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1

Jung, Hyunyong. "Labour Regulations in South Korea : The Impact of Labour Unions on Compliance." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.508921.

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2

Murray, Gregor. "Trade unions and incomes policies : British unions and the social contract in the 1970s." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1985. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/39312/.

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This is an investigation of the trade union role in the Social Contract incomes policies in Britain during the 1970s. In the context of the general political economy of the period, the study looks at the development in the early 1970s of an accord between the Trades Union Congress (TUC) and the Labour Party known as the Social Contract, examines the trade union participation in the series of voluntary incomes policies that followed the election of the Labour Government in 1974, and charts the development or opposition to such participation oulminating in the collapse of the policy in the winter of 1978-1979 and the subsequent defeat of the Labour Government in the 1979 general election. More specifically, the study focuses on the experience of six individual unions within the context of TUC policy-making: the articulations between their approaches to incomes policy and their collective bargaining policies, the anatomy of their responses and policies towards the various phases of the Social Contract, the mobilization of consent and/or opposition to TUe and Government policy in each union, and the limits placed on relative union leadership discretion to participate in TUC policy-making by the political and industrial processes and organizational structure of each union. The research has involved a variety of sources and methods. First, there has been an attempt to draw on and link the diverse areas of the industrial relations literature which are concerned with the relationship between trade Unions and incomes policies. These include the separate literatures on incomes policy, on the link between trade unions and the Labour Party and Labour governments, on trade union government and the sociology of trade union organizations, and on the debate over 'corporatist' types of arrangements between trade unions and the state. Secondly, the research has involved the use of a wide range of primary and secondary trade union and political documentary sources on this period of history through the 1970s. Finally, the detailed case studies of the six sample unions have involved both primary documentary materials and extensive interviewing. Thus, the materials collected for the study constitute a unique source on different approaches to the 1970s pay policies, on their industrial impact and the political processes that they engendered within individual unions, and on the broader relations between British trade unions and the state during this period. The theoretical contribution of the study is primarily exploratory in nature. It identifies the constraints to which national union leaderships are· subject when they engage or attempt to engage in macro-economic and political exchanges with the state. Such constraints are explored in an examination of the upwards and downwards mediations that occur within trade unions as illustrated by the variations within and between trade unions in the mobilization of consent and opposition to the Social Contract incomes policies. This analysis informs debates about the limits and/or viability of other corporatist or 'Social Contract' types of arrangements. It also investigates the organizational implications of voluntary incomes policies and compares the internal political processes and industrial practices of British trade unions: at the level of the TUC as a whole, within individual affiliates and, in partiCUlar, in the articulations between TUC and individual union policy-making and bargaining behaviour.
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3

Parodi, G. "Microeconomic approach to the analysis of trade unions affiliated to the Trades Union Congress." Thesis, University of York, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.356151.

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4

Pond, Morgan. "Labour unions and voluntary organizations, viable research partners?" Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp04/mq22807.pdf.

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5

Riddell, Neil Bruce. "The second Labour Government 1929-1931 and the wider Labour movement." Thesis, University of Exeter, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.260687.

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6

Ball, Christopher James. "Trade unions and redundancy : opposition and acquiescence." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1990. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1195/.

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This thesis focuses on the collective responses of union members and unions to redundancy. It adopts a theory of trade union action based on the idea that workers react to violations of what they perceive to be "rights" in the employment context. "Rights" are to a degree inculcated into the minds of workers by "union cultures", which condition moral and ethical judgements of behaviour. Connections are drawn between "cultures", "ideologies" and "world views". Workers' responses to redundancy it is suggested should show evidence of the influence of union cultures in a sequence of events over long periods of time. This is borne out in the empirical chapters; Chapter 4 (which describes the historical background to the 1965 Redundancy Payments Act) quotes developments in union responses to redundancy since the 1930s. In a further section, Chapter 5, a case study of a series of redundancy events in the computer company, ICL, is provided, covering union responses to redundancy in the period 1969 to 1979. The evidence also calls into question the view expressed in some academic and policy work on redundancy, that the 1965 Redundancy Payments Act has defused union opposition to redundancy. The period before 1965, the evidence suggests, could not be characterised as a period of strong union opposition, and the years since the passing of the Act have not seen a predominance of union acquiescence. On this basis, too, Hardy's argument that managements have managed redundancy and closure by a process of legitimisation, is called in to question. Also, the work of neo-classical labour economists, who see workers and union attitudes towards redundancy in terms of the decisions of "economic man", is refuted by the evidence and the argument in the thesis, which emphasises the moral influence of unions and the practice of unionism.
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7

Gosling, Amanda Sophie Jane. "Trade unions and wages in the British labour market." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.429525.

