany “property talk” are difficult to reconcile with the utilitarian foundations of copyright. Transformative uses of copyrighted materials such as mashing, sampling and appropriative art are incompatible with a propertarian approach, subjecting freedom of creativity to arbitary licensing fees that often extend beyond the budget of creators (Collins). “Property talk” risks making transformative works an elitist form of creativity, available only to those with the financial resources necessary to meet the demands for licences. There is a wealth of decisions throughout American and English case law that sustain Vaidhyanathan’s argument (see for example, Donaldson v. Becket 17 Cobbett Parliamentary History, col. 953; Wheaton v. Peters 33 US 591 [1834]; Fox Film Corporation v. Doyal 286 US 123 [1932]; US v. Paramount Pictures 334 US 131 [1948]; Mazer v. Stein 347 US 201, 219 [1954]; Twentieth Century Music Corp. v. Aitken 422 U.S. 151 [1975]; Aronson v. Quick Point Pencil Co. 440 US 257 [1979]; Dowling v. United States 473 US 207 [1985]; Harper & Row, Publishers, Inc. v. Nation Enterprises 471 U.S. 539 [1985]; Luther R. Campbell a.k.a. Luke Skyywalker, et al. v. Acuff-Rose Music, Inc. 510 U.S 569 [1994].). As Lemley states, however, “Congress, the courts and commentators increasingly treat intellectual property as simply a species of real property rather than as a unique form of legal protection designed to deal with public goods problems” (1-2). Although section 106 of the Copyright Act 1976 grants exclusive rights, sections 107 to 112 provide freedoms beyond the control of the copyright owner, undermining the exclusivity of s.106. Australian law similarly grants exceptions to the exclusive rights granted in section 31. Exclusivity was a principal objective of the eighteenth century Stationers’ argument for a literary property right. Sir William Blackstone, largely responsible for many Anglo-American concepts concerning the construction of property law, defined property in absolutist terms as “that sole and despotic dominion which one man claims and exercises over the external things of the world, in total exclusion of the right of any other individual in the whole universe” (2). On the topic of reprints he staunchly argued an author “has clearly a right to dispose of that identical work as he pleases, and any attempt to take it from him, or vary the disposition he has made of it, is an invasion of his right of property” (405-6). Blackstonian copyright advanced an exclusive and perpetual property right. Blackstone’s interpretation of Lockean property theory argued for a copyright that extended beyond the author’s expression and encompassed the very “style” and “sentiments” held therein. (Tonson v. Collins [1760] 96 ER 189.) According to Locke, every Man has a Property in his own Person . . . The Labour of his Body and the Work of his hands, we may say, are properly his. Whatsoever then he removes out of the State that Nature hath provided and left it in, he hath mixed his Labour with, and joyned to it something that is his own, and thereby makes it his Property. (287-8) Blackstone’s inventive interpretation of Locke “analogised ideas, thoughts, and opinions with tangible objects to which title may be taken by occupancy under English common law” (Travis 783). Locke’s labour theory, however, is not easily applied to intangibles because occupancy or use is non-rivalrous. The appropriate extent of an author’s proprietary right in a work led Locke himself to a philosophical impasse (Bowrey 324). Although Blackstonian copyright was suppressed by the House of Lords in the eighteenth century (Donaldson v. Becket [1774] 17 Cobbett Parliamentary History, col. 953) and by the Supreme Court sixty years later (Wheaton v. Peters 33 US 591 [1834]), it has never wholly vacated copyright discourse. “Property talk” is undesirable in copyright discourse because it implicates totalitarian notions such as exclusion and inalienable private rights of ownership with no room for freedom of creativity or to use copyrighted materials for non-piracy related purposes. The notion that intellectual property is a species of property akin with real property is circulated by media companies seeking greater control over copyrighted materials, but the extent to which “property talk” has been adopted by the courts and scholars is troubling. Lemley (3-5) and Bell speculate whether the term “intellectual property” carries any responsibility for the propertisation of intangibles. A survey of federal court decisions between 1943 and 2003 reveals an exponential increase in the usage of the term. As noted by Samuelson (398) and Cohen (379), within the spheres of industry, culture, law, and politics the word “property” implies a broader scope of rights than those associated with a grant of limited monopoly. Music United claims “unauthorized reproduction and distribution of copyrighted music is JUST AS ILLEGAL AS SHOPLIFTING A CD”. James Brown argues sampling from his records is tantamount to theft: “Anything they take off my record is mine . . . Can I take a button off your shirt and put it on mine? Can I take a toenail off your foot – is that all right with you?” (Miller 1). Equating unauthorised copying with theft seeks to socially demonise activities occurring outside of the permission culture currently being fostered by inventive interpretations of the law. Increasing propagation of copyright as the personal property of the creator and/or copyright owner is instrumental in efforts to secure further legislative or judicial protection: Since 1909, courts and corporations have exploited public concern for rewarding established authors by steadily limiting the rights of readers, consumers, and emerging artists. All along, the author was deployed as a straw man in the debate. The unrewarded authorial genius was used as a rhetorical distraction that appealed to the American romantic individualism. (Vaidhyanathan 11) The “unrewarded authorial genius” was certainly tactically deployed in the eighteenth century in order to generate sympathy in pleas for further protection (Feather 71). Supporting the RIAA, artists including Britney Spears ask “Would you go into a CD store and steal a CD? It’s the same thing – people going into the computers and logging on and stealing our music”. The presence of a notable celebrity claiming file-sharing is equivalent to stealing their personal property is a more publicly acceptable spin on the major labels’ attempts to maintain a monopoly over music distribution. In 1997, Congress enacted the No Electronic Theft Act which extended copyright protection into the digital realm and introduced stricter penalties for electronic reproduction. The use of “theft” in the title clearly aligns the statute with a propertarian portrayal of intangibles. Most movie fans will have witnessed anti-piracy propaganda in the cinema and on DVDs. Analogies between stealing a bag and downloading movies blur fundamental distinctions in the rivalrous/non-rivalrous nature of tangibles and intangibles (Lessig Code, 131). Of critical significance is the infiltration of “property talk” into the courtrooms. In 1990 Judge Frank Easterbrook wrote: Patents give a right to exclude, just as the law of trespass does with real property … Old rhetoric about intellectual property equating to monopoly seemed to have vanished, replaced by a recognition that a right to exclude in intellectual property is no different in principle from the right to exclude in physical property … Except in the rarest case, we should treat intellectual and physical property identically in the law – which is where the broader currents are taking us. (109, 112, 118) Although Easterbrook refers to patents, his endorsement of “property talk” is cause for concern given the similarity with which patents and copyrights have been historically treated (Ou 41). In Grand Upright v. Warner Bros. Judge