Academic literature on the topic 'Labour surplus villages'

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Journal articles on the topic "Labour surplus villages"

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Singh Rajput, Arjun, Latika Sharma, P. S. Shekhawat, and Vikash Pawariya. "Estimation of seasonal surplus labour in agriculture in different agro-climatic regions of Rajasthan." Environment Conservation Journal 23, no. 1&2 (February 1, 2022): 55–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.36953/ecj.021873-2142.

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The present investigation was undertaken with a view to estimate the total surplus labour in agriculture to get an idea of how far agriculture provides employment to those who are fully engaged in it. The author then estimates the extent of surplus labour which is removable and the extent of seasonal surplus labour in different agro-climatic regions of Rajasthan as well as state as a whole. For this study, the primary data were collected from 200 households of 10 villages during 2018- 2019 and secondary data were used from census 2011. The results showed that there exists the total surplus labour ranging from 49.45 % in arid western and northern plain region to 80.13 % in semi-arid and flood prone region with the state level estimate of 68.33 % of labour availability. It was estimated that at the state level seasonal surplus labour is 10.51 % of the labour availability. Across the regions, the seasonal surplus labour ranges from 5.93 % in sub-humid and humid southern plain region to 19.61 % in arid western and northern plain region. This cause the unemployment, lower productivity of labour and migration of labour. To overcome such type of problems initiative to integrate MGNREGA with agriculture, create additional income opportunities for agricultural labourers, entrepreneurship training, small scale industries, and establishment of agri-business units.
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Xolmuminov, Sh. "FUNDAMENTALS OF HR MARKETING RESEARCH OF THE RURAL LABOUR MARKET IN LABOUR-SURPLUS REGIONS." Journal of Science and Innovative Development 4, no. 3 (June 30, 2021): 5–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.36522/2181-9637-2021-3-1.

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The article outlines the methodological foundations of HR marketing research of the rural labour market in labour-surplus regions of the Republic of Uzbekistan in the conditions of the functioning of a socially oriented market economy. The work examines the interrelated stages of HR marketing research in order to obtain reliable marketing information about the demand and supply of labour in the rural labour market: identifying problems and forming the goals of HR marketing research, collecting and analyzing information on the main elements of the rural labour market, determining the volumes and reasons disproportions between the demand and supply of the rural labour force, determining the scale, forms and causes of rural unemployment, developing targeted measures to reduce rural unemployment and improving its qualifications, determining the volumes and structures of new specialties and professions required, reconciling the proportions between the demand, supply and price of labour villages, multivariate forecast for the main components of the rural labour market, production, placement and sale of advertising products and preparation of strategic plans for marketing activities of rural employment promotion centers.
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Lopez-Alonso, Rocío Hiraldo. "Value is Still Labour: Exploitation and the Production of Environmental Rent and Commodities for Nature Tourists in Rural Senegal." Human Geography 10, no. 2 (July 2017): 54–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/194277861701000204.

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Monetary incentives such as nature-based tourism and payment for ecosystem service (PES) mechanisms have become increasingly promoted as a means for protecting the environment. Critical scholars are interpreting these developments as forms of accumulation based upon the commodification of nature, prosumption and institutional power that make labour progressively irrelevant in the production of value. Drawing on the case of two Senegalese villages and on Marx's concepts of commodity and value, this paper suggests that such perspectives are inaccurate and that they serve to silence workers’ experiences of exploitation in these contexts. The paper proposes to go beyond generalising conceptualisations of the green economy such as “accumulation by conservation” and to be specific about the ways in which production and therefore working conditions relate to capital accumulation. It distinguishes between nature-based tourism and PES mechanisms: the former a profit-driven commodity production process, the latter a means for depoliticising environmental problems associated to capitalist commodity production through the payment of an environmental or climate rent that does not generate any value. Through this perspective it shows how in rural Senegal villagers’ working day needs to be long, intense and poorly rewarded to reduce PES project costs and facilitate the extraction of surplus value by owners of nature-based tourism businesses as well as how labour hierarchies go hand in hand with relations of exploitation between workers. Capitalists, donors and local intermediaries’ ability to take advantage of workers’ labour is facilitated by the agrarian crises that capital has generated in these Senegalese villages, but it is also contested as workers rise up against exploitation. Capital's ability to survive to its own ecological contradictions therefore rests upon workers’ shoulders and not exclusively on the formation of class hegemonies.
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SINGH, K. M., R. K. P. SINGH, ANJANI KUMAR, ABHAY KUMAR, M. S. MEENA, and V. P. CHAHAL. "Implications of labour migration for rice production and household economy: Evidences from eastern India." Indian Journal of Agricultural Sciences 85, no. 6 (June 5, 2015): 768–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.56093/ijas.v85i6.49191.