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8

Hur, Chan Y. "Trade unions and productivity: the impact of union presence on labour productivity in Korean manufacturing." Thesis, Aston University, 1991. http://publications.aston.ac.uk/10879/.

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This thesis examines the theoretical and empirical relationship between trade unions and productivity in the Korean auto and cement manufacturing industries, during the 1980s. It challenges the tenets of the existing debate by stressing the contingent nature of this relationship. In particular this thesis pinpoints inadequacies of econometric analysis as the only method of judging this association between union presence and productivity, because this ignores national and historical industrial relations contexts. Moreover, the polarity between positive and negative views of trade union influences on productivity is seen as needlessly limited, failing as it does to consider the full context of labour-management dynamics within the employment relationship. Empirically, this thesis focuses on the unionism and productivity during two contrasting political periods: the first a time of constraint on union action and the second a period of relative freedom. It examines these periods using a full range of quantitative and qualitative analysis. Of particular significant is the inclusion of attitude surveys of the relationship between the presence of unions and productivity conducted amongst workers, managers and trade union officials. The broad conclusion of the thesis is a rejection of the validity of continuing to examine the relationship between trade unions and productivity without locating this within national and historical industrial relations contexts.
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9

Latreille, Paul Lewes. "Trade unions and technological change : an empirical analysis." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.315574.

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10

Chiu, Kit-yi Priscilla, and 趙潔儀. "Labour organizations and political change in Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1986. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31975045.

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11

Chiu, Kit-yi Priscilla. "Labour organizations and political change in Hong Kong." [Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong], 1986. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B12333499.

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12

Cohen, Gidon. "The Independent Labour Party 1932-1939." Thesis, University of York, 2000. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/9803/.

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13

Lang, Mark S. "The Labour Party, the trade unions and devolution in Wales." Thesis, Cardiff University, 2006. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/55442/.

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14

Zikos, Vasileios. "R&D, collaboration networks, mixed markets and labour unions." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2009. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/34033.

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This thesis is concerned with the role of state-owned companies and labour unions in influencing research and development (R&D) activity in two related contexts: when firms act as independent competitors, and when firms collaborate in their investments by forming a research network, but still remain competitors in the product market. The first chapter investigates the use of R&D subsidies, both in a mixed and a private market. We show that the socially optimal R&D subsidy is positive and increasing in the degree of technological spillovers both in a private and in a mixed duopoly, although it is lower for the former than for the latter. A comparative statics analysis of welfare levels reveals that privatisation is likely to be welfare reducing, at least for a relatively small number of private firms.
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15

Perfect, David Michael Rodney. "Organised labour and politics in the Gambia, 1920-1984." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.556582.

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16

Raymond, Melanie. "Labour pains : working class women in employment, unions and the Labor party in Victoria, 1888-1914 /." Connect to thesis, 1987. http://eprints.unimelb.edu.au/archive/00000326.

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17

Mapira, L. "Trade unions are 'their own obstacles' unions' responses to undocumented migrant labour in post-apartheid South Africa." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/3862.

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18

Lesia, Tsepang Maretsepile. "The Future of Trade Unions in the Changing World of Work." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/29736.

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The world of work is experiencing rapid changes brought about by the Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR) and Globalization. The membership of trade union also seems to be on declining.The aim of this dissertation is to determine changes in the world of work as and it, furthermore, considers the impact of these processes on trade unions. The dissertation looks at the current status of work and of trade unions especially in South Africa. It considers the legislation regulating labour relations and other international labour instruments. The dissertation will also attempts to examine whether labour relations lawcan serve the interests of unions and all workers in the new world of work. The dissertation concludes that there is still a future for trade unions in the 4IR. However, there are changes that need to be considered in the way in which they organise and run their affairs.The dissertation concludes with a brief discussion on the various ways unions could re-organise in order to remain relevant.
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19

Rittau, Yasmin. "Regional labour councils and local employment generation the South Coast Labour Council, 1981-1996 /." Connect to full text, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/574.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Sydney, 2002.
Title from title screen (viewed 16 April 2008). Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy to the Discipline of Work and Organisational Studies, Faculty of Economics and Business. Degree awarded 2002; thesis submitted 2001. Includes bibliographical references. Also available in print form.
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20

Phillimore, Anthony John. "Technology, work organisation and training : Australian trade unions, 1983-1994." Thesis, University of Sussex, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.259454.