Kevin Duffy commenced his judgment with the admonishment “Thou shalt not steal”. Similarly, in Jarvis v. A&M Records the court stated “there can be no more brazen stealing of music than digital sampling”. This move towards a propertarian approach is misguided. It runs contrary to the utilitarian principles underpinning copyright ideology and marginalises freedoms protected by the fair use doctrine, hence Justice Blackman’s warning that “interference with copyright does not easily equate with” interference with real property (Dowling v. United States 473 US 207, 216 [1985]). The framing of copyright in terms of real property privileges private monopoly over, and to the detriment of, the public interest in free and diverse creativity as well as freedoms of personal use. It is paramount that when dealing with copyright cases, the courts remain aware that their decisions involve not pure economic regulation, but regulation of expression, and what may count as rational where economic regulation is at issue is not necessarily rational where we focus on expression – in a Nation constitutionally dedicated to the free dissemination of speech, information, learning and culture. (Eldred v. Ashcroft 537 US 186 [2003] [J. Breyer dissenting]). Copyright is the prize in a contest of property vs. policy. As Justice Blackman observed, an infringer invades a statutorily defined province guaranteed to the copyright holder alone. But he does not assume physical control over the copyright; nor does he wholly deprive its owner of its use. While one may colloquially link infringement with some general notion of wrongful appropriation, infringement plainly implicates a more complex set of property interests than does run-of-the-mill theft, conversion, or fraud. (Dowling v. United States 473 US 207, 217-218 [1985]). Copyright policy places a great deal of control and cultural determinism in the hands of the creative industries. Without balance, oppressive monopolies form on the back of rights granted for the welfare of society in general. If a society wants to be independent and rich in diverse forms of cultural production and free expression, then the courts cannot continue to apply the law from within a propertarian paradigm. The question of whether culture should be determined by control or freedom in the interests of a free society is one that rapidly requires close attention – “it’s no longer a philosophical question but a practical one”. References Bayat, Asef. “Un-Civil Society: The Politics of the ‘Informal People.’” Third World Quarterly 18.1 (1997): 53-72. Bell, T. W. “Author’s Welfare: Copyright as a Statutory Mechanism for Redistributing Rights.” Brooklyn Law Review 69 (2003): 229. Blackstone, W. Commentaries on the Laws of England: Volume II. New York: Garland Publishing, 1978. (Reprint of 1783 edition.) Boyle, J. Shamans, Software, and Spleens: Law and the Construction of the Information Society. Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1996. Boyle, J. “A Politics of Intellectual Property: Environmentalism for the Net?” Duke Law Journal 47 (1997): 87. Bowrey, K. “Who’s Writing Copyright’s History?” European Intellectual Property Review 18.6 (1996): 322. Cohen, J. “Overcoming Property: Does Copyright Trump Privacy?” University of Illinois Journal of Law, Technology & Policy 375 (2002). Collins, S. “Good Copy, Bad Copy.” (2005) M/C Journal 8.3 (2006). http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0507/02-collins.php>. Coombe, R. The Cultural Life of Intellectual Properties. Durham: Duke University Press, 1998. Demers, J. Steal This Music. Athens, Georgia: U of Georgia P, 2006. Easterbrook, F. H. “Intellectual Property Is Still Property.” (1990) Harvard Journal of Law & Public Policy 13 (1990): 108. Feather, J. Publishing, Piracy and Politics: An Historical Study of Copyright in Britain. London: Mansell, 1994. Lemley, M. “Property, Intellectual Property, and Free Riding.” Texas Law Review 83 (2005): 1031. Lessig, L. Code and Other Laws of Cyberspace. New York: Basic Books, 1999. Lessing, L. The Future of Ideas. New York: Random House, 2001. Lessig, L. Free Culture. New York: The Penguin Press, 2004. Locke, J. Two Treatises of Government. Ed. Peter Laslett. Cambridge, New York, Melbourne: Cambridge University Press, 1988. McLeod, K. “How Copyright Law Changed Hip Hop: An Interview with Public Enemy’s Chuck D and Hank Shocklee.” Stay Free (2002). 14 June 2006 http://www.stayfreemagazine.org/archives/20/public_enemy.html>. McLeod, K. “Confessions of an Intellectual (Property): Danger Mouse, Mickey Mouse, Sonny Bono, and My Long and Winding Path as a Copyright Activist-Academic.” Popular Music & Society 28 (2005): 79. McLeod, K. Freedom of Expression: Overzealous Copyright Bozos and Other Enemies of Creativity. United States: Doubleday Books, 2005. Miller, M.W. “Creativity Furor: High-Tech Alteration of Sights and Sounds Divides the Art World.” Wall Street Journal (1987): 1. Ou, T. “From Wheaton v. Peters to Eldred v. Reno: An Originalist Interpretation of the Copyright Clause.” Berkman Center for Internet & Society (2000). 14 June 2006 http://cyber.law.harvard.edu/openlaw/eldredvashcroft/cyber/OuEldred.pdf>. Samuelson, P. “Information as Property: Do Ruckelshaus and Carpenter Signal a Changing Direction in Intellectual Property Law?” Catholic University Law Review 38 (1989): 365. Travis, H. “Pirates of the Information Infrastructure: Blackstonian Copyright and the First Amendment.” Berkeley Technology Law Journal 15 (2000): 777. Vaidhyanathan, S. Copyrights and Copywrongs: The Rise of Intellectual Property and How It Threatens Creativity. New York: New York UP, 2003. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Collins, Steve. "‘Property Talk’ and the Revival of Blackstonian Copyright." M/C Journal 9.4 (2006). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0609/5-collins.php>. APA Style Collins, S. (Sep. 2006) "‘Property Talk’ and the Revival of Blackstonian Copyright," M/C Journal, 9(4). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0609/5-collins.php>.

Dear readers! We will celebrate the Taras Shevchenko Scientific Society’s 150th anniversary in December. This is the first global Ukrainian union of scientists, the multidisciplinary Academy of Sciences of the Ukrainian people, which laid the foundation for shaping and developing Ukrainian science in the world, serving Ukraine and preserving national identity. In addition, February 15, 2023, marked the 125th anniversary of the creation of the Medical Commission and the publication of the “Medical Collection”, which published contributions from medical specialists in Europe and all of Ukraine. This was the first professional organization of physicians and the first edition of their scientific works that disseminated the achievements of Ukrainian medical scientists and practicing physicians globally and advocated for international recognition of Ukrainian medical science. The Ukrainian Medical Society, created in Lviv in 1910, played a significant role in developing a national union of physicians and public health professionals. These two organizations together created the foundations for international recognition of the Ukrainian nation in the field of medicine and its entry into global scientific discourse. Over centuries, Ukraine’s medical scientists and professionals actively represented and continue to advocate for their country worldwide, especially in recent years, which have been a great test for our nation and state. For nine years, Ukraine has endured the conditions of an imperialistic war and full-scale invasion of our land brought on by the Russian Federation. Thanks to the falsehoods and insidious propaganda of the Russian Federation, from 2014 until early 2022, the world interpreted events in Ukraine in muted colors. Ukraine, at all levels of society and various professional bodies, including medical facilities, warned