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Journal articles on the topic 'Labour unions'
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1
Berdahl, Loleen, Stephen White, David McGrane, and Michael M. Atkinson. "Symbols, Self-Interest and Labour Policy Attitudes: Evidence from Saskatchewan." Articles 69, no. 4 (January 21, 2015): 665–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1028107ar.
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Unions in many Canadian jurisdictions are facing policy changes that limit (or attempt to limit) their practices. Despite growing pressure on unions as governments restructure labour policies, there is scant research examining public attitudes towards either unions or labour policies. To what extent does the general public support or oppose these changes to labour policy? What factors drive public opinion about labour policy changes? This paper uses data from a telephone survey administered after the 2011 Saskatchewan provincial election to explore public attitudes towards labour policy change; specifically, we explore public opinion regarding Saskatchewan essential services legislation and accompanying changes to labour standards. We are particularly interested in the role that symbolic political factors (attitudes towards unions, NDP partisanship), as opposed to self-interest (union membership), play in structuring public opinion when it comes to labour policy. We find that union membership has no discernible impact on attitudes toward the essential services law; what matters much more is one’s attitude toward unions in general, as well as NDP partisanship. However, union membership does influence attitudes towards labour standards, as do attitudes towards unions and NDP partisanship. Taken together, the results tell us that labour policy attitudes are indeed driven by both self-interest and symbolic political factors. Further, while self-interest does help to explain attitudes towards labour policy, not all union members consider essential services legislation as a direct threat to themselves. The strategic implication for public sector unions is that they cannot necessarily rely on private sector workers and union members to be sympathetic to legislation that affects public sector workplaces. For the Canadian labour movement as a whole, this finding points towards a divergence in the interests of its private sector members and public sector members, and clear limits to worker solidarity.
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Yaroshenko, Oleg, Olena Moskalenko, Olena Sereda, Mykola Inshyn, and Yuliia Burniagina. "The Role of Trade Unions as a Subject of Social Partnership in Resolving Labour Disputes." REVISTA BRASILEIRA DE ALTERNATIVE DISPUTE RESOLUTION 4, no. 7 (July 15, 2022): 147–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.52028/rbadr.v4i7.9.
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The relevance of this scientific work which focuses on trade unions as subjects of social partnership to resolve labor disputes lies in the need to enhance the role of trade union organisations in the mechanism of implementation of social partnership activities in resolving labour disputes. The purpose of this article is to conduct an analysis of trade union activities in general, highlighting its main characteristics and principles on which such activities are based, and also to investigate what is the role of trade unions as the subjects of social partnership. The scientific work was aimed at revealing both theoretical and practical aspects. Such methodological approaches include theoretical and methodological, dialectical and methodological, deduction method, induction method, logical analysis method, synthesis method, and others. Thus, in the course of the research, it was revealed that trade unions play a rather important role in the formation of civil society and in improving the mechanism of social and labour relations. In addition, the mechanism of trade unions as subjects of social partnership in resolving labour disputes was analysed in detail, and the problems that stand in the way of the proper functioning of participation of trade union organisations in social partnership were identified. The results of the study will contribute to the development of methodological recommendations to help resolve problems related to trade union participation in social partnerships and to enhance the role of cooperation between trade unions and employers in the settlement of labour disputes.
3
Brigden, Cathy. "Unions and Collective Bargaining in 2008." Journal of Industrial Relations 51, no. 3 (May 20, 2009): 365–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185609104303.
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For Australian unions, 2008 was the first year with a federal labour government in office after more than a decade of conservative government. Attention focused on the promised dismantling of the Work Choices legislation and the introduction of a new legislative framework, although it took until late November for the Fair Work Bill to be introduced into federal parliament. Confronting a disappointing decline in union membership levels, a number of union campaigns focused on recollectivizing workplaces. For other unions, collective bargaining with employers was a frustrating experience, as was the case with Qantas and Telstra. Public sector unions faced lengthy and hard-fought disputes with state labour governments, while an extraordinary dispute over electricity privatization unfolded between unions and the New South Wales Labor government. By the end of the year, the impact of the global financial crisis, and the consequences for jobs was the prevailing concern for many unions.
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Budiono, Abdul Rachmad. "Hak Kebebasan Berserikat Bagi Pekerja Sebagai Hak Konstitusional." Jurnal Konstitusi 13, no. 4 (December 20, 2016): 788. http://dx.doi.org/10.31078/jk1345.
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Article 28E paragraph (3) of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia guarantees the right of everyone to freedom of association, assembly, and to express opinions. Thus, the right of workers or labours to freedom of association is guaranteed by the Constitution. The principle which is embedded in the 1945 Constitution has been incorporated into Law Number 21 Year 2000 concerning Labour Union. The substance of the rights to freedom of association aims to give bargaining power to workers represented by the union against employers. The bargaining position of labour unions is expected to improve the functioning of the unions to defend the interest of workers.
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Thomas, Adrien. "Cross-border labour markets and the role of trade unions in representing migrant workers’ interests." Journal of Industrial Relations 62, no. 2 (January 13, 2020): 235–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185619889073.
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New patterns of labour migration are reshaping labour markets and raising new challenges for labour market actors, especially trade unions. This article critically discusses unionization strategies targeting migrant workers and the political and organizational dilemmas involved, taking as an example the case of Luxembourg, a founding member of the European Union with a highly internationalized labour market. Relying on qualitative research and survey results, this article sets out the strategies adopted by trade unions to unionize migrant workers, before discussing the dilemmas and tensions related to the diversification of trade union policies and organizational structures in response to labour migration. It provides valuable insights into two broader issues: the socio-political and organizational dynamics involved in trade unions’ inclusion of migrant workers and the potential role of trade unions in building transnational links and cohesion in border regions.
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Yates, Charlotte A. B. "Segmented labour, united unions? How unions in Canada cope with increased diversity." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 11, no. 4 (November 2005): 617–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425890501100410.
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As the labour force in Western industrial democracies becomes more diverse, union strategies for organising and representing these workers need to change. With a particular emphasis on union strategies for recruiting new members, this article demonstrates how slow unions have been to adapt to the changing labour market and labour force. Drawing on data from Canada, the article examines the challenges faced by unions in representing women and immigrants, especially those from racial minorities who constitute a growing proportion of recent immigrants to Canada. It then explores the additional challenges posed by changes to the labour market, most notably the rise in private service sector employment and the shift towards non-unionised manufacturing facilities. The article concludes by examining the ways in which unions need to transform their strategies to reflect the greater diversity found amongst workers and their workplaces.
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Benassi, Chiara, Lisa Dorigatti, and Elisa Pannini. "Explaining divergent bargaining outcomes for agency workers: The role of labour divides and labour market reforms." European Journal of Industrial Relations 25, no. 2 (June 22, 2018): 163–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959680118783547.