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21

Phipps, Mike. "Relations between government and trades unions in Nicaragua, 1979-86." Thesis, University of Essex, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.328373.

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22

Gutiérrez, Rufrancos Héctor Elías. "What do Mexican unions do?" Thesis, University of Sussex, 2017. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/68412/.

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23

Curless, Gareth Michael. "Economic development, labour policy, and trade unions in the Sudan, 1898-1958." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/10861.

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Like many other African colonies, the Sudan experienced a period of sustained industrial unrest during the late 1940s. The Workers’ Affairs Association (WAA), the representative body for Sudanese railway workers, led a two year campaign of strikes during 1947 and 1948. The escalating labour unrest provoked considerable unease among British officials in the Sudan Government. Not only was there a fear that the strikes might escalate into broader anti-colonial protest but the sustained campaign of industrial unrest also caused significant disruption to the economy. During the strikes the export of cotton - the Sudan Government’s principal source of revenue - was delayed and the movement of other essential goods was severely restricted. The thesis argues that the economic dislocation caused by the strikes, which coincided with growing concerns about rising anti-colonial nationalism and imperial decline, meant that labour discipline among key sector workers was the primary objective for the late colonial state. Although the protests in the Sudan were part of the broader strike wave that was sweeping through the African continent in the late 1940s, it has largely been excluded from the historiography of this period – primarily because of the Sudan’s unique status as a ‘Condominium’ of Britain and Egypt. Through an analysis of the Sudan Government’s labour policy, the thesis challenges this notion of exceptionality, demonstrating that the British officials of the Sudan Political Service (SPS) were animated by similar concerns and motivations to their counterparts elsewhere in colonial Africa. With this in mind, the thesis aims to address two broad research objectives. Firstly, to examine the causes of the industrial unrest: investigating the relationship between the structure of the economy, social organisation, and post-war economic conditions. Secondly, to analyse the Sudan Government’s response to the labour protests, documenting how immediate economic concerns, combined with post-war ideas relating to industrial relations management and social welfare, shaped colonial labour policy.
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24

Webster, Barbara Grace, and b. webster@cqu edu au. "'FIGHTING IN THE GRAND CAUSE':A HISTORY OF THE TRADE UNION MOVEMENT IN ROCKHAMPTON 1907 – 1957." Central Queensland University. School of Humanities, 1999. http://library-resources.cqu.edu.au./thesis/adt-QCQU/public/adt-QCQU20020715.151239.

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Research of a wide range of primary sources informs this work, including hitherto unstudied local union records, oral testimony, contemporary newspapers, government and employer reports. Conclusions reached in this dissertation are that while the founders of the local trade union movement shared a vision of improving the lot of workers in their employment and in the wider social context, and they endeavoured to establish effective structures and organisation to this end, their efforts were of mixed success. They succeeded eminently in improving and protecting the employment conditions of workers to contemporary expectations through effective exploitation of political and institutional channels and through competent and conservative local leadership. However, the additional and loftier goal of creating a better life for workers outside the workplace through local combined union action were much less successful, foiled not only by overwhelming economic difficulties, but also by a local sense of working-class consciousness which was muted by the particular social and cultural context of Rockhampton.
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25

Freedman, Des. "The television policies of the British Labour Party 1951-2000." Thesis, University of Westminster, 2000. https://westminsterresearch.westminster.ac.uk/item/9444v/the-television-policies-of-the-british-labour-party-1951-2000.