of future military consequences. During this period, the Moscow-Ukraine war impacted the activities of medical and public health organizations in Ukraine. At all international events, Ukrainian medical scientists and doctors showcased their national professional organizations, set up appropriate displays, actively used Ukrainian symbols, and presented reports and scientific developments specifically focused on the consequences of war, such as military injuries and psychological problems that affect the health of citizens, especially children, and clearly laid the blame at the feet of the enemy – the Russian Federation, which occupied parts of the territory of Ukraine and destroyed peaceful lives of our citizens. Many conferences devoted to military medicine were held in Ukraine. But the world did not react and remained silent, including medical and scientific organizations. After February 24, 2022, civilized nations of this world realized that the destruction of an entire country and its people by the Russian Empire in the center of Europe is a moral challenge to democratic principles, and such a war can threaten their own security as well. For the second consecutive year, Ukrainian medical professionals are living in the conditions of a large-scale war with the Russian Federation, which is destroying Ukraine, its children, and its people. Further occupation of Ukrainian territories in the north, south, and east has led to severe consequences: executions of civilians, torture chambers, rape, destruction and theft of people’s homes, destruction of schools, hospitals, and museums, and grain blackmail. Throughout Ukraine’s territory, there has been the bombing of residential buildings, medical facilities, preschool and school institutions, universities, cultural and historical buildings, destruction of bridges, power plants, oil refineries, and other critical infrastructure. At the end of February and the beginning of March 2022, the scientific community of Ukraine, in general, and the medical community, in particular, turned to the global community with appeals to support Ukraine in the fight against the evil empire and help Ukrainian refugee scientists who were forced to save their families and themselves from the savagery of the Russian onslaught [1]. So, on February 28, 2022, the Ukrainian Association of Immunologists and Allergists issued a video appeal to medical scientists around the world, including the Russian Federation, in the hope that these professionals might exert some influence on their politicians and the military of the Russian Federation, to help stop mass killings of innocent civilians and the destruction of our land and environment [2]. This appeal received the full support of our colleagues around the world, notably the European Academy of Allergy and Clinical Immunology (EAAKI), the World Association of Allergists (WAO), the European Federation of Immunological Societies (EFIS), and other professional societies. In contrast, Russian medical scientists proclaimed their approval of the “special military operation” in Ukraine conducted by their state, and university rectors even published an official letter of endorsement [3]. Physicians in many countries supported Ukraine practically and scientifically during this difficult time. For example, on March 10, 2022, the World Medical Association (WMA) and the Standing Committee of Physicians of Europe (CPME) created the Fund for Medical Aid to Ukraine. The first humanitarian medical aid arrived in Ukraine at the end of March 2022, which has continued to this point [4]. The European Commission launched the portal “European Research Area for Ukraine” (ERA4Ukraine). The ERA4Ukraine initiative provides an opportunity to support Ukrainian scientists, including physicians, constantly informing about existing opportunities at the European and national levels regarding grants, jobs, involvement in the implementation of new and ongoing research projects, provision of places to live, fi-nancial assistance, and so on. This aid is provided by 42 European countries. A public group of students and scientists from academic institutions in Europe disseminates information about opportunities for support at the university, national, and international levels for postgraduate students and scientists who are directly associated with academic institutions in Ukraine, including medical ones. The American-Ukrainian Foundation (USUF) from Washington has its representative office in Ukraine and provides targeted assistance based on evaluated and endorsed applications for the support of medical scientists. Science for Ukraine and SAVEUASTARTUP [5] are particularly active in helping scientists and physicians. It is important to attract support from foreign and international organizations for medical scientists who stay and work in Ukraine in the form of grants for research, high-value equipment, restoration of scientific and clinical medical infrastructure, expansion of access to information resources, and support in the publishing of scientific and medical reports. In this difficult time, the Shevchenko Society intensified its work, particularly the medical commission: it published targeted issues of the “Medical Sciences” journal focusing on topics addressing military medicine, held scientific conferences dedicated to military medicine and medical assistance to war victims, as well as patients with orphan diseases and those with primary immunodeficiencies. An important initiative and successful project of Canadian colleagues helped expand diagnostic opportunities for rheumatological patients and provided them with access to advanced biological therapies in wartime. During the war, the Federation of Public Medical Associations of Ukraine and the World Federation of Ukrainian Medical Societies joined the Union of European Medical Specialists (UEMS), the oldest and most influential medical union in the EU, to protect and promote the interests of physicians, to support and popularize the highest standards of medical education and quality of medical aid, which is a very important step on Ukraine’s way to the EU [6]. Several important scientific opportunities were made available for our physicians in various fields. These were supported by international professional organizations and provided the opportunity for free participation of our specialists in European and world conferences and congresses, open access to demonstrations of scientific events, free access to international scientometric databases, free or discounted printing of introductory professional journals, internships of our scientists, and training opportunities for students. Thus, medical libraries of Ukraine were able to provide users with open access to many scientific and informational resources: “BRITISH MEDICAL JOURNAL,” “SPRINGER NATURE,” “MC-GRAW HILL,” “SCOPUS,” “WEB OF SCIENCE,” “WOLTERS KLUWER,” “THIEME MEDICAL PUBLISHERS,” “EBSCO,” and “CAPSULE.” We are deeply grateful for our foreign colleagues’ “friendly shoulder” and sincere help to Ukrainian science. But this aid only mitigates the consequences of the savage war perpetrated by the Russian Federation. The primary problem clearly lies with the terrorist regime in the Kremlin, which militarizes all spheres of life, including science, and conducts hybrid information warfare with the whole world through the insidious use of science and medicine. Statements about “science outside of politics” and “science has no borders” are highly misleading because Russian science is working to support this terrible war and constitutes a weapon of this state. Each speech and published article is made “under the flag” of the Russian Federation and aims to demonstrate how they are still members of the international scientific community. Regrettably, this creates the appearance of the scientific community’s acceptance of terrorism and genocide committed by the