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Under what conditions can unions successfully regulate precarious employment? We compare the divergent trajectories of collective bargaining on agency work in the Italian and German metal sectors from the late 1990s. We explain the differences by the interaction between trade unions’ institutional and associational power resources, mediated by employers’ divide-and-rule strategies and by union strategies to (re)build a unitary front. In both countries, the liberalization of agency work allowed employers to exploit labour divides, undermining unions’ associational power and preventing labour from negotiating effectively. However, while Italian unions remained ‘trapped’ in the vicious circle between weak legislation and fragmented labour, German unions were able to overcome their internal divides. The different degree of success depended on the nature of the divides within the labour movements.
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Melnyk, Kostiantyn. "Current State and Trends in the Legal Regulation of Trade Unions in Ukraine." Journal of the National Academy of Legal Sciences of Ukraine 27, no. 2 (June 27, 2020): 107–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.37635/jnalsu.27(2).2020.107-118.
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The paper investigates the relevant issues in both the science of labour law and the rule-making activities on the current state and trends in the legal regulation of trade unions in Ukraine. The relevance of the study is conditioned by the importance of social dialogue both in world of work and in other spheres of life of Ukrainian society for the sustainable development of the national economy and the state in modern conditions. The purpose of the paper is to provide scientifically sound conclusions and proposals for improving the legal regulation of trade unions in Ukraine. The study applied general scientific and special methods of scientific knowledge (dialectical, Aristotelian, comparative legal, system analysis) to inspect the legal status of trade unions; the provisions of the current national labour legislation and the legislation in the field of trade union rights were compared with the provisions of the draft Labour Code of Ukraine, the Law of Ukraine "On Labour", etc., which stipulate the rights of trade unions. The study concludes on necessity of the following: 1)to preserve to the full the provisions aimed at ensuring the proper operation of trade unions as representatives and defenders of labour rights of their members in relations with employers and maintenance of high authority and status of trade unions in enterprises, institutions, organisations in current and future national labour legislation and legislation on trade unions; 2) to introduce new forms and methods of activity of trade unions in Ukraine, as well as to coordinate their activities and association with trade unions operating at the supranational level; 3) to make maximum effort to ensure equality of rights of all trade unions in Ukraine and the possibility of exercising the rights, powers, and guarantees of activities stipulated by national labour legislation and legislation in the field of trade union rights
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Finseraas, Henning, Marianne Røed, and Pål Schøne. "Labour immigration and union strength." European Union Politics 21, no. 1 (October 31, 2019): 3–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116519881194.
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Is labour mobility in the European Union a threat to the strength of unions? We argue that the combination of cheap labour, workforce heterogeneity and low unionisation among labour immigrants is a potential challenge for unions. The challenge will be severe if immigration affects natives’ unionisation. We use Norwegian administrative data in a natural experiment framework to examine this claim. The 2004 European Union expansion led to a rapid increase in labour migration to the building and construction industry, but licensing demands protected some workers from the labour supply shock. We show negative labour market effects for workers exposed to labour immigration, but no effect on union membership. Our results question theories of unionisation and are relevant for research on immigration, political behaviour and collective action.
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Fan, Hanbing, Yiming Dong, Dezhuang Hu, and Lianfa Luo. "Do labour unions mitigate labour conflicts in China’s manufacturing firms?" International Journal of Conflict Management 29, no. 4 (August 13, 2018): 470–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijcma-09-2017-0116.
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Purpose This paper aims to examine whether labour unions influence labour conflicts and this mechanism is different in China compared with other countries. Design/methodology/approach This paper uses the data from the China Employer–Employee Survey that interviewed 1,208 firms and 10,087 workers in 2016 as the measurement of variables, and it uses Logit regression model to do the empirical research. Findings Unions cannot significantly influence labour conflicts. More active unions and unions whose leaders are appointed by the firms’ management are associated with a higher incidence of labour conflicts. Originality/value This paper finds a new mechanism that explains the relationship between unions and labour conflicts. The existing literature states that unions may increase labour conflicts via “monopoly power” and may also mitigate labour conflicts via “voice mechanisms”. This paper’s findings show that the positive correlation between unions and labour conflicts may be explained by the lack of “voice mechanism” rather than “monopoly power”. The findings imply that labour unions should represent the interest of workers to mitigate the increasing labour conflicts.
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Cohen, Tamara. "Limiting Organisational Rights of Minority Unions: POPCRU v Ledwaba 2013 11 BLLR 1137 (LC)." Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal/Potchefstroomse Elektroniese Regsblad 17, no. 5 (April 10, 2017): 2227. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1727-3781/2014/v17i5a2162.
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The Labour Relations Act 66 of 1995 unequivocally promotes the policy choice of majoritarianism, in furtherance of orderly collective bargaining and the democratisation of the workplace. The majoritarian model aims to minimise the proliferation of trade unions in a single workplace and to encourage the system of a representative trade union.Section 18(1) of the Labour Relations Act enables majority unions to enter into collective agreements setting thresholds of representivity for the granting of access, stop-order and trade-union leave rights to minority unions. In furtherance of the majoritarian framework, collective agreements concluded between majority unions and employers can be extended to non-parties to the agreement in terms of section 23(1)(d) of the Labour Relations Act provided specified requirements are satisfied. In Police & Prisons Civil Rights Union v Ledwaba 2013 11 BLLR 1137 (LC) (POPCRU) the Labour Court was required to consider if the collective agreements concluded between the employer and the majority union could be relied upon to prohibit the minority union from securing organisational rights. In so doing, the Labour Court had to reconcile the fundamental principle of freedom of association and the right to fair labour practices (to organise and engage in unfettered collective bargaining) within the context of the majoritarian framework. The Labour Court in POPCRU held that the collective agreement concluded with the majority union must have preference over the organisational rights of minority unions, in keeping with the principle of collective bargaining hierarchy and the legislative framework. This case note argues that, while the finding of the labour court in POPCRU is correct on the facts and is in keeping with the principle of majoritarianism, the legislative model may no longer be suitable within the context of the current socio-economic and political landscape. Strike violence, loss of confidence in existing bargaining structures, and the alienation of vulnerable employees from majority unions has resulted in minority unions taking up the cudgels of frustrated and disempowered employees, as witnessed in the Marikana experience. The note suggests that in the light of the changing dynamics of the collective bargaining environment, it may be time to revisit the majoritarian model.
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Bowden, Bradley. "Australian Union Transformation and the Challenge for Labour Historians." Labour History: Volume 118, Issue 1 118, no. 1 (May 1, 2020): 105–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/jlh.2020.6.