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This thesis provides an extended analysis of the television policies of the British Labour Party from 1951 up to the present day. It examines the evolution of Labour's television policy and focuses on the social, political and economic contexts in which policies were developed, the party forums in which policies were discussed and the consequenceso f thesep olicies for British television as a whole. It evaluatest he contrasting contributions to television policy made by the parliamentary leadership, the Labour left, the trade unions, and intellectuals sympathetic to the party. Although the Conservatives have been widely acknowledged to be responsible for the majority of innovations in British television, the thesis refutes the view that this is due to any lack of interest in television policy inside the Labour Party. Drawing on extensive archive material and interviews with key participants, it argues that the Labour Party has intervened in all the main debates concerning British broadcasting and has produced a wide range of proposals for the reform, modemisation and consolidation of television structures in the UK. The thesis examines the party's response to the development of commercial television in the 1950s and to the Pilkington Report in the early 1960s. It assesses the impact on television policy of the Labour governments in the 1960s and highlights the contribution of left-wing demands for television reform in the 1970s. The thesis then considers the government's response to the Annan Report at the end of the 1970s and analyses how the party responded to the Conservative government's reform of television in the following decade. The thesis concludes with an evaluation of the role of television in the emergence of New Labour and provides a critique of the current Labour government's record concerning television developments. The thesis suggests that divisions between rival interests in the Labour Party have undermined the possibility of a unified television policy. The result of these divisions has been that the leadership has marginalised innovative proposals for reform in favour of policies that have safeguarded the existing structures of and power relations in television.
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Biyanwila, Janaka. "Trade unions in Sri Lanka under globalisation : reinventing worker solidarity." University of Western Australia. Faculty of Economics and Commerce, 2004. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2004.0045.

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This study examines trade union resistance to the post 1977 Export Oriented Industrialisation (EOI) strategies in Sri Lanka, and the possibilities of developing new strategic options. In contrast to perspectives that narrow unions to political economic dimensions, this study emphasises the cultural and the movement dimensions of unions. The purpose of the study is to understand the ways unions can regain their role as civil society actors on the basis of building worker solidarity. The study is divided into two main parts. The first part focuses on the features and tendencies of social movement unionism as advancing new possibilities towards revitalising unions. Under globalisation, unions are faced with an increasingly casualised labour force with more women absorbed as wage workers. The promotion of labour market deregulation and privatisation, endorsed by neo-liberal ideologies of competitive individualism, illustrates the narrowing of unions to the workplace while undermining worker solidarity. The first part of this research describes the impact of :neo-liberal globalisation on trade unions; conceptualisation of and resistance to globalisation; the essence of trade unions; social movement unionism and labour internationalism. According to social movement unionism perspectives, party independent union strategies, based on elements of internal democracy and structured alliances open the possibility of emphasising the movement dimension of unions. The second part explains the context of unions in Sri Lanka, focusing on three unions - the Nurses, Tea Plantation workers, and Free Trade Zone workers. In terms of the structural context, Sri Lankan unions faced a multi-faceted weakening under the post-1977 EOI policies. The assertion of an authoritarian state, promoting interests of capital, enhanced the fragmentation of unions along party differences that were further compounded by divisions along ethnic identity politics. Moreover, the increasing militarisation of the state, which maintains a protracted ethnic war, reinforced coercive state strategies restraining union resistance and shrinking the realm of civil society. In confronting state strategies of labour market deregulation and privatisation, the enduring party subordinated unions are increasingly inadequate. In contrast, the three unions in this study express forms of party-independent union strategies. By analysing their modes of resistance related to the articulation of worker interests, their organisational modes, and their engagement in representative and movement politics the study explores the possibility of developing a social movement unionism orientation in order to regain their role as civil society actors
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27

Foster, Deborah. "Privatisation policy in local government : the response of public sector trade unions." Thesis, University of Bath, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.292079.

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28

Pringle, Timothy Edward. "The All China Federation of Trade Unions : the challenge of labour unrest." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2009. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/3187/.

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This thesis sets out to investigate the possibility that the All China Federation of Trade Unions is capable of reform in the face of the development of capitalist employment relations. The thesis is centred on the examination of hitherto under-researched areas of ACFTU activity by researching the motivations, conditions and actors involved in three local-level pilot projects: collective bargaining, a trade union rights centre and enterprise-level trade union elections. The fieldwork is contextualised by historical summaries of the development of China‟s industrial relations and Party and trade union responses to labour unrest in both the state and private sectors since the establishment of the People‟s Republic in 1949. The results of my research demonstrate that it is no longer appropriate to refer to the ACFTU as a monolithic organisation. Furthermore, my argument departs from mainstream views of the organisation by locating the impetus for trade union reform in the challenge of increasingly sophisticated labour militancy from below, rather than reacting to orders from above. I conclude that while the pilot projects studied each have their own merits and qualifications, taken as a whole they prove that the ACFTU is capable of gradual reform from below. In the light of the improved relations between the ACFTU and the International Trade Union Confederation, this thesis speaks to this fact and aims to contribute to future engagements by expanding the knowledge on which dialogue and trade union exchanges must be based if they are to have any chance of success.
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Wright, Peter. "Unions, unionisation and imperfectly competitive labour markets : a theoretical and empirical analysis." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.284064.