Russian Federation in Ukraine. Scientists are not absolved of responsibility for the actions of the state where they live and work and support it. For Russian leaders, science is a powerful tool for achieving this goal [7]. The ruling elite, other war criminals and terrorists of the Russian state should be tried by special international courts [8], and Russian scientists should be morally and ethically held to account in the global scientific and professional community. It is also absolutely appropriate for countries that profess democracy and freedom to impose scientific sanctions. Moreover, in these circumstances, the sanctioning of scientists is fully compliant with the resolutions of the European Union [9] and the Congress of the United States of America [10]. Ukrainian scientists appeal to the international community to impose sanctions on Russian science [11], [12], [13] because it is in the interests of the Russian Federation to wage a protracted war, and they are successfully employing all possible human and financial resources [14]. The Federation of European Biochemical Societies, European Magnetism Association [15], Journal of Molecular Structure [16], and the Clarivate Company, which manages the Web of Science database, were noted for their worthy actions towards the scientists of the terrorist country – a complete refusal to cooperate with them. The “Open Letter of Ukrainian Scientists and the Diaspora” clearly indicates the actions that must be taken by the civilized scientific community that wants a normal future for our planet: - not to accept for consideration scientific publications originating from the Russian Federation in any scientific journal or conference proceeding; - stop all subscriptions made by scientific institutions of the Russian Federation to any scientific literature; - stop the access of scientific institutions from the Russian Federation to international research infrastructure, equipment, and scientific databases; - ban the sale of scientific instruments and consumables to the Russian Federation; - deprive scientific organizations of the Russian Federation and persons associated with them of access to any international funding for scientific research [17]. While this terrible war continues, it is necessary to maintain a united front in the international scientific community. We ask medical scientists to step up in opposition to Russian science, which will encourage a more rapid end to the war. It is in the interests of our common civilization and human values to defeat this empire of evil, which constantly strives to lull the world to sleep [18,19]. Only then can science and medicine solve the global problems of humanity, as was proclaimed by 177 Nobel laureates right after the war began.[20]. We ask every medical scientist in the world to make their choice so that our children and we can all have a civilized future that can enhance humanity’s spiritual and intellectual development. Glory to Ukraine!

There are many ways to construct, shape and frame a history of popular music. From a focus on performers to a stress on cities, from theories of modernity to reveling in ‘the post,’ innovative music has been matched by evocative writing about it. One arc of analysis in popular music studies focuses on the record label. Much has been written about Sun, Motown, Factory and Apple, but there are many labels that have not reached this level of notoriety and fame but offer much to our contemporary understanding of music, identity and capitalism. The aim of this article is to capture an underwritten history of 21st century music, capturing and tracking moments of collaboration, movement and contact. Through investigating a specific record label, we explore the interconnectiveness of electronica and city-based creative industries’ initiatives. While urban dance culture is still pathologised through drug scares and law and order concerns, clubbing studies and emerging theories of sonic media and auditory cultures offer a significant trigger and frame for this current research. The focus on Off World Sounds (OWS) traces a meta-independent label that summons, critiques, reinscribes and provokes the conventional narratives of capitalism in music. We show how OWS has remade and remixed the collaborations of punk to forge innovative ways of thinking about creativity, policy and popular culture. While commencing with a review of the origin, ideology and intent of OWS, the final part of the paper shows where the experiment went wrong and what can be learnt from this sonic label laboratory. Moving Off World Popular cultural studies evoke and explore discursive formations and texts that activate dissent, conflict and struggle. This strategy is particularly potent when exploring how immigration narratives fray the borders of the nation state. At its most direct, this analysis provides a case study to assess and answer some of Nabeel Zuberi’s questions about sonic topography that he raises in Sounds English. I’m concerned less with music as a reflection of national history and geography than how the practices of popular music culture themselves construct the spaces of the local, national, and transnational. How does the music imagine the past and place? How does it function as a memory-machine, a technology for the production of subjective and collective versions of location and identity? How do the techniques of sounds, images, and activities centered on popular music create landscapes with figures? (3) Dance music is mashed between creativity, consumerism and capitalism. Picking up on Zuberi’s challenge, the story of OWS is also a history of what happens to English migrants who travel to Australia, and how they negotiate the boundaries of the Australian nation. Immigration is important to any understanding of contemporary music. The two proprietors of OWS are Pete Carroll and, one of the two writers of this current article, Stephen Mallinder. Both English proprietors immigrated to Perth in Australia. They used their contacts to sign electronica performers from beyond this single city. They encouraged the tracks to move freely through lymphatic digital networks for remixing—‘lymphatic’ signalling a secondary pathway for commerce and creativity where new musical relationships were being formed outside the influence of major record companies. Performers signed to OWS form independent networks with other performers. This mobility of sound has operated in parallel with the immigration policies of the Howard government that have encouraged insularity and xenophobia. In other eras of racial inequality and discrimination, the independent record label has been not only an integral part of the music industry, but a springboard for political dissent. The histories of jazz and rhythm and blues capture a pivotal moment of independent entrepreneurialism that transformed new and strange sounds/noises into popular music. In monitoring and researching this complex process of musical movement and translation, the independent label has remained the home of the peripheral, the misunderstood, and the uncompromising. Soul music in the United States of America is an example of a sonic form that sustained independence while corporate labels made a profit. Labels like Atlantic Records became synonymous with the success of black vocal music in the 1960s and 1970s, while the smaller independent labels like Chess and Invicta constructed a brand identity. While the division between the majors and the independents increasingly dissolves, particularly at the level of distribution, the independent label remains significant as innovator and instigator. It retains its status and pedagogic function in teaching an audience about new sounds and developing aural literacies. OWS inked its well from an idealistic and collaborative period of label evolution. The punk aesthetic of the late 1970s not only triggered wide-ranging