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The study evaluates the extent, impact and determinants of labour migration in Bihar. Data were collected in 2011 from four hundred households (200 migrants and 200 non-migrants) four villages, each of rainfed ecosystem (Madhubani district) and partially irrigated ecosystem (East Champaran district). Non-linear model (Cobb-Douglas) was used to find out impact of migration on input efficiencies in rice production. Regression coefficients (β) were computed for major factors of production. Probit model employed to measure the determinants of migration. Study reveals that youngsters are more prone to migration to urban centers for non-farm activities. Migration helped in rational use of two critical inputs, i.e. labour and irrigation in rice production. Judicious use of human labour wasalso observed at native place due to migration of surplus labour. However, potential of land and capital (seeds, fertilizers and agricultural chemicals) are still to be exploited on both categories of households. Migrants remittance utilized for meeting consumption need, better education to children, improved housing and better health care facilities. Remittances helped in improving livelihoods of migrant households. Migration also inculcated saving habits amongst migrants. It emerged as risk-coping strategy for weaker sections of society. Allocation of remittances on agricultural inputs could have increased if proper infrastructure facilities were made available in rural areas for faster dissemination of modern agricultural technologies. Male member of lower caste having large land size and dependents is more prone to migration. Caste barrier in migration has weakened in Bihar but still persist, however, size of farm is no more taboo.
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Dipankar De. "Surplus Crop Residues for Energy Generation in Selected Districts of Madhya Pradesh - An Assessment." Journal of Agricultural Engineering (India) 45, no. 4 (December 31, 2008): 50–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.52151/jae2008454.1351.

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Crop residues are one of the promising resources in rural India for energy generation. Crop residues in combine harvested fields are burnt in situ in many parts of the country. Alternate uses of such residues for energy generation can mitigate the loss of material and environment pollution caused by field burning. The study undertaken in six districts of Madhya Pradesh for assessment of crop residue production and uses indicated that among the food grains crops cultivated, the crop residues from manually harvested fields were mainly used as animal feeds. Residues from crops like cotton, pigeon pea, mustard were used for domestic purposes. Soybean and wheat crop residues in combine harvested fields were prone to disposal through field burning, the extents depending upon the productivity, cropping intensity, labour and storage space availability. Among the six districts, Bari Block (Raisen district) had the highest (1361 kg/ha) crop residue so generated with 76% of it being burnt. In Budni and Nasrullaganj Blocks (Sehore district), 60-67% of 812 kg/ha and 753 kg/ha of crop residues were burnt. About 1.05 lakh tonnes of crop residues (wheat 74.3% soybean 25.7%) were burnt annually in the three blocks and have potential of generation of 305.6 TJ of energy. For decentralised electricity generation through gasification route, a cluster of 7 villages can support feedstock requirement of a 90 kWe gasifier system to operate for 300days in a year operating at 12h/ day.
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SHUKLA, ADITYA, and Ramchandra Ramchandra. "A Study on Economics of Marketing and Production of Aonla in District Pratapgarh (U.P.)." International Journal of Advances in Agricultural Science and Technology 8, no. 9 (September 30, 2021): 142–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.47856/ijaast.2021.v08i9.016.

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The study was conducted, in Pratapgarh district of Uttar Pradesh. Random sampling technique was used for the selection of blocks, villages and proportionate random sampling for selection of growers. From the list, 200 growers were selected, using proportionate sampling method i.e. 90 small, 70 medium and 40 large farmers respectively. The primary data were collected from the respondents by using interview schedule, while secondary data were collected from the official records, published data, magazines etc. The marketable surplus for Aonla in the area was found to be 140, 160 and 180 quintals per farm which constituting (99.10%), (99.48%) and (99.48%) to their total Aonla production. Channel-I, Marketing cost when producers sold their produce to consumer in the market was Rs.90/quintal. Net price received by the producer is 410/quintal. Producer share in consumer price was 82 per cent. Price spread is Rs 90. Marketing efficiency was 5.55 per cent. Channel-II, Marketing cost when producers sold their produce to retailers was Rs.105/quintal. Among these cost transportation charges was most important which accounted for Rs.15/quintal, followed by loading and unloading cost Rs.10/quintal, market cost Rs.10/quintal, labour cost was Rs.10/quintal and miscellaneous cost Rs.50/quintal respectively. Sale price of the producer to retailer was Rs.500/quintals inn different farms size group. Channel-III, this is identified as the longest channel. The producer sells his produce to the commission agents, who in turn sell it to retailer in the market. Finally, the produce reaches to the consumer after collecting margin. Average marketing cost when producer sold their produce to commission agents, in the market was Rs.165. Among these grading, cleaning etc. was Rs. 10 and 10 per Qts. loading and unloading cost Rs. 10 per Qtl. Transportation cost Rs. 20per Qts, Miscellaneous charges Rs. 25/qts, respectively.
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Selden, Mark. "Jack Gray, Mao Zedong and the Political Economy of Chinese Development." China Quarterly 187 (September 2006): 680–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741006000300.