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The purpose of this article is two-fold. First, it confronts misconceptions that explain union decline in Australia; misconceptions that are entrenched in labour history and industrial relations scholarship. We are told that decline “commenced in the early 1980s,” when in fact it began in 1948; that union decline primarily results from attacks by conservative governments “bent on their destruction,” when the rate of decline has often been steepest under Labor governments; that unions invariably redress the plight of society’s poorest, when union agreements negotiated in retail and hospitality routinely leave workers in a worse position than those employed under relevant awards. The article’s second purpose is to trace the sociological consequence of union decline. While unions claim to speak for society’s battlers, more than 40 per cent of unionists today are managers and professionals. In terms of wage cohorts, the propensity to join increases with wealth. Although unions retain representation rights for society’s battlers, and publicly advocate their cause, the fact remains: society’s poorest members are no longer found in much number in union ranks. In part, at least, the unwillingness of labour historians to confront harsh realities stems from an understandable desire to defend labour’s cause, rather than serve primarily as dispassionate academic observers.
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Lang, Karen, and Mona-Josée Gagnon. "Brazilian Trade Unions." Articles 64, no. 2 (September 9, 2009): 250–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/037920ar.
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Many analysts of Brazilian industrial relations share a determinist vision of the country’s trade unionism, according to which the unions maintain a paradoxical yet atavistic relationship with the heavy body of laws that provide them with advantages while limiting their freedom. We tested this vision by conducting field enquiries into the daily activities of two Brazilian unions: the ABC Metalworkers Union and the Seamstress Union for the Sao Paulo and Osasco Region. In this article, we present the results of our case studies and what they reveal about Brazilian trade unionism’s relationship with the labour legislation. We also briefly discuss former trade union leader and current President Lula’s recent attempts to reform the country’s labour relations system.
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Soon-Beng, Chew, and Rosalind Chew. "Union Social Responsibility: A Necessary Public Good in a Globalized World." International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 26, Issue 4 (December 1, 2010): 435–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2010027.
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Almost all countries have been adversely affected by the global financial crisis, and almost all countries have resorted to expansionary fiscal policy to boost domestic demand and to contain unemployment. Many countries have also tried to reduce labour costs to contain redundancies. One possible consequence of cutting labour costs is that unions and workers will protest and resist the cost-cutting measures. In addition, labour unions have made demands on their respective governments to reduce the import of goods and foreign workers in order to protect jobs. In the case of Greece, the government is running a huge budget deficit and cannot borrow funds at normal interest rates from the bond markets. The EU insists that Greece should reduce the budget deficit to calm the financial markets. At the same time, Greece is under pressure to reduce fiscal spending during the recession. Since one of the results of cutting public spending is a reduction in benefits for pensioners, public servants, and the public sector, the unions have taken to the streets to protest against the austerity measures. This paper argues that the labour movement should look beyond its self-interest. Labour unions should exhibit union social responsibility (USR) by putting public interest before self-interest. This paper will use the labour movement in Singapore as an example of how a socially responsible labour union can help to save jobs and enable the economy to recover faster. In the fourth quarter of 2008, the Singapore economy registered a 16.4% fall in GDP, but the unemployment rate rose only from 2.5% to 3.3% in the first quarter of 2009. This was to a large extent due to the behaviour of labour unions in Singapore. The theoretical framework for socially responsible labour union action will be presented and examined in the context of the Singapore economy.
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KOLAWOLE, Ibukun Olorunisola. "IMPACTS OF GLOBALISATION ON GLOBAL LABOUR MOVEMENT: CHALLENGES AND RESPONSES." LASU Journal of Employment Relations & Human Resource Management 1, no. 1 (December 1, 2018): 294–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.36108/ljerhrm/8102.01.0123.
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Across the globe labour formations have generally been experiencing insurmountable challenges related to globalisation these challenges, though differs in the levels of impact, the issues raised are universally applicable. Studies show that trade unions are trying to combat these challenges by adopting organising model elements which involves social unionism movement. Unfortunately, this has not been adopted by all unions. This paper has as its main objective of situating the trade unions within the context of globalisation era with a view to assessing the effects of globalisation on the roles of labour movement. It is believed more than ever before, that the challenges facing the labour unions are daunting and this has changed the traditional roles of the trade union to be more dynamic and versatile. Attempts are made to define trade union and globalisation in its multi-faceted dimension. It looks at these challenges faced by trade unions due to globalisation and how they have responded to these challenges. The author review various areas that globalisation have been perceives to have adverse effects on trade unions and its members and their responses, recommending measures to be adopted by unions to overcome these challenges
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Shen, Jie. "An Analysis of Changing Industrial Relations in China." International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 22, Issue 3 (September 1, 2006): 347–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2006018.
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Abstract: This paper explores changing industrial relations in China by reviewing the existing literature and analysing a recent industrial relations survey conducted by the Shanghai Municipal Trade Union Council. During the transition from a planned economy to a quasi-market one, a harmonic relationship has been replaced by widespread labour disputes between enterprise management and workers. The growing violations of workers? rights are mainly due to diversity of ownership, a lack of regulations for human resources management, extended management power over employment relations, inadequate social security, surplus labour supply and weak unions. In order to achieve social stability the Chinese government is keen to establish a system of protection of workers? rights. The current system is centred on labour arbitration that is accompanied by tripartite negotiation, collective (regional) agreements and labour courts. Unions play no more than a role of mediation, organising meetings in tripartite negotiation. Consequently, local labour bureaux or (government) industry bureaux have a strong tendency to interfere in and influence industrial relations. ?Rival? regional unions or workers? congresses set up by the union council to represent workers in their regions are emerging. However, they have not yet played an active role in solving labour disputes. Strengthening labour arbitration is the key to developing labour dispute management strategies in China given that independent unions are not possible in the near future.
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Salamon, Errol. "(De)valuing Intern Labour: Journalism Internship Pay Rates and Collective Representation in Canada." tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 13, no. 2 (September 30, 2015): 438–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v13i2.573.
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Unpaid journalism internships have attracted increasing media coverage, but they have received limited scholarly attention. This paper traces the connections between trade unions (in unionized media organizations) and the labour conditions marking journalism internships. While some unions can be complicit in sustaining the exploitation and devaluation of interns with regard to the standard market value of entry-level labour, other unions have fought to establish internships, locking higher salaries into collective agreements. Building on the concept of precarity, this article surveys internships at 19 mainstream English-language newspapers and magazines in Canada. It draws on documentary evidence from and personal communication with labour unions and journalism organizations, internship advertisements, and media coverage to offer a typology of the relationships between pay rates and collective representation within journalism internships: unpaid/low paid and not under union jurisdiction; unpaid/low paid and under union jurisdiction; paid at intern rates and not under union jurisdiction; paid at intern rates and under union jurisdiction; and paid at entry-level employee rates and under union jurisdiction.