implications for youth culture, but also opened spaces for alternative record labels and label identity. Rough Trade was instrumental in imbuing a spirit of cooperation and a benign mode of competition. A shift in the distribution of records and associated merchandizing to strengthen product association—such as magazines, fanzines and T-Shirts—enabled Rough Trade to deal directly with pivotal stores and outlets and then later establish cartels with stores to provide market security and a workable infrastructure. Links were built with ancillary agents such as concert promoters, press, booking agents, record producers and sleeve designers, to create a national, then European and international, network to produce an (under the counter) culture. Such methods can also be traced in the history of Postcard Records from Edinburgh, Zoo Records from Liverpool, Warp in Sheffield, Pork Recordings in Hull, Hospital Records in London, and both Grand Central and Factory in Manchester. From the ashes of the post-1976 punk blitzkrieg, independent labels bloomed with varying impact, effect and success, but they held an economic and political agenda. The desire was to create a strong brand identity by forming a tight collaboration between artists and distributors. Perceptions of a label’s size and significance was enhanced and enlarged through this collaborative relationship. OWS acknowledged and rewrote this history of the independent label. There was a desire to fuse the branding of the label with the artists signed, released and distributed. No long term obligations on behalf of the artists were required. A 50/50 split after costs was shared. While such an ‘agreement’ appeared anachronistic, it was also a respectful nod to the initial label/artist split offered by Rough Trade. Collaboration with artists throughout the process offered clear statements of intent, with idealism undercut by pragmatism. From track selection, sleeve design, promotion strategy and interview schedule, the level of communication created a sense of joint ownership and dialogue between label and artist. This reinscription of independent record history is complex because OWS’ stable of performers and producers is an amalgamation of dub, trance, hip hop, soul and house genres. Much of trans-localism of OWS was encouraged by its base in Perth. Metaphorically ‘off world’, Perth is a pad for international music to land, be remixed, recut and re-released. Just as Wellington is the capital of Tolkien’s Middle Earth as well as New Zealand, Perth is a remix capital for Paris or New York-based performers. The brand name ‘Off World Sounds’ was designed to emphasise isolation: to capture the negativity of isolation but rewrite separation and distinctiveness with a positive inflection. The title was poached from Ridley Scott’s 1980s film Bladerunner, which was in turn based on Philip K. Dick’s story, “Do Androids Dream of Electric Sheep?” Affirming this isolation summoned an ironic commentary on Perth’s geographical location, while also mocking the 1980s discourses of modernity and the near future. The key was to align punk’s history of collaboration with this narrative of isolation and independence, to explore mobility, collaboration, and immigration. Spaces in the Music Discussions of place dictate a particular methodology to researching music. Dreams of escape and, concurrently, intense desires for home pepper the history of popular music. What makes OWS important to theories of musical collaboration is that not only was there a global spread of musicians, producers and designers, but they worked together in a series of strategic trans-localisms. There were precedents for disconnecting place and label, although not of the scale instigated by OWS. Fast Products, although based in Glasgow, signed The Human League from Sheffield and Gang of Four from Leeds. OWS was unique in signing artists disconnected on a global scale, with the goal of building collaborations in remixing and design. Gripper, from the north east of England, Little Egypt from New York, The Bone Idle from Vienna, Hull and Los Angeles, Looped for Pleasure from Sheffield, Barney Mullhouse from Australia and the United Kingdom, Ooblo from Manchester, Attache from Adelaide, Crackpot from Melbourne and DB Chills from Sydney are also joined by artists resident in Perth, such as Soundlab, the Ku-Ling Bros and Blue Jay. Compact Disc mastering is completed in Sydney, London, and Perth. The artwork for vinyl and CD sleeves, alongside flyers, press advertising and posters, is derived from Manchester, England. These movements in the music flattened geographical hierarchies, where European and American tracks were implicitly valued over Australian-derived material. Through pop music history, the primary music markets of the United Kingdom and United States made success for Australian artists difficult. Off World emphasised that the product was not licensed. It was previously unreleased material specifically recorded for the label and an exclusive Australian first territory release. Importantly, this licensing agreement also broadened definitions and interpretations of ‘Australian music’. Such a critique and initiative was important. For example, Paul Bodlovich, Director of the West Australian Music Industry (WAM), believed he was extending the brief of his organisation during his tenure. Once more though, rock was the framework, structure and genre of interest. Explaining the difference from his predecessor, he stated that: [James Nagy] very much saw the music industry as being only bands who were playing all original music—to him they were the only people who actually constituted the music industry. I have a much broader view on that, that all those other people who are around the band—the manager, the promoters, the labels, the audio guys, the whole shebang—that they are part of the music industry too. (33) Much was absent from his ‘whole shebang,’ including the fans who actually buy the music and attend the pubs and clubs. A diversity of genres was also not acknowledged. If hip hop, and urban music generally, is added to his list of new interests, then clubs, graf galleries, dance instructors and fashion and jewelry designers could extend the network of musical collaborations. A parody of corporate culture and a pastiche of the post-punk aesthetic, OWS networked and franchised itself into existence. It was a cottage industry superimposed onto a corporate infrastructure. Attempting to make inroads into an insular Perth arts community and build creative industries’ networks without state government policy support, Off World offered an optimistic perspective on the city’s status and value in a national and global electronic market. Yet in commercial terms, OWS failed. What OWS captures through its failures conveys more about music policy in Australia than any success. The label has been able to catalogue the lack of changes to Perth’s music policy. The proprietors, performers and designers were not approached in 2002 by the Western Australian Contemporary Music Taskforce to offer comment. Yet Matthew Benson and Poppy Wise, researchers for that report, stated that “the solution lies in the industry becoming more outwardly focused, and to do this, it must seek the input of successful professionals who have proven track records in the marketing of music nationally and globally” (9). The resultant document argued that the industry needed to the look to Sydney and Melbourne for knowledge of “international” markets. Yet Paul Bodlovich, the Director of WAM, singled out the insularity of ‘England,’ not Britain, and ‘America’ in comparison to the ‘outward’ Perth music industry: To us, they’re all centre of the universe, but they don’t look past their walls, they don’t have a clue what goes in other parts of the world … All they see say in England is English TV, or in America it’s American TV. Whereas we sit in a very