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30

Kamwaro, Antony. "The impact of South African labour unions in workplace HIV/AIDS programmes." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/25374.

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The threat of HIV/AIDS on humanity still remains one of the most challenging issues of our time. In South Africa, labour unions play a significant role in the economy. Their role in the fight against HIV/AIDS is therefore vital in workplace HIV/AIDS programmes. The research objective was to identify the impact that the partnership between business and labour unions is having in these programmes. The role that labour unions play is also assessed.The first phase of the interviews entailed conducting face to face semistructured interviews with fifteen large companies based in Gauteng province employing a minimum of 1000 employees. All the companies were and had to have union representation amongst their staff members. Phase two of the interviews involved interviewing representatives from the three largest labour unions in South Africa. The findings clearly show that labour unions have a role to play in the fight against the pandemic. It is evident that they are to a large extent being successful in their identified roles. The impact of the partnership between labour unions and business has resulted in the objectives of the HIV/AIDS programmes being met. Areas for improvement are also suggested as the battle is yet to be won. Copyright
Dissertation (MBA)--University of Pretoria, 2010.
Gordon Institute of Business Science (GIBS)
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31

Hamburg, Britta. "German foreign direct investment and outsourcing : labour market effects and determinants." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.368432.

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TGWU. "Transport and General Workers Union: Newsletter April, 1988." TGWU, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/77048.

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33

Myconos, George 1959. "The globalization(s) of organized labour, 1860-2003." Monash University, School of Political and Social Inquiry, 2003. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/9385.

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34

Zahn, Rebecca Lisa. "German and British labour law in a European context following European Union enlargement." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/5623.

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This thesis examines and compares German and British trade union responses in a European context following the recent European enlargements which are unprecedented in the history of the European Union. In terms of labour law, a majority of the ten Central and Eastern European countries which acceded in 2004 and 2007 combine weak domestic labour protection systems with a high proportion of workers and enterprises keen to take advantage of their free movement rights under the European Treaty. This has created a climate of fear amongst workers and trade unions in old Member States that their economic and social position is being threatened by those workers and enterprises who may avail themselves of their rights under the Treaty in order to engage in ‘social dumping’. Historically, the European Union has sought to counteract these fears by ‘europeanising’ certain aspects of national legal systems in order to alleviate competition. However, the ‘europeanisation’ of different labour law systems has always proved problematic due to the socio-cultural context within which national labour laws have developed. Following the recent European enlargements, the debate on the role of the EU in ‘europeanising’ national social and legal practices has been revived. In particular, European enlargement has thrown up changed regulatory and opportunity structures for the social partners. These structural changes at a European level have occurred primarily as a consequence of an increase in the free movement of workers, services and establishment. Against this background, the purpose of this thesis is to undertake a comparison of the responses of German and British trade unions to the challenges posed by the recent European enlargements. A successful comparison and analysis of the responses of trade unions enables a determination of the impact that trade union responses may have on new Member State workers availing themselves of their free movement rights under the EU Treaty. There is an intense debate as to how, and if, social partners at a national and European level may be able to contribute to, or hinder, the protection of new Member State workers in Germany and the UK. Depending on how trade unions respond their contribution may be viewed as positive or negative. However, this thesis yields suggestions as to how trade unions could respond in order to facilitate the integration of new Member State workers into the host labour markets and proposes a new model for studying aspects of europeanisation.
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Ng, Yuen-ming Amy. "The labour unions of social workers employed by the subvented organizations in Hong Kong /." [Hong Kong] : University of Hong Kong, 1994. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B13788061.

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36

Yaron, Gil. "Trade unions, race and sex discrimination : a theoretical and empirical analysis using UK data." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.305183.