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Hu, Enhua, Maolong Zhang, Hongmei Shan, Long Zhang, and Yaqing Yue. "Job satisfaction and union participation in China." Employee Relations 40, no. 6 (October 1, 2018): 964–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/er-10-2017-0245.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to offer empirical evidence on whether and how the work experiences of employees in China influence their union-related attitudes and behaviours. Design/methodology/approach The authors developed a mediated moderation model to examine how job satisfaction and labour relations climate interactively affect union participation and whether union commitment mediates the interactive effects. A total of 585 employees from enterprises in Jiangsu, Zhejiang, Anhui, Jiangxi and Fujian province of China were surveyed to verify the model. Findings Job satisfaction was negatively related to union participation and union commitment. Labour relations climate moderated the relationship between job satisfaction and union participation; the relationship was negative and stronger when employees perceived an adverse, rather than a favourable, labour relations climate. Further, the interactive effect of job satisfaction and labour relations climate on union participation was partly mediated by union commitment. Originality/value By empirically examining employees’ attitudes and behaviours towards unions in the Chinese context, this study confirms that unions could provide employees with alternative work resources to cope with job dissatisfaction, even in a country where unions play a “transmission belt” role between employees and employers. This study adds value to the existing base of knowledge on union practice and labour relations construction, both inside and outside of China.
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Meyer, Brett. "Learning to Love the Government." World Politics 68, no. 3 (May 18, 2016): 538–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887116000058.
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One counterintuitive variation in wage-setting regulation is that countries with the highest labor standards and strongest labor movements are among the least likely to set a statutory minimum wage. This, the author argues, is due largely to trade union opposition. Trade unions oppose the minimum wage when they face minimal low-wage competition, which is affected by the political institutions regulating industrial action, collective agreements, and employment, as well as by the skill and wage levels of their members. When political institutions effectively regulate low-wage competition, unions oppose the minimum wage. When political institutions are less favorable toward unions, there may be a cleavage between high- and low-wage unions in their minimum wage preferences. The argument is illustrated with case studies of the UK, Germany, and Sweden. The author demonstrates how the regulation of low-wage competition affects unions’ minimum wage preferences by exploiting the following labor market institutional shocks: the Conservatives’ labor law reforms in the UK, the Hartz labor market reforms in Germany, and the European Court of Justice's Laval ruling in Sweden. The importance of union preferences for minimum wage adoption is also shown by how trade union confederation preferences influenced the position of the Labour Party in the UK and the Social Democratic Party in Germany.
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Tom, Jr., Ratemo. "Demeaning face of politics and bureaucracy in labour movement in Kenya: A quest for an effective labour law." Novum Jus 16, no. 2 (July 1, 2022): 341–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.14718/novumjus.2022.16.2.13.
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The Constitution of Kenya, 2010, the Labour Relations Act, 2007, and the Employment Act, 2007, along with several other labour statutes, are designed to facilitate the establishment of employer-employee unions that play a significant role in safeguarding the social, political, and economic rights/interests of their registered members. Employers and employees generally need a conducive environment to perform their daily duties. Of late, however, continuous interference from political and state machineries in the running of union activities has proved to be a bedrock for regular internal disputes between the management and employees of various institutions in the country. For instance, the Kenya National Union of Teachers has accused, on several occasions, the Teachers Service Commission and politicians of sabotaging the affairs of the union. This paper, therefore, aims to evaluate the constitutional and legal framework regulating the establishment and registration of trade unions in Kenya. Besides, with the aid of judicial pronouncements, it analyses the impact of politics and bureaucracy in exercising the right to freedom of association, an essential element in the survival of trade unions in Kenya. Finally, the paper proposes measures to counter the threat posed by external parties in running trade union activities.
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Sumartias, Suwandi, Hanny Hafiar, Kholidil Amin, Putri Limilia, and Ari Agung Prastowo. "Labour union’s website accessibility and information rights fulfilment among workers with disability." Jurnal Studi Komunikasi (Indonesian Journal of Communications Studies) 6, no. 3 (November 17, 2022): 859–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.25139/jsk.v6i3.4952.
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The present study examines website accessibility on the labour union's website regarding their ability to provide a friendly website for people with disabilities. Web Content Accessibility Guidelines (WCAG) were employed to assess web accessibility. Labour union confederation’s website had significant accessibility errors on adaptable, navigable, operable, and low-contrast elements. Besides, the website had severe alerts and errors. Generally, most websites have not employ accessibility guidelines; hence information rights fulfilment among people with disabilities failed to be achieved. The limitation of this research lies in the number of labour union websites being analysed. Nevertheless, this research employs labour confederation websites with many members and federations that represent labour unions based on the type and location in Indonesia. Another limitation lies in the evaluation tools, which are limited to free tools usage. Thus, future research should employ various tools, neither free nor paid tools. Website developers should get socialisation regarding the urgency of website accessibility while repairing some aspects with low scores and errors. The government should enforce accessibility regulations. The community of people with disabilities should actively deliver their feedback to web developers thus their information rights can be fulfilled. The information rights fulfilment among workers with a disability tends to neglect by the labour unions. It can be seen from the labour union confederation's website that it is not accessible yet for all workers, so an inclusive workplace is challenging to achieve.
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Miruka, Collins Ogutu. "The depletion of narrative resources in the Kenyan trade union movement." Journal of Governance and Regulation 4, no. 4 (2015): 704–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/jgr_v4_i4_c6_p5.
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We discuss in this study the problems of mobilization and effectiveness faced by Kenyan trade unions. In a country with high levels of unemployment and weak labour legislation, it is imperative that the labour movement devise ways of remaining relevant and effective. We combine in-depth interviews with a qualitative assessment of secondary documents on trade unions in Kenya. We do this by looking at topics addressed, characterizations of unions as well as major actors such as union leaders, workers, and political leaders. We argue that labour leaders need to enrich their vocabularies of persuasion in order to neutralize the current discourses around trade unionism in Kenya. Such an approach would enable the union leadership to acquire new repertoires of action to enhance their capacity to mobilize.
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WRIGHT, CHRIS F., and WILLIAM BROWN. "FROM CENTER STAGE TO BIT PLAYER: TRADE UNIONS AND THE BRITISH ECONOMY." Singapore Economic Review 59, no. 04 (September 2014): 1450030. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0217590814500301.
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Over the past 30 years, British unions have been marginalised from economic policymaking. Union membership and collective bargaining coverage have fallen dramatically, and the sometimes negative economic impact of unions at the workplace level has disappeared. While strong unions were once key contributors to macroeconomic problems such as high inflation, the weakening of organised labour has created other economic problems for policymakers in Britain, such as rising inequality. The social and political consequences of deepening inequality may force a reconsideration of the role of both the state and of unions in upholding labour standards.