isolated part of the world and we absorb culture from everywhere because we think we have to just to be on an equal arc with everyone else. We think we have to absorb stuff from other cultures because unless we do then we really are isolated … It’s a similar belief to the ongoing issue of women in the workplace, where there’s a belief that to be seen on equal footing you have to be better. (33) This knight’s move affiliation of Perth’s musicians with women in the workplace is bizarre and inappropriate. This unfortunate connection is made worse when recognizing that Perth’s music institutions and organisations, such as WAM, are dominated by white, Australian-born men. To promote the outwardness of Perth culture while not mentioning the role and function of immigration is not addressing how mobility, creativity and commerce is activated. To unify ‘England’ and ‘America,’ without recognizing the crucial differences between Manchester and Bristol, New York and New Orleans, is conservative, arrogant, and wrong. National models of music, administered by Australian-born white men and funded through grants-oriented peer review models rather than creative industries’ infrastructural initiatives, still punctuate Western Australian music. Off World Sounds has been caught in non-collaborative, nationalist models for organising culture and economics. It is always easy to affirm the specialness and difference of a city’s sound or music. While affirming the nation and rock, outsiders appear threatening to the social order. When pondering cities and electronica, collaboration, movement and meaning dance through the margins. References Benson, Matthew, and Poppy Wise. A Study into the Current State of the Western Australian Contemporary Music Industry and Its Potential for Economic Growth. Department of Culture and the Arts, Government of Western Australia, December 2002. Bodlovich, Paul. “Director’s Report.” X-Press 940 (17 Feb. 2005): 33. Zuberi, Nabeel. Sounds English: Transnational Popular Music. Urbana: U of Illinois P, 2001. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Brabazon, Tara, and Stephen Mallinder. "Off World Sounds: Building a Collaborative Soundscape." M/C Journal 9.2 (2006). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0605/13-brabazonmallinder.php>. APA Style Brabazon, T., and S. Mallinder. (May 2006) "Off World Sounds: Building a Collaborative Soundscape," M/C Journal, 9(2). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0605/13-brabazonmallinder.php>.

In Ireland today, we eat more pigmeat per capita, approximately 32.4 kilograms, than any other meat, yet you very seldom if ever see a pig (C.S.O.). Fat and flavour are two words that are synonymous with pig meat, yet scientists have spent the last thirty years cross breeding to produce leaner, low-fat pigs. Today’s pig professionals prefer to use the term “pig finishing” as opposed to the more traditional “pig fattening” (Tuite). The pig evokes many themes in relation to cuisine. Charles Lamb (1775-1834), in his essay Dissertation upon Roast Pig, cites Confucius in attributing the accidental discovery of the art of roasting to the humble pig. The pig has been singled out by many cultures as a food to be avoided or even abhorred, and Harris (1997) illustrates the environmental effect this avoidance can have by contrasting the landscape of Christian Albania with that of Muslim Albania.This paper will focus on the pig in Irish cuisine and culture from ancient times to the present day. The inspiration for this paper comes from a folklore tale about how Saint Martin created the pig from a piece of fat. The story is one of a number recorded by Seán Ó Conaill, the famous Kerry storyteller and goes as follows:From St Martin’s fat they were made. He was travelling around, and one night he came to a house and yard. At that time there were only cattle; there were no pigs or piglets. He asked the man of the house if there was anything to eat the chaff and the grain. The man replied there were only the cattle. St Martin said it was a great pity to have that much chaff going to waste. At night when they were going to bed, he handed a piece of fat to the servant-girl and told her to put it under a tub, and not to look at it at all until he would give her the word next day. The girl did so, but she kept a bit of the fat and put it under a keeler to find out what it would be.When St Martin rose next day he asked her to go and lift up the tub. She lifted it up, and there under it were a sow and twelve piglets. It was a great wonder to them, as they had never before seen pig or piglet.The girl then went to the keeler and lifted it, and it was full of mice and rats! As soon as the keeler was lifted, they went running about the house searching for any hole that they could go into. When St Martin saw them, he pulled off one of his mittens and threw it at them and made a cat with that throw. And that is why the cat ever since goes after mice and rats (Ó Conaill).The place of the pig has long been established in Irish literature, and longer still in Irish topography. The word torc, a boar, like the word muc, a pig, is a common element of placenames, from Kanturk (boar’s head) in West Cork to Ros Muc (headland of pigs) in West Galway. The Irish pig had its place in literature well established long before George Orwell’s English pig, Major, headed the dictatorship in Animal Farm. It was a wild boar that killed the hero Diarmaid in the Fenian tale The Pursuit of Diarmaid and Gráinne, on top of Ben Bulben in County Sligo (Mac Con Iomaire). In Ancient and Medieval Ireland, wild boars were hunted with great fervour, and the prime cuts were reserved for the warrior classes, and certain other individuals. At a feast, a leg of pork was traditionally reserved for a king, a haunch for a queen, and a boar’s head for a charioteer. The champion warrior was given the best portion of meat (Curath Mhir or Champions’ Share), and fights often took place to decide who should receive it. Gantz (1981) describes how in the ninth century tale The story of Mac Dathó’s Pig, Cet mac Matach, got supremacy over the men of Ireland: “Moreover he flaunted his valour on high above the valour of the host, and took a knife in his hand and sat down beside the pig. “Let someone be found now among the men of Ireland”, said he, “to endure battle with me, or leave the pig for me to divide!”It did not take long before the wild pigs were domesticated. Whereas cattle might be kept for milk and sheep for wool, the only reason for pig rearing was as a source of food. Until the late medieval period, the “domesticated” pigs were fattened on woodland mast, the fruit of the beech, oak, chestnut and whitethorn, giving their flesh a delicious flavour. So important was this resource that it is acknowledged by an entry in the Annals of Clonmacnoise for the year 1038: “There was such an abundance of ackornes this yeare that it fattened the pigges [runts] of pigges” (Sexton 45). In another mythological tale, two pig keepers, one called ‘friuch’ after the boars bristle (pig keeper to the king of Munster) and the other called ‘rucht’ after its grunt (pig keeper to the king of Connacht), were such good friends that the one from the north would bring his pigs south when there was a mast of oak and beech nuts in Munster. If the mast fell in Connacht, the pig-keeper from the south would travel northward. Competitive jealousy sparked by troublemakers led to the pig keepers casting spells on each other’s herds to the effect that no matter what mast they ate they would not grow fat. Both pig keepers were practised in the pagan arts and could form themselves into any shape, and having been dismissed by their kings for the leanness of their pig herds due to the spells, they eventually formed themselves into the two famous bulls that feature in the Irish Epic The Táin (Kinsella).In the witty and satirical twelfth century