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37

Valizade, Danat. "Trade unions and the rise of contingent labour in the United Kingdom : challenges, opportunities and the trade union response." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2015. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/12967/.

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This thesis is a rigorous empirical investigation into the trade union response to contingent labour in the United Kingdom. It contributes to knowledge and understanding about trade union strategies and methods directed towards contingent workers and casts light on challenges and opportunities posed to trade unions by the rise of contingent labour. The thesis challenges a dual labour market theory that rests on the assumption that labour markets are structured homogeneously into primary and secondary segments populated by contingent workers and standard employees respectively. It demonstrates explicitly that at least within trade union membership dynamic converging and diverging tendencies between primary and secondary segments distort a frontier between them and thereby affect employee behaviours. This has profound implications for trade unions, as their responses to contingent labour are still predicated upon the existence of dichotomous labour markets. The thesis uncovered internal inconsistency of strategies and methods employed by trade unions such that instead of being inherently inclusive they appear to be rather pragmatic and driven by dynamic tendencies between the membership segments. In general, trade unions confronted with a diverging tendency between their primary and secondary membership segments struggled to articulate systematic responses to contingent work. This occurred because trade unions have yet to address challenges emanating from such dynamic processes, especially in relation to the differences between contingent workers’ and standard employees’ attitudes towards trade unions. Taken together, these findings suggest that cohesion and inclusiveness of trade union responses to contingent labour depend largely on the trade unions’ ability to absorb converging and diverging tendencies between their membership segments.
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Roozendaal, Gerarda Cornelia van. "Social challenges to trade trade unions and the debate on international labour standards /." [S.l. : Amsterdam : s.n.] ; Universiteit van Amsterdam [Host], 2001. http://dare.uva.nl/document/60675.

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39

Parker, James Michael Trevor. "Trade unions and the political culture of the British Labour Party, 1931-1940." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/32856.

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The events surrounding the collapse of the second Labour government in the summer of 1931 represented a watershed in twentieth century British politics. They brought to a close the ‘uneasy equilibrium’ which had characterised the country’s political life since 1918, ensconcing a Conservative-dominated National government in power for the remainder of a decade marked by continuing economic uncertainty and the mounting threat of war. They also precipitated a crisis of political identity within the Labour party. Deprived of the founding generation of its leadership and with its parliamentary strength decimated, the ‘gradualist’ approach which had long characterised its politics was seemingly left in tatters. Yet Labour returned to office in 1940 as a key partner in the wartime coalition; in 1945, it secured a sweeping electoral landslide of its own, allowing it to implement much of its traditional programme. It is the contention of this thesis that the party’s recovery during the 1930s was made possible by the crucial contribution of the trade unions. With Labour’s political leadership substantially weakened after 1931, the unions assumed a pivotal role in shaping the party’s direction, to the extent that by 1940, its political culture, organisation and policy had been decisively remade. The identity which developed in these years continued to characterise Labour’s politics for a generation, through the ‘high tide’ of the 1945 Attlee government, into the 1950s and beyond. This was a hugely significant and underappreciated achievement in the context of the destruction of labour movements that attended the retreat of political democracy across much of Europe during the 1930s. This thesis seeks to investigate and understand the crucial contribution of the trade unions to this redevelopment of Labour’s political culture through an exploration of key aspects of the party’s organisation in the period 1931-1940.
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40

Horner, David S. "Scientists, trade unions and labour movement policies for science and technology, 1947-1964." Thesis, Aston University, 1986. http://publications.aston.ac.uk/15185/.

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This thesis describes the history of the scientific Left beginning with the period of its most extensive influence in the mid-1940s as a movement for the planning of science and ending with the Labour Party's programme of 1964 claiming to harness science and socialism. Its central theme is the external and internal pressures involved in the project to align left-wing politics, trade unions and social responsibility in science. The problematic aspects of this project are examined in the evolution of the Association of Scientific Workers and the World Federation of Scientific Workers as organisations committed to trade union and science policy objectives. This is presented also in the broader context of the Association's attempts to influence the Trade Union Congress's policies for science and technology in a more radical direction. The thesis argues that the shift in the balance of political forces in the labour movement, in the scientific community and in the state brought about by the Cold War was crucial in frustrating these endeavours. This led to alternative, but largely unsuccessful attempts, in the form of the Engels Society and subsequently Science for Peace to create the new expressions of the left-wing politics of science. However, the period 1956-1964 was characterised by intensive interest within the Labour Party in science and technology which reopened informal channels of political influence for the scientific Left. This was not matched by any radical renewal within the Association or the Trade Union Congress and thus took place on a narrower basis and lacked the democratic aspects of the earlier generation of socialist science policy.
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41

Maqhubela, V. "The relationship between Union Representatives and school management teams in the Tsolo District: implications for school management." Thesis, Walter Sisulu University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/11260/d1006573.