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Fairey, David B. "Exclusion of Unionized Workers from Employment Standards Law." Articles 64, no. 1 (March 30, 2009): 112–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/029541ar.
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The technique of permitting unions to derogations from core employment standards has been increasingly advocated as a means of making labour law more flexible while still protecting workers since the union is considered to bring countervailing power in support of workers’ preferences. The new British Columbia Employment Standards Act contains a broad union derogation provision. Industrial relations experts have commented that employment standards that permit the opting out of statutory employee protections in this way invites corrupt arrangements between employers and employer-dominated unions. Using the new BC statute as a case study, the assumption that requiring the union’s consent to derogation from core standards ensures that the derogation reflects workers’ preferences is tested using two sources of empirical data: collective agreements entered into by an employer friendly union (the Christian Labour Association of Canada); and collective agreements in which the union had neither the opportunity nor the strength to prevent derogation.
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Kruger, Johan, and Clarence Itumeleng Tshoose. "The Impact of the Labour Relations Act on Minority Trade Unions: A South African Perspective." Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal/Potchefstroomse Elektroniese Regsblad 16, no. 4 (May 17, 2017): 284. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1727-3781/2013/v16i4a2416.
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The advent of the new political dispensation in 1994 heralded the coming of a new labour dispensation. Labour relations and labour policies changed significantly from that which prevailed under the previous government. The review of the labour legislation framework was at that stage a priority for the new government, with specific focus on the review of the collective bargaining dispensation. The abuse of trade unions under the previous government gave rise to a unique entrenchment of labour rights in the Constitution. The drafters thereof were determined to avoid a repetition of this abuse after 1994. Section 23 of the Constitution goes to great lengths to protect, amongst others, the right to form and join a trade union, the right of every trade union to organise and the right of every trade union to engage in collective bargaining. In furtherance of section 23(5) of the Constitution, the Labour Relations Act 66 of 1995 was promulgated. One of the most significant changes of the LRA was that it now provided for legislated organisational rights. Commentators have often viewed the LRA as favouring larger unions and as conferring clear advantages on unions with majority support at the establishment or industry level. It is within this context that this article examines the impact of section 18 of the LRA on the constitutionally entrenched right of every person to freedom of association, the right of every trade union to engage in collective bargaining, and the right of every trade union to organise. Furthermore, this article explores the justifiability of the impact of section 18 on minority trade unions in terms of international labour standards and the Constitution. In part one the article examines the concept of majoritarianism, pluralism and industrial unionism in the context of South African Labour market. Part two deals with the impact of section 18 of the LRA on minority Trade Unions. Whilst part three explores the concept of workplace democracy. Part five investigates the applicability of international labour standards in the context of the right to freedom of association. Part four ends up with conclusion and recommendations on the impact of section 18 of the LRA.
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Holgate, Jane. "The Sydney Alliance: A broad-based community organising potential for trade union transformation?" Economic and Industrial Democracy 39, no. 2 (December 7, 2015): 312–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0143831x15618451.
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This article reports on a study of trade union involvement in the Sydney Alliance – a broad-based community coalition organising for the ‘common good’. The article explores three main issues: the factors motivating unions to get involved in community-based organising; whether unions have the resources and capabilities to maintain long-term involvement with organisations outside the labour movement; and whether or not engagement creates the potential for rethinking union organising. Findings suggest that taking part in the Sydney Alliance has created opportunities for unions to reflect and act upon internal organisational change to facilitate revitalisation and member participation; to improve the public image of unions and their engagement with civil society networks; and to counteract the loss of political influence with the Labor Party. At the same time, union contribution to the coalition has also proved difficult to sustain, in the main because of the lack of strategic capability of unions.
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Afonso, Alexandre, Samir Negash, and Emily Wolff. "Closure, equality or organisation: Trade union responses to EU labour migration." Journal of European Social Policy 30, no. 5 (November 2020): 528–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928720950607.
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This paper explores trade union strategies to protect wages in the face of EU migration after the enlargement of the European Union. We argue that unions have three instruments at their disposal to deal with the risks linked to downward wage pressure: closure through immigration control, equalisation through collective bargaining and minimum wages, and the organisation of migrant workers. Using comparative case studies of Sweden, Germany and the UK, we show how different types of power resources shape union strategies: unions with substantial organisational resources (in Sweden) relied on a large membership to pursue an equalisation strategy and expected to be able to ‘afford’ openness. German unions with low membership but access to the political system pushed for a mix of closure and equality drawing on political intervention (e.g. minimum wages). British unions, unable to pursue either, focused their efforts on organisation.
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Clark, Paul F., Lois Gray, and Norm Solomon. "The Union as Employer: Personnel Practices in Canadian Labour Unions." Articles 51, no. 3 (April 12, 2005): 488–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/051113ar.
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This paper reports on personnel practices in unions operating in Canada. The analysis is based on survey data collected from a représentative sample of 60 labour organizations. The findings indicate that for the overall sample, formai, written personnel policies are the exception and not the rule in Canadian unions. The data also reveal, however, that personnel practices are conducted on a more formai, sophisticated basis for Canadian unions with over 50,000 members. The results confirm findings of an earlier study of U.S. unions that there is a relationship between size and sophistication of administrative practices in at least this one area. This "economy of scale" effect has important ramifications for the efficient opération of unions and for the future structure of the labour movement in North America.
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Longstreth, Frank H. "From Corporatism to Dualism? Thatcherism and the Climacteric of British Trade Unions in the 1980s." Political Studies 36, no. 3 (September 1988): 413–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1988.tb00239.x.
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This article examines the impact on British trade unions of the break in relations with the government, the economic recession and labour market developments in the 1980s. The shift towards a programme of ‘labour exclusion’ is related to specific policies designed to weaken trade unions and liberalize labour markets. A close investigation of data on union organization and activity indicates that, despite evident reversals, a full-scale de-institutionalization of industrial relations is not occurring. However, the links between government policies and longer-term socioeconomic trends pose severe challenges for union revival. The article concludes with some considerations on the future prospects of union-government relations.
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Knotter, Ad. "Het transnationale begin van de Nederlandse mijnwerkersvakbonden. Een voorbeeld van de nationalisering van arbeidersbewegingen (1907-1926)." Studies over de sociaaleconomische geschiedenis van Limburg/Jaarboek van het Sociaal Historisch Centrum voor Limburg 62 (January 12, 2023): 28–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.58484/ssegl.v62i12365.