text, The Vision of Mac Conglinne (Aisling Mhic Conglinne), many references are made to the various types of pig meat. Bacon, hams, sausages and puddings are often mentioned, and the gate to the fortress in the visionary land of plenty is described thus: “there was a gate of tallow to it, whereon was a bolt of sausage” (Jackson).Although pigs were always popular in Ireland, the emergence of the potato resulted in an increase in both human and pig populations. The Irish were the first Europeans to seriously consider the potato as a staple food. By 1663 it was widely accepted in Ireland as an important food plant and by 1770 it was known as the Irish Potato (Mac Con Iomaire and Gallagher). The potato transformed Ireland from an under populated island of one million in the 1590s to 8.2 million in 1840, making it the most densely populated country in Europe. Two centuries of genetic evolution resulted in potato yields growing from two tons per acre in 1670 to ten tons per acre in 1800. A constant supply of potato, which was not seen as a commercial crop, ensured that even the smallest holding could keep a few pigs on a potato-rich diet. Pat Tuite, an expert on pigs with Teagasc, the Irish Agricultural and Food Development Authority, reminded me that the potatoes were cooked for the pigs and that they also enjoyed whey, the by product of both butter and cheese making (Tuite). The agronomist, Arthur Young, while travelling through Ireland, commented in 1770 that in the town of Mitchelstown in County Cork “there seemed to be more pigs than human beings”. So plentiful were pigs at this time that on the eve of the Great Famine in 1841 the pig population was calculated to be 1,412,813 (Sexton 46). Some of the pigs were kept for home consumption but the rest were a valuable source of income and were shown great respect as the gentleman who paid the rent. Until the early twentieth century most Irish rural households kept some pigs.Pork was popular and was the main meat eaten at all feasts in the main houses; indeed a feast was considered incomplete without a whole roasted pig. In the poorer holdings, fresh pork was highly prized, as it was only available when a pig of their own was killed. Most of the pig was salted, placed in the brine barrel for a period or placed up the chimney for smoking.Certain superstitions were observed concerning the time of killing. Pigs were traditionally killed only in months that contained the letter “r”, since the heat of the summer months caused the meat to turn foul. In some counties it was believed that pigs should be killed under the full moon (Mahon 58). The main breed of pig from the medieval period was the Razor Back or Greyhound Pig, which was very efficient in converting organic waste into meat (Fitzgerald). The killing of the pig was an important ritual and a social occasion in rural Ireland, for it meant full and plenty for all. Neighbours, who came to help, brought a handful of salt for the curing, and when the work was done each would get a share of the puddings and the fresh pork. There were a number of days where it was traditional to kill a pig, the Michaelmas feast (29 September), Saint Martins Day (11 November) and St Patrick’s Day (17 March). Olive Sharkey gives a vivid description of the killing of the barrow pig in rural Ireland during the 1930s. A barrow pig is a male pig castrated before puberty:The local slaughterer (búistéir) a man experienced in the rustic art of pig killing, was approached to do the job, though some farmers killed their own pigs. When the búistéirarrived the whole family gathered round to watch the killing. His first job was to plunge the knife in the pig’s heart via the throat, using a special knife. The screeching during this performance was something awful, but the animal died instantly once the heart had been reached, usually to a round of applause from the onlookers. The animal was then draped across a pig-gib, a sort of bench, and had the fine hairs on its body scraped off. To make this a simple job the animal was immersed in hot water a number of times until the bristles were softened and easy to remove. If a few bristles were accidentally missed the bacon was known as ‘hairy bacon’!During the killing of the pig it was imperative to draw a good flow of blood to ensure good quality meat. This blood was collected in a bucket for the making of puddings. The carcass would then be hung from a hook in the shed with a basin under its head to catch the drip, and a potato was often placed in the pig’s mouth to aid the dripping process. After a few days the carcass would be dissected. Sharkey recalls that her father maintained that each pound weight in the pig’s head corresponded to a stone weight in the body. The body was washed and then each piece that was to be preserved was carefully salted and placed neatly in a barrel and hermetically sealed. It was customary in parts of the midlands to add brown sugar to the barrel at this stage, while in other areas juniper berries were placed in the fire when hanging the hams and flitches (sides of bacon), wrapped in brown paper, in the chimney for smoking (Sharkey 166). While the killing was predominantly men’s work, it was the women who took most responsibility for the curing and smoking. Puddings have always been popular in Irish cuisine. The pig’s intestines were washed well and soaked in a stream, and a mixture of onions, lard, spices, oatmeal and flour were mixed with the blood and the mixture was stuffed into the casing and boiled for about an hour, cooled and the puddings were divided amongst the neighbours.The pig was so palatable that the famous gastronomic writer Grimod de la Reyniere once claimed that the only piece you couldn’t eat was the “oink”. Sharkey remembers her father remarking that had they been able to catch the squeak they would have made tin whistles out of it! No part went to waste; the blood and offal were used, the trotters were known as crubeens (from crúb, hoof), and were boiled and eaten with cabbage. In Galway the knee joint was popular and known as the glúiníns (from glún, knee). The head was roasted whole or often boiled and pressed and prepared as Brawn. The chitterlings (small intestines) were meticulously prepared by continuous washing in cool water and the picking out of undigested food and faeces. Chitterlings were once a popular bar food in Dublin. Pig hair was used for paintbrushes and the bladder was occasionally inflated, using a goose quill, to be used as a football by the children. Meindertsma (2007) provides a pictorial review of the vast array of products derived from a single pig. These range from ammunition and porcelain to chewing gum.From around the mid-eighteenth century, commercial salting of pork and bacon grew rapidly in Ireland. 1820 saw Henry Denny begin operation in Waterford where he both developed and patented several production techniques for bacon. Bacon curing became a very important industry in Munster culminating in the setting up of four large factories. Irish bacon was the brand leader and the Irish companies exported their expertise. Denny set up a plant in Denmark in 1894 and introduced the Irish techniques to the Danish industry, while O’Mara’s set up bacon curing facilities in Russia in 1891 (Cowan and Sexton). Ireland developed an extensive export trade in bacon to England, and hams were delivered to markets in Paris, India, North and South America. The “sandwich method” of curing, or “dry cure”, was used up until 1862 when the method of injecting strong brine into the meat by means of a pickling pump was adopted by Irish bacon-curers. 