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Yi, Pan, Li Xin, and Sheng Yu Guo. "Thinking of Village Construction in Central Region under the Context of Labor Migration." Applied Mechanics and Materials 507 (January 2014): 666–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amm.507.666.

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China’s 30 years’ rapid urbanization process is not a usual one but a particular process promoted in the dual social-economic structure like household registration policy and land system, According to the sixth census, China's floating population has reached 261 million, that is, among every three Chinese city's residents, there is one person belonging to the “Migrant-urbanization” group made up of migrant peasant workers. Large number of rural labor migration, on the one hand, it causes false components in the process of urbanization, on the other hand, it brings a lot of problems to village construction of the central region which is considered as population exporter. It also somehow gradually formed the result of the "amphibious" population who was not engaged in agricultural production, localization tendency of rural industries, sidelined agriculture, and the disordered development of towns and villages. This paper is based on the background that regional labor movement from backward areas to developed coastal areas.Furthermore, this paper analyzes both the positive effects and the negative impact of labor migration which brought about to the construction of the central region village in China. Finally, this paper proposed three strategies about construction of the central region village in China with the aim to contribute to the much better sustainable development of rural villages and improve the co-development of both the rural and urban areas, first, how to arrange the surplus rural laborers; how to make rural land use more economically and intensively; and how to balance the development of urban and rural areas.
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Yang, Yang, Hua Li, Zhen Liu, Long Cheng, Assem Abu Hatab, and Jing Lan. "Effect of Forestland Property Rights and Village Off-Farm Environment on Off-Farm Employment in Southern China." Sustainability 12, no. 7 (March 25, 2020): 2605. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su12072605.

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Reasonably promoting the off-farm employment of rural surplus labor in China’s collective forest areas is an important way to increase forest resources and increase farmers’ income. China’s new round of collective forest tenure reform (CFTR) aims to optimize forest area labor allocation by strengthening forestland property rights. Therefore, in different village off-farm environments, it is necessary to explore how forestland property rights affect off-farm employment in forest areas. Based on survey data from 742 households in Zhejiang and Jiangxi provinces, this paper examines this effect using the double-hurdle model. The results indicate that forestland transfer rights promote decision-making about, and the supply of, off-farm labor, while forest harvesting rights significantly increase the supply of off-farm labor. The villages’ off-farm income ratio also affected the supply of off-farm labor. Moreover, under the regulation of the village off-farm income ratio, the positive incentives of forestland transfer rights on decision-making about, and the supply of, off-farm labor gradually weakened, but the incentive effect of forest harvesting rights on the supply of off-farm labor gradually increased. It is proposed that the CFTR should be further promoted, the forestland circulation mechanism and regulating forest harvest quota system should be improved, and implementation of forestry property mortgages should be strengthened.
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Ydyrys, S. S., R. K. Niyazbekova, and S. A. Ilasheva. "State regulation of labor market in labor-surplus rural regions of Kazakhstan." Problems of AgriMarket, no. 4 (December 15, 2022): 179–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.46666/2022-4.2708-9991.19.