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The Transnational Origins of Dutch Miners’ Unionism. A Case-Study in the Nationalization of Labour Movements. Several authors have argued that from the late nineteenth century onwards labour markets became increasingly organized and regulated nationally, by national social security arrangements, collective agreements, systems of labour exchange and migration control. As a consequence, members of the working classes began to consider themselves, and to be considered, as national citizens, and labour movements became nationalized. The First World War marked a watershed in this process. In this article, I want to explore to what extent this development influenced attitudes of the two Dutch miners’ unions, of which the originally inter-confessional one would become the most prominent. Until the First World War labour markets in the Limburg coalmining district and in the adjacent German Aachen district were fully integrated, and so were the nascent miners’ unions. On the eve of the First World War the Dutch inter-confessional union even became a branch of the German Christliche Gewerkverein. This all changed after the War, until in 1922 all ties with the Germans were severed, and the soon to become officially Catholic union reoriented on the Dutch state and the Limburg region. This article describes the transnational origins of the miners’ unions against the background of the cross-border labour market in the borderlands, and the effects of the territorialisation of labour markets on the originally transnational orientation of the unions after the First World War.
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Lewkowicz, Jacek, and Anna Lewczuk. "An Institutional Approach to Trade Union Density. The Case of Legal Origins and Political Ideology." Central European Economic Journal 2, no. 49 (March 21, 2018): 35–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ceej-2017-0008.
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Abstract Which institutions may be important in terms of trade union density and how significant they are? Although the status of trade unions may be very different among states, unions are still a very meaningful component of labour markets. In this paper, we contribute to the debate about the institutions that may affect the outcome of trade unions in different legal systems. Firstly, we draw on the theoretical underpinnings of trade union activity and density. Then, we conduct an empirical analysis of the relationships between trade union density in a particular country, country’s legal origins and government’s ideology. In this way, the paper enriches an underexploited niche in institutional research devoted to labour market issues.
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Hilden, Patricia J. "Women and the Labour Movement in France, 1869–1914." Historical Journal 29, no. 4 (December 1986): 809–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00019063.
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In histories of European trade union movements, the observation that women industrial workers were rarely found among the membership has become axiomatic. In virtually every developed nation, it seems that once the industrial order was established, predominantly male trade unions were everywhere the rule, and female unions and trade unionists everywhere notable exceptions.
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Kaminska, Monika Ewa, and Marta Kahancová. "Emigration and labour shortages: An opportunity for trade unions in the New Member States?" European Journal of Industrial Relations 17, no. 2 (June 2011): 189–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959680111400916.
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Emigration from the post-socialist states which joined the EU in 2004 and 2007 has reduced unemployment rates and created shortages of some skills. This should provide opportunities for trade unions to improve their situation, by facilitating union organizing and strengthening their bargaining position. Have unions grasped these opportunities? We adopt an actor-centred perspective to examine their strategies and actions in the public health care sector — strongly affected by migration — in Slovakia, Poland and Hungary. We argue that variation in union strategies depends mainly on the interplay of union capacities and state strategies. Slovak unions used the established sectoral bargaining system to obtain wage increases and to consolidate the bargaining machinery. In contrast, Polish unions gained wage increases through industrial action. Hungarian health care unions mostly failed to seize migration-related opportunities.
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Towers, Brian. "Running the Gauntlet: British Trade Unions under Thatcher, 1979–1988." ILR Review 42, no. 2 (January 1989): 163–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979398904200201.
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This article describes and appraises the difficulties experienced by British unions since 1979. During that period, union membership has declined over 20 percent and three successive Conservative governments have enacted labor legislation opposed by unions. The author views the government's strongly unfavorable treatment of unions as a powerful force, but argues that economic and structural changes, such as the growth of temporary and part-time workers and the decline of the manufacturing sector, are likely to have more lasting adverse effects. Unions are adopting various strategies to try to counteract the decline of their membership, including innovative organizing methods and expanded services for members. The fate of the unions will depend, the author concludes, on the success of those strategies, changes in the British economy, and the Labour Party's fortunes in future general elections.
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Rakhimov, Kubatbek Kalyevich, and Akbermet Bakytovna Azizova. "Comparative Analysis of the EAEU and the EU Common Labour Markets." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 22, no. 1 (March 30, 2022): 94–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2022-22-1-94-110.
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The embodiment of the pragmatic school of the 100 years old Eurasianism movement - the Eurasian Economic Union - took inspiration from the European Union to create a single internal market. Hence, the EU and the EAEU both aim to liberalize economic relations between their member states despite their fundamentally distinct histories and development levels. Both unions have achieved some degree of success in establishing the common labour market. As the integration process continues in the context of the global pandemic there are new barriers to abolish. This article examines the European Union (EU) and Eurasian Economic Unions (EAEU) major accomplishments and challenges in establishing a single labour market. The research used a systematic approach to outline two regional labour markets policy context and mechanisms. Comparative analysis is used to highlight the similarities and differences of the EAEU and EUs practice and current challenges in the framework of the single labour market. We found that despite the similar concept and legal basis the practice of a common labour market is distinctive. We have identified the similarities and differences in challenges the unions are facing currently. They vary from individual to global, including linguistic and cultural barriers, skill gaps, aging population, socioeconomic inequalities, etc. We conclude that the ongoing global pandemic has exposed and further aggravated the existing problems for both unions, which requires revisiting and enhancing the legal basis and creating more favorable conditions for migrants, for instance, better social protection.
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Alho, Rolle. "Trade Union Responses to Labour Immigrants: Selective Solidarity." Finnish Yearbook of Population Research 48 (January 1, 2013): 77–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.23979/fypr.48547.
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The Finnish service sector trade union Palvelualojen ammattiliitto or Service Union United has the largest amount of migrant members of all Finnish trade unions. It walks the narrow line between defending the perceived interests of its members from the ‘threat’ of labour immigration, and simultaneously trying to act as an immigrant-friendly force. This qualitative case study analyses the outcomes of the union’s strategies in questions related to immigration. The outcomes affect different immigrant groups in a different manner. Furthermore, the established quasi-state character of the Finnish trade union movement affects both the strengths and weaknesses of its strategies. The politicized anti-immigration views in the Finnish society indirectly to some degree impact trade union strategies. Results suggest that the lay distinction between ‘us’ and ‘them’ based on nationality still shapes trade union strategy in a way that can be labeled selective solidarity.
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García, Magaly Rodríguez. "Constructing Labour Regionalism in Europe and the Americas, 1920s–1970s." International Review of Social History 58, no. 1 (December 18, 2012): 39–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859012000752.