1887 saw the formation of the Bacon Curers’ Pig Improvement Association and they managed to introduce a new breed, the Large White Ulster into most regions by the turn of the century. This breed was suitable for the production of “Wiltshire” bacon. Cork, Waterford Dublin and Belfast were important centres for bacon but it was Limerick that dominated the industry and a Department of Agriculture document from 1902 suggests that the famous “Limerick cure” may have originated by chance:1880 […] Limerick producers were short of money […] they produced what was considered meat in a half-cured condition. The unintentional cure proved extremely popular and others followed suit. By the turn of the century the mild cure procedure was brought to such perfection that meat could [… be] sent to tropical climates for consumption within a reasonable time (Cowan and Sexton).Failure to modernise led to the decline of bacon production in Limerick in the 1960s and all four factories closed down. The Irish pig market was protected prior to joining the European Union. There were no imports, and exports were subsidised by the Pigs and Bacon Commission. The Department of Agriculture started pig testing in the early 1960s and imported breeds from the United Kingdom and Scandinavia. The two main breeds were Large White and Landrace. Most farms kept pigs before joining the EU but after 1972, farmers were encouraged to rationalise and specialise. Grants were made available for facilities that would keep 3,000 pigs and these grants kick started the development of large units.Pig keeping and production were not only rural occupations; Irish towns and cities also had their fair share. Pigs could easily be kept on swill from hotels, restaurants, not to mention the by-product and leftovers of the brewing and baking industries. Ed Hick, a fourth generation pork butcher from south County Dublin, recalls buying pigs from a local coal man and bus driver and other locals for whom it was a tradition to keep pigs on the side. They would keep some six or eight pigs at a time and feed them on swill collected locally. Legislation concerning the feeding of swill introduced in 1985 (S.I.153) and an amendment in 1987 (S.I.133) required all swill to be heat-treated and resulted in most small operators going out of business. Other EU directives led to the shutting down of thousands of slaughterhouses across Europe. Small producers like Hick who slaughtered at most 25 pigs a week in their family slaughterhouse, states that it was not any one rule but a series of them that forced them to close. It was not uncommon for three inspectors, a veterinarian, a meat inspector and a hygiene inspector, to supervise himself and his brother at work. Ed Hick describes the situation thus; “if we had taken them on in a game of football, we would have lost! We were seen as a huge waste of veterinary time and manpower”.Sausages and rashers have long been popular in Dublin and are the main ingredients in the city’s most famous dish “Dublin Coddle.” Coddle is similar to an Irish stew except that it uses pork rashers and sausage instead of lamb. It was, traditionally, a Saturday night dish when the men came home from the public houses. Terry Fagan has a book on Dublin Folklore called Monto: Murder, Madams and Black Coddle. The black coddle resulted from soot falling down the chimney into the cauldron. James Joyce describes Denny’s sausages with relish in Ulysses, and like many other Irish emigrants, he would welcome visitors from home only if they brought Irish sausages and Irish whiskey with them. Even today, every family has its favourite brand of sausages: Byrne’s, Olhausens, Granby’s, Hafner’s, Denny’s Gold Medal, Kearns and Superquinn are among the most popular. Ironically the same James Joyce, who put Dublin pork kidneys on the world table in Ulysses, was later to call his native Ireland “the old sow that eats her own farrow” (184-5).The last thirty years have seen a concerted effort to breed pigs that have less fat content and leaner meat. There are no pure breeds of Landrace or Large White in production today for they have been crossbred for litter size, fat content and leanness (Tuite). Many experts feel that they have become too lean, to the detriment of flavour and that the meat can tend to split when cooked. Pig production is now a complicated science and tighter margins have led to only large-scale operations being financially viable (Whittemore). The average size of herd has grown from 29 animals in 1973, to 846 animals in 1997, and the highest numbers are found in counties Cork and Cavan (Lafferty et al.). The main players in today’s pig production/processing are the large Irish Agribusiness Multinationals Glanbia, Kerry Foods and Dairygold. Tuite (2002) expressed worries among the industry that there may be no pig production in Ireland in twenty years time, with production moving to Eastern Europe where feed and labour are cheaper. When it comes to traceability, in the light of the Foot and Mouth, BSE and Dioxin scares, many feel that things were much better in the old days, when butchers like Ed Hick slaughtered animals that were reared locally and then sold them back to local consumers. Hick has recently killed pigs for friends who have begun keeping them for home consumption. This slaughtering remains legal as long as the meat is not offered for sale.Although bacon and cabbage, and the full Irish breakfast with rashers, sausages and puddings, are considered to be some of Ireland’s most well known traditional dishes, there has been a growth in modern interpretations of traditional pork and bacon dishes in the repertoires of the seemingly ever growing number of talented Irish chefs. Michael Clifford popularised Clonakilty Black Pudding as a starter in his Cork restaurant Clifford’s in the late 1980s, and its use has become widespread since, as a starter or main course often partnered with either caramelised apples or red onion marmalade. Crubeens (pigs trotters) have been modernised “a la Pierre Kaufman” by a number of Irish chefs, who bone them out and stuff them with sweetbreads. Kevin Thornton, the first Irish chef to be awarded two Michelin stars, has roasted suckling pig as one of his signature dishes. Richard Corrigan is keeping the Irish flag flying in London in his Michelin starred Soho restaurant, Lindsay House, where traditional pork and bacon dishes from his childhood are creatively re-interpreted with simplicity and taste.Pork, ham and bacon are, without doubt, the most traditional of all Irish foods, featuring in the diet since prehistoric times. Although these meats remain the most consumed per capita in post “Celtic Tiger” Ireland, there are a number of threats facing the country’s pig industry. Large-scale indoor production necessitates the use of antibiotics. European legislation and economic factors have contributed in the demise of the traditional art of pork butchery. Scientific advancements have resulted in leaner low-fat pigs, many argue, to the detriment of flavour. Alas, all is not lost. There is a growth in consumer demand for quality local food, and some producers like J. Hick & Sons, and Prue & David Rudd and Family are leading the way. The Rudds process and distribute branded antibiotic-free pig related products with the mission of “re-inventing the tastes of bygone days with the quality of modern day standards”. Few could argue with the late Irish writer John B. Keane (72): “When this kind of bacon is boiling with its old colleague, white cabbage, there is a gurgle from the pot that would tear the heart out of any hungry man”.ReferencesCowan, Cathal and Regina Sexton. Ireland's Traditional Foods: An Exploration of Irish Local & Typical Foods & Drinks. Dublin: Teagasc, 1997.C.S.O. Central Statistics Office. Figures on per capita meat consumption for 2009, 2010. Ireland. http://www.cso.ie.Fitzgerald, Oisin. "The Irish 'Greyhound' Pig: an extinct indigenous breed of Pig." History Ireland13.4 (2005): 20-23.Gantz, Jeffrey Early Irish Myths and Sagas. New York: Penguin, 1981.Harris, Marvin. "The Abominable Pig." Food and Culture: A Reader. Eds. Carole Counihan and Penny Van Esterik. 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