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This dissertation is a report of the study that was conducted in rural schools of Tsolo district in Eastern Cape Province of South Africa. The study was about the relationship between union representatives and school management teams. The study was conducted because the researcher is a site steward in the present school where the researcher working and is always dealing with conflicts that usually occur between the S.M.T and Union members and has to address these issues regularly. This problem made the researcher to be interested and want to know further from other schools of what is the situation. This was done through focus group interviews and the study was qualitative research paradigm. There were questions that were drafted and participants were asked to respond according to the questions. The participants were as follows 11 SMT members and 18 union representatives. The study findings highlighted the role that SMT could play in the smooth running of the school and in addressing tensions to enhance effective work. The study also illuminated the issue of being bias among the SMT in some unions and dictatorship by S.M.T members. The study findings highlight the role the S.M.T should play and the issue of consultation before any decision should be taken as an integral part. The study also showed that there was a need for schools to know the South African legislation so as to go along with correct rules and regulations when addressing different issues.
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42

Tsui, Fee-hung Vincent. "Labour movement and its influence on the development of social security in Hong Kong /." [Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong], 1986. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B1232260X.

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43

Wingfield, Robert Ian. "Causation, nature and connections of political factionalism in white-collar trade unions, CPSA, NALGO, ASTMS." Thesis, Imperial College London, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/10044/1/7738.

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44

Hardiman, N. "Centralised collective bargaining : Trade unions, employers and government in the Republic of Ireland, 1970-1980." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.371655.

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45

Pegler, Lee J. "Workers, unions and the 'politics of modernisation' : labour process change in the Brazilian white goods industry." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2000. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2273/.

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The thesis addresses the implications of new management and production techniques for workers and unions within a developing country. The specific focus is the white goods industry in Brazil during a period of political and economic transition from 1985 to 1994. In addition to analysing industrial modernisation by four firms, the study uses worker interviews and a review of the unions' identities to provide a comprehensive image of the 'politics of modernisation' in Brazil. The thesis draws on critical work which suggests that modernisation may not have the optimistic effects on labour processes and industrial behaviour that some authors have suggested. Factory regimes are also felt to be strongly related to their particular context. However, the thesis attempts to deepen the degree to which foreign capital and traditional norms of industrial behaviour are considered. Forms of power and resistance are also made more explicit. The study's analysis of the modernisation process suggests that managerial intent must be questioned. Even the most comprehensive examples of modernisation suggest that labour control still drives change. Yet a somewhat 'softer' implicit bargain has replaced the wage-effort contract in such firms. Interview material confirms this mixed picture. Modernisation and related policies have allowed the most advanced firms to foster a more company focussed labour force - one which has embraced new tasks and responsibilities. However, other indicators such as wages and attitudinal factors caution that this situation is neither benign nor immutable. Despite a less normative industrial relations framework, the harsh political and representational situation facing Brazilian unions has simply been further complicated by 'modernisation'. Yet, while workers have become more positive about their employers, to call this change 'employer allegiance' would be an exaggeration. Conflict, albeit of a different nature, still underpins industrial relationships.
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46

Frege, Carola Maria. "Workplace relations in East Germany after unification : explaining worker participation in trade unions and works councils." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1996. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1449/.