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AbstractThis article provides an analysis of the construction of labour regionalism between the 1920s and 1970s. By means of a comparative examination of the supranational labour structures in Europe and the Americas prior to World War II and of the decentralized structure of the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU), I attempt to defend the argument that regionalism was a labour leaders' construct that responded to three issues: the quest for power among the largest trade-union organizations within the international trade-union movement; mutual distrust between labour leaders of large, middle-sized, and small unions from different regions; and (real or imaginary) common interests among labour leaders from the same region. These push-and-pull factors led to the construction of regional labour identifications that emphasized “otherness” in the world of international labour. A regional labour identity was intended to supplement, not undermine, national identity. As such, this study fills a lacuna in the scholarly literature on international relations and labour internationalism, which has given only scant attention to the regional level of international labour organization.
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Wood, Geoffrey, and Pauline Dibben. "The Challenges Facing the South African Labour Movement." Articles 63, no. 4 (December 10, 2008): 671–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/019542ar.
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There is a growing body of literature on the role and impact of unions in the developing world, and on their ability to mobilize members against a background of neo-liberal reforms. The South African trade union movement represents a source of inspiration to organized labour worldwide, but has faced many challenges over the years. This article engages with debates on union solidarity and worker democracy, and draws on the findings of a nationwide survey of members of the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) to explore the extent of fragmentation according to gender, age, skill level and ethnicity. The survey reveals regular participation in union affairs, democratic accountability, participation in collective action, and a strong commitment to the labour movement, but variation in levels of engagement between categories of union members indicates significant implications for union policy and practice.
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Leschke, Janine, and Kurt Vandaele. "Explaining leaving union membership by the degree of labour market attachment: Exploring the case of Germany." Economic and Industrial Democracy 39, no. 1 (September 16, 2015): 64–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0143831x15603456.
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By particularly stressing the weaker labour market attachment of workers with non-standard contracts, this article contributes to the rather unexplored issue of mainly non-union-related reasons for leaving trade unions. Germany has been selected as a case study because German unions experienced a steady decline in membership, while at the same time non-standard employment arrangements increased considerably and more so than the European average. Using the German Socio-Economic Panel data, the authors construct a labour market attachment variable capturing different degrees of attachment. Their analysis shows the impact of labour market attachment and firm-level characteristics on union leaving and points especially to important differences across gender.
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Schenk, Chris. "Forum: Reorganizing Unions Union Organizing: an Ontario Labour Perspective." Studies in Political Economy 74, no. 1 (September 2004): 181–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19187033.2004.11675144.
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Alho, Rolle. "Trade Union Responses to Transnational Labour Mobility in the Finnish-Estonian Context." Nordic Journal of Working Life Studies 3, no. 3 (September 1, 2013): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.19154/njwls.v3i3.3015.
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This article examines trade union strategies in relation to labor migration in Estonia and Finland, drawing on face-to-face interviews with trade unionists and official union statements. The study considers the national trade union strategies located in two separate but interconnected localities that represent different approaches to market economy. Previous research suggests that the national industrial relations system is a key factor in explaining unions’ labor migration strategies. Unions operating in liberal market economies are claimed to be more open toward immigration and more inclusive toward immigrants than unions in coordinated markets. This study analyzes the extent to which this theory holds in the context of Estonia and Finland—Finland representing a coordinated market economy and Estonia a liberal market economy. Furthermore, the analysis examines how the emergence of a translocal labor market, resulting from the geographical vicinity and linguistic affinity between Finland and Estonia as well as from free mobility within the EU, is reflected in trade union approaches to labor migration. The study finds that Finnish trade union strategies influence labor mobility, whereas Estonian trade unions remain bystanders in the issue.
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Claeys, Jos. "Christelijke vakbonden van hoop naar ontgoocheling : Het Wereldverbond van de Arbeid en de transformatie van het voormalige Oostblok na 1989." Trajecta. Religion, Culture and Society in the Low Countries 29, no. 1 (July 1, 2020): 49–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tra2020.1.003.clae.
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Abstract The implosion of Communism between 1989 and 1991 in Central- and Eastern Europe (CEE) and the following socio-economic transitions had a strong impact on Western European social movements. The international trade union movement and trade unions in Belgium and the Netherlands were galvanized to support the changing labour landscape in CEE, which witnessed the emergence of new independent unions and the reform of the former communist organizations. This article explores the so far little-studied history of Christian trade union engagement in post-communist Europe. Focusing on the World Confederation of Labour (WCL) and its Belgian and Dutch members, it reveals how Christian trade unions tried to recruit independent trade unions in the East by presenting themselves as a ‘third way’ between communism and capitalism and by emphasizing the global dimensions of their movement. The WCL ultimately failed to play a decisive role in Eastern Europe because of internal disagreements, financial struggles and competition with the International Confederation of Trade Unions.
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Boccalatte, Kaylee. "Labour economy: do unions really influence sourcing decisions?" Journal of Management History 26, no. 1 (August 14, 2019): 19–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jmh-04-2019-0025.
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Purpose This article aims to uncover the influence employment relations, and more specifically union avoidance has on the decision to outsource road transport. Employment Relations literature often attributes outsourcing decision to decollectivist strategies, minimising the influence unions have in their workplaces or to labour cost reduction objectives. These explanations, however, fail to explain why some firms do not outsource when their sourcing structure incurs greater union involvement or industrial relation. Design/methodology/approach The author examines two case studies. Company A and Company B, while operating in a similar environment, selling similar products and offering a similar home delivery service have adopted different governance structures for their outbound transport function; Company A has integrated while Company B has outsourced. Was union avoidance or transaction cost reductions central to their respective decisions? Findings Company A did not integrate in an effort to circumvent union intervention or reduce costs. Company A’s integration, on the contrary, increased the firm’s dealings with unions, as well as regulatory compliance and transaction costs. Company B’s decision to outsource yielded similar results. While not experiencing an increase in union intervention, the firm failed to reduce the density of unionised labour and by maintaining ownership of delivery vehicles, saw a rise in costs. Originality/value Union avoidance is not an explanatory factor in the sourcing decision, nor is it possible to explain through transaction cost economics. Explication for outcomes lies in value enhancement. Companies are willing to incur higher employment relations and transport costs if the result is higher value capture.
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Bartkiw, Timothy J. "Unions and Temporary Help Agency Employment." Articles 67, no. 3 (September 28, 2012): 453–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1012539ar.
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Temporary help agency employment (THAE) is a peculiar and often precarious employment form that has become increasingly salient in Canada in recent decades. Seeking to advance both the literatures on precarious work and union renewal, this article examines the effects of the expansion of this unique employment form upon labour unions, and union responses to this phenomenon. The study employed a qualitative exploratory method, involving twenty-four interviews with key informants from fourteen large labour unions, two union federations, and the Toronto-based workers’ centre known as the “Workers’ Action Centre.” Various effects of the expansion of THAE on unions were identified and categorized as relating to either union organizing or representation activities, and a range of union responses to the phenomenon are also discussed. Overall, it is suggested that THAE growth carries the potential to constrain organizing and representation activities in multiple ways, although its effects are highly mediated by other contextual factors. Union responses have thus far been largely limited to incremental adjustments aimed at shoring up traditional organizing and collective bargaining practices.