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In the State Program on Development of Productive Employment and Mass Entrepreneurship for 2017-2021 "Enbek", special attention is paid to studying the current situation and developing measures to reduce unemployment in the republic. The article outlines and substantiates the factors that negatively affect the livelihoods of rural residents in the regions of Kazakhstan with excessive concentration of labor. The goal is to identify new forms of labor market regulation in labor-surplus regions, show ways to launch them; assistance in development of new model for reducing unemployment that meets the needs of the time; consider modern mechanisms of State regulation of employment. Methods – dialectical, scientific generalization, classification, systemic and comparative analysis. Results – proposals have been prepared to improve the efficiency of functioning of regional employment centers, diversify the tools for external and internal stimulation of their employees, increase the reliability of predicting the situation in labor segment based on practice of improving the skills of specialists from the Employment Center in Shymkent. The reasons for the formation of excess of labor resources in the region are analyzed and classified; own definition of the concept of "surplus labor force" is proposed; the results of socio-economic activity of the Turkestan region in comparison with other regions of the country are presented, assessment of the complexity of crisis situation in labor market segment is given; recommendations have been developed to provide jobs for people living in villages. Conclusions – the results of study are aimed at optimizing the regulation of rural labor market, the most important component in the system of market economic relations and improving the State policy in the field of employment.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Labour surplus villages"

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Datta, Pradip Kumar. "Mobilising the basic resources in a set of labour surplus villages." Thesis, University of North Bengal, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/214.

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Books on the topic "Labour surplus villages"

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Toulmin, Camilla. Cattle, Women, and Wells. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198853046.001.0001.

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This book describes the choices open to farming families in the Sahelian village of Kala, in central Mali. Life in this drought-prone region is harsh and full of risk to health, crops, and livestock, yet there are also opportunities open to the hard-working, audacious and lucky, bringing considerable returns if the timing is right. Three inter-related themes underlie the analysis of production and investment decisions faced by households; the role of risk, the long timeframe within which decisions are made, and the close links between economic performance and household size and organisation. Climatic variability and demographic uncertainty lie at the heart of domestic structures; the extreme vulnerability faced by single individuals means people cluster in large kin-based groups, pooling risks and providing protection. The very limited development of labour markets means that households rely almost entirely on their own members for their workforce, and generating the capital needed for investing in ploughs, wells, carts and livestock must stem from a good year’s grain surplus and migration earnings. Based on field-research over the period 1980-82, this study illustrates a successful response to making ends meet in a land abundant region, despite high risks of drought. A follow-up study of this village was published in 2020: Land, Investment, and Migration. Thirty-five years of village life in Mali (OUP).
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Book chapters on the topic "Labour surplus villages"

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Edwards, Jeanette. "In-Migration and Out-Migration." In Born and Bred, 76–104. Oxford University PressOxford, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198233947.003.0004.

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Abstract SITUATED, as many Bacup people claim, at the heart of the industrial revolution, Bacup’s histories are full of industry. Industry has entailed, at different times, a need for labour—labour which has subsequently become surplus to requirements. A demographic history of the region shows successive waves of in- and out-migration since the beginning of the nineteenth century. In 1660, the population of the area covering present-day Bacup and its satellite villages is reported to comprise only 200 people, and in 1798, 1,426 people (Bowden 1972). No reliable figures are available, however, until 1851 when the census recorded a population of 10,313.1 Table 4. shows a rapid growth between 1861 and 1881 and then a steady and continuous decrease in numbers until the present. The census of 1991 recorded a population of 14,706.
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Brødsgaard, Kjeld Erik, and Kamal Sheel. "Informalization and Growth: the Political Economy of Local Enterprises." In State Capacity in East Asia, 203–35. Oxford University PressOxford, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198297635.003.0010.

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Abstract Local enterprises have played a pivotal role in the economic growth of rural China. Often referred to as township and village enterprises (TVEs), they numbered 20 million by 1997. They employ more than 130 million peasants or surplus rural labour force and they account for close to 45 per cent of China’s total industrial output value and close to 40 per cent of total exports.1 In the developed eastern region of China, more than 60 per cent of peasants’ income derives from these enterprises. The prospect of better incomes from participation in enterprises has in fact led millions of unemployed or underemployed members of peasant households to relinquish agricultural activities. The emerging pattern thus indicates diminishing labour in agriculture and the shift of household labour either to private or collective enterprises.
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Lander, Brian. "The Nature of Political Power." In The King's Harvest, 14–31. Yale University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300255089.003.0002.

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This chapter illustrates the lives of ordinary people in four different periods in order to illustrate the changes that occurred over this time. It shows how agricultural systems improved over time, eventually becoming productive enough to create substantial and reliable surpluses. Political institutions gradually arose that used these surpluses to feed people doing nonagricultural labor, such as building infrastructure or fighting. The chapter discusses the village of Jiangzhai, near Xi'an, around 4500 BCE, which archaeologists call the Yangshao period and is situated in a grassy savanna with scattered patches of shrubs and woodlands. Human settlements are few and far between, and the landscape is home to dangerous animals like tigers and wild water buffaloes, perhaps one reason the village is surrounded by a deep ditch.
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Pallot, Judith, and Tat'yana Nefedova. "Household Food Production—What Next?" In Russia's Unknown Agriculture. Oxford University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199227419.003.0015.