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The East German industrial relations system was completely replaced by the transfer of the West German dual system of industrial relations after political Unification in 1990. Works councils emerged, the former socialist trade unions were taken over by their western counterparts, and West German labour law and regulations were implemented. The thesis focuses on the transformation of workplace relations, with special reference to the viewpoint of the workforce. It is argued that this approach, which has been so far neglected in the German literature, is necessary for a full understanding of the transformation processes. The study examines firstly workers' (both union and non-union members) perceptions of organisational changes and management, of their workfellows and their new collective representative machinery (works councils, union). Secondly, it analyses workers' reactions towards the establishment and functioning of the new interest institutions. This is done more specifically with regard to workers' inclination to participate in collective activities. By testing a selection of social psychological theories associated with the willingness to participate (theories of rational choice, of social identity, of frustration- aggression and of micro-mobilization), the core end product should be an understanding of who engages in collective activities in this specific cultural context and why. Furthermore, both dimensions, perceptions and reactions, are used to test the hypotheses of the literature that East German workers are strongly individualistic, instrumental and passive with regard to participation in collective activities; and that the newly established works councils and unions have not been successfully "institutionalised" from the viewpoint of the workforce. The empirical study is based on a case study of a privatised textile company (including qualitative and quantitative methods) and on a questionnaire survey of a sample of members of the textile union in East Germany in more than 50 companies. The main findings are that most workers seemed highly dissatisfied with the changes at their workplaces, had strong them-us feelings toward the management, believed in the value of unions and collectivism, and expressed a considerable willingness to participate in collective activities. The new interest institutions were accepted as being necessary, even though their current work was more critically evaluated. This supports the argument that works councils and union have been successfully "institutionalised" from the workers' perspective. The major result however is that workers were not characterized by a strong individualism in contrast to the widespread hypothesis of the literature. Yet, they were difficult to be classified as pure collectivists or pure individualists because many displayed mixed responses regarding different issues. They were equally difficult to classify as purely instrumental, identity- oriented or otherwise regarding collective activities. Thus, the perceived instrumentality of collective action and institutions, union identity, the perception of collective interests and the attribution of workplace problems all contributed to the prediction of individual participation in collective activities. No single examined theory provided a sufficient explanation on its own and they seemed to offer complementary rather than alternative explanations.
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47

Newby, Andrew G. "The life and times of Edward McHugh (1853 - 1915), land reformer, trade unionist, and labour activist /." Lewiston, NY [u.a.] : Mellen, 2004. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/fy052/2004059452.html.

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48

Ng, Yuen-ming Amy, and 吳婉明. "The labour unions of social workers employed by the subvented organizations in Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1994. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31266186.

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49

Nordman, Erik. "Labour Unions on a changing market : A comarative study of membership development over time." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Nationalekonomi, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-92824.

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50

Patton, Patrick. "Irish Trade Unions and Social Partnership, 1987-2009 : the subtle subjugation of organised labour." Thesis, Ulster University, 2017. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.730919.

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Social partnership dominated industrial relations in Ireland for twenty-two years, 1987- 2009. The degree to which it influenced the nation’s rapid economic recovery in the 1990s is a matter of much debate, but there can be little doubt that it contributed to a prolonged period of industrial peace. This thesis addresses the experience of the trade union movement with social partnership between 1987 and 2000, a period which saw the Irish economy progress from a state of near collapse, in 1987, to the dizzying heights of the Celtic Tiger era, a mere decade later. The 1CTU entered into partnership with government, employers and farmers with clear goals in mind and with a view to having significant influence over socio-economic policy formation at national level. Initially motivated by a desire to play their part in driving an economic recovery in the late 1980s, trade unions in Ireland continued their engagement with partnership long after that recovery had been achieved. Throughout this period the ICTU traded industrial peace for guaranteed wage increases, but it was not until the mid- 1990s that a reduction in unemployment levels was finally realised. As a consequence, Congress was dogged by accusations that it had adopted a business led agenda to the detriment of organised labour. This, an accusation that persisted over the twenty-two years of social partnership, was not entirely unjustified, as senior trade unionists in 1987 accepted the need for business profits to rise in advance of any improvements in overall employment statistics. However, engagement with social partnership came at a price. Not alone were unions beholden to a ‘no-strike’ clause as part of each agreement, issues such as mandatory union recognition, enterprise level partnership and profit sharing, to name but a few, posed considerable difficulties for organised labour and by 2009, and the collapse of partnership, these key union objectives had not been achieved. This research, therefore, analyses the impact social partnership had on trade unions in Ireland between 1987 and 2000. Trade union engagement with partnership in Ireland is compared with that of organised labour in the United Kingdom and Austria, while apparent union weakness in the face of collapse of social partnership in 2009 is also addressed.
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