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Underhill, Elsa, Dimitria Groutsis, Diane van den Broek, and Malcolm Rimmer. "Organising across borders: Mobilising temporary migrant labour in Australian food production." Journal of Industrial Relations 62, no. 2 (December 19, 2019): 278–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185619879726.
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This article builds on the growing literature on migrant worker mobilisation by analysing how the temporary migrant workforce, employed in food production, interacts with two Australian trade unions alongside ethno-specific social media groups, offshore unions and community/religious organisations. The contribution of this article is twofold. Firstly, we demonstrate divergence in union strategies, distinguishing between (i) a ‘traditional self-reliant’ strategy, where unions recruit temporary migrant workforces by using established methods and their own resources and (ii) network collectivism, where unions also engage with temporary migrant workforces obliquely through external social media platforms and alliances. Our second contribution is to examine how the components of network collectivism interact as an integrated strategy for temporary migrant worker mobilisation.
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Campbell, Iain. "Casual Employment, Labour Regulation and Australian Trade Unions." Journal of Industrial Relations 38, no. 4 (December 1996): 571–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002218569603800404.
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This article explores the implications for trade unions of the rapid expansion in Australia of casual employment—a distinctive form of non-standard employment characterized by a lack of entitlement to most employment benefits and forms of employment protection. The article summarizes the main features of casual em ployment and the evidertce for its growth since 1982. It highlights the role of award regulation in shaping casual employment. Casual employment is identified as unprotected employment, which survived within the award system and indeed flourished in the gaps created by officially sanctioned exemptions from protection and limits in the enforcement and reach of award regulation. Labour market deregulation in the 1990s has in turn widened these gaps and facilitated both an expansion of casual employment and an extension of some casual conditions of employment into sections of the permanent workforce. These developments offer a major challenge to Australian trade unions. They underline the failure of tradi tional trade union policies, oriented to a simple rejection of all forms of non- standard employment. They pose a threat both to the set of employment rights and benefits slowly built up by trade union action in the course of past decades and to the legitimacy of trade unions as representative institutions. Australian trade unions are still struggling to come to grips with this threat. Traditional policies remain dominant, but recent trade union policy and practical efforts point towards a new approach that builds on a less hostile and more discriminating attitude to non-standard employment. In relation to the crucial issue of labour regulation the new approach pivots on the important theme of decasualization. The direction of change is promising. But the article argues that the new approach remains weak and underdeveloped as a result of its narrow orientation to the redesign of agreements within the shrinking sphere of effective regulation, its focus on casual status rather than casual conditions of employment and its inability to find effective levers for implementation
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Leggett, Christopher, and Jie Shen. "Contradictions in Chinese Trade Unionism." International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 23, Issue 2 (June 1, 2007): 227–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2007011.
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This study examines the changing status and roles of the All China Federation of Trade Unions (ACFTU) in industrial disputes. It also examines unionization, union autonomy, workers’ organizations and their governance and unions’ prospects under the transitional economy. Although a consistency with past studies emerges from the findings, the extent and direction of change in Chinese industrial relations is revealed. It distinguishes trade unions at the enterprise from those at the higher level. Trade unions at the enterprise level are part of and represent the interests of the management of the enterprise. Trade unions at the higher level are subordinate to and part of the Party-state, and represent both workers and employers, acting as ‘messengers’ and ‘mediators’ in resolving labour disputes. Trade unions at enterprise level, as part of enterprise management, mediate between workers and management or suppress worker’s actions in labour disputes. Independent trade unions and collective bargaining appear to be unlikely to emerge in the near future of China in the current political framework.
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Wetzel, Kurt. "The Labour Relations of New Zealand's Health Reforms." Journal of Industrial Relations 41, no. 1 (March 1999): 53–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002218569904100103.
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This paper examines factors contributing to the environment within which reform of New Zealnnd's public health care and its industrial relations system occurred. These include radical state sector; health and labour law reforms that marketised the health sector, decentralised bargaining, the ending of compulsory union membership and the elimination of the requirement that employers bargain 'in good faith'. The paper examines the implementation of these changes and their impact on various unions. Domestic service workers have fared poorly, while medical specialists have benefited from the reforms. The impact on nursing and support staff unions has varied according to regional and market pressures for different occupations. Various union strategies and structures are examined. The paper concludes that reform has ended the exceptionalism of labour relations in New Zealand.
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Choi, I. G., P. Sohn, and J.-Y. Seo. "The relationship between labour unions’ bargaining power and firms’ operating flexibility: New evidence from emerging markets." South African Journal of Business Management 46, no. 4 (December 31, 2015): 65–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/sajbm.v46i4.110.
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This study analyses the relevance between the bargaining power of labour unions and the operating flexibility on firms’ capital costs by using non-financial firms listed on the Korean stock exchange from 1999 to 2013. Under the assumption that constraints in business activities attributed to the collective bargaining power of labour unions lead to reduced operating flexibility and increased capital costs, we test this notion empirically; the main test results are as follows: First, we find from portfolio analysis that the cost of capital is higher for firms in more unionized industries. Second, we find that union coverage positively affects the cost of capital at a significant level. Third, we confirm through robustness tests that the industry adjusted union coverage (IAUC) also has a positive effect on the cost of capital at a significant level. As a result, the effect holds after controlling for a host of industry- and firm-level characteristics, and is stronger when unions have more favourable bargaining power. Thus, our findings are consistent with the hypothesis that the increase of labour unions’ bargaining power leads to raise firms’ capital costs by decreasing operating flexibility in the Korean firms.
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Krings, Torben. "‘Equal Rights for all Workers’: Irish Trade Unions and the Challenge of Labour Migration." Irish Journal of Sociology 16, no. 1 (June 2007): 43–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/079160350701600103.
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Labour migration to Ireland is a fairly recent phenomenon. It takes place largely in reponse to ‘Ireland's call’ for additional labour to sustain the economic boom. The inflow of migrant workers has significantly transformed the Irish workforce. This article examines how Irish trade unions respond to this challenge. In drawing on qualitative interviews mainly with trade union officials as well as documentary analysis, I show that unions promote a rights-based approach to immigration. This is done not only for ideological reasons (workers' solidarity and opposition to exploitation) but also self-interest. From a trade union perspective, migrants who enjoy the same rights as Irish workers and who become integrated in the workplace and wider society are less likely to undermine labour standards.