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The previous chapters have shown how diverse are the patterns of household food production in Russia; most rural households grow a mixture of vegetables, roots, and fruit and might keep some poultry and small and large livestock for personal consumption, but many also have developed one or more branches geared to the market. Specialization is a feature of the post-Soviet ‘personal subsidiary economy’ and it has been associated with a deepening geographical division of labour in the sector. In this concluding chapter, we examine the extent to which the degree of market engagement of households maps onto the patterns of specialization and diversification we have described in the previous pages. The aim is to shed some light on the questions posed at the beginning of this book about the ‘nature’ of household production and its place in Russia’s evolving agri-food economy. It seems to us self-evident that the degree and character of household production’s subsumption to the market is the key to understanding the different directions in which it might be taken in the future. There is still little consensus among theorists of the peasantry about capitalism’s impact on small producers, but few would disagree that the market is the dominant transformative process whether, as in the case of households located in the suburbs of the major cities, it is to bind them ever more tightly into the market nexus or, as in the northern peripheries, its very absence reproduces their marginality. In the villages in which we conducted our surveys we encountered households positioned at different points along a ‘market’ spectrum. At one end there were those that were producing food exclusively to meet their own and their family’s consumption needs. These households sell surpluses, if they have them, in order to earn a money income to buy the staples they cannot produce themselves, but this is not their principal motivation. The noted Russian rural sociologist Vinogradskii (1999), among others, has identified the existence of spontaneous non-monetary networks cooperation developing among rural households aimed at achieving food security, but even in the most remote places we visited, we found that primitive markets did exist.
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"subsistence production (where in the colonial period mainly extra-economic factors such as forced cultivation or forced labour caused the integration of the peasantry in the market exchange). Socialist development was there-fore strongly identified with modernising through the rapid expansion of the state sector, that is, nationalisation and mechanisation on an ever-increasing scale. The peasantry would be gradually absorbed within this expanding sector, and hence, at first, the role of the peasantry was seen as essentially passive with its transformation mainly centring on social aspects. As such, the policy of communal villages became virtually a habitational concept (and was in actual fact the responsibility of the national directorate of housing): a question of social infrastructures (water supplies, schools, etc.) within a concept of communal life without concerning production and its transformation. This view conflicted heavily with the objective conditions in the rural areas characterised by a deep involvement of the peasantry in market relationships and their dependence on it either as suppliers of labour power or as cash crop producers. This contradiction became more obvious, when the balance of payments became a real constraint (in 1979) and, hence, the question of financing accumulation cropped up more strongly in practice. The peasantry as suppliers of cash crops, of food and of labour power to the state sectors occupied a crucial position in production and accumulation. However, the crucial question then becomes whether the peasantry only performs the role of supplying part of the accumulation fund or whether the peasantry itself is part and parcel of the process of transformation and hence that accumulation embraces as an integral part the transformation of peasant agriculture into more socialised forms of production. In other words, it poses the question whether the strategy is based on a primitive socialist accumulation on the basis of the peasantry (transferring the agrarian surplus to the develop-ment of the state sector), or whether accumulation includes the transformation of peasant agriculture. Clearly, the way this question is posed in practice will influence heavily the nature of the organisation of the exchange between the state sector and the peasantry. The proposition that the state sector can develop under its own steam (with or without the aid of external borrowing) cannot bypass this crucial question since, on the one hand, a considerable part of foreign exchange earnings and of the food supply to the towns depended on peasant production and, on the other, the very conditions of productivity and profitability in the agrarian state sector depended heavily on the organic link that existed.between labour supply and family agriculture. The monetary disequilibrium originating from the state sector has a severe impact on the organisation of the exchange between the state sector and the peasantry. First, the imbalance between the demand for and the supply of consumer commodities affected rural areas differently from urban areas. The reason was that in urban areas the rationing system guaranteed to each family a minimum quantity of basic consumer necessities at official prices. In the rural areas the principal form of rationing remained the queue! Hence, forced savings were distributed differently over urban and rural areas. Furthermore, the concentration of resources on the state sector also implied that the peasants'." In The Agrarian Question in Socialist Transitions, 205. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203043493-29.

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