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1

Hall, Rebecca Jane. "Reproduction and Resistance." Historical Materialism 24, no. 2 (June 30, 2016): 87–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341473.

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In Northern Canada, Indigenous mixed economies persist alongside and in resistance to capital accumulation. The day-to-day sites and processes of colonial struggle, and, in particular, their gendered nature, are too often ignored. This piece takes an anti-colonial materialist approach to the multiple labours of Indigenous women in Canada, arguing that their social-reproductive labour is a primary site of struggle: a site of violent capitalist accumulation and persistent decolonising resistance. In making this argument, this piece draws on social-reproduction feminism, and anti-racist, Indigenous and anti-colonial feminism, asking what it means to take an anti-colonial approach to social-reproduction feminism. It presents an expanded conception of production that encompasses not just the dialectic of capitalist production and reproduction, but also non-capitalist, subsistence production. An anti-colonial approach to social-reproduction feminism challenges one to think through questions of non-capitalist labour and the way different forms of labour persist relationally, reproducing and resisting capitalist modes of production.
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2

DERRICK, JONATHAN. "Labour Resistance in Cameroon." African Affairs 93, no. 372 (July 1994): 454–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a098740.

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3

Irsan, Irsan, Suparman Abdullah, and Buchari Mengge. "Eksploitasi Pekerja Anak: Kajian Terhadap Pekerja Anak di Sektor Perikanan." Journal of Education, Humaniora and Social Sciences (JEHSS) 5, no. 1 (August 18, 2022): 805–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.34007/jehss.v5i1.1307.

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The purpose of this research is to analyze the forms of exploitation of child labour in the fisheries sector and the resistance of workers to the exploitation they experience. The problem of this research is in the form of exploitation against child labour and resistance against child labour against exploitation experienced. To approach this problem, Collins' theory of exploitation and conflict is used as a reference. The data were collected through observation, in-depth interviews and documentation and analyzed qualitatively. Determining the informants using purposive sampling by the classification of the informants, namely the main informant of the employer and the informant who supports the family of child workers. The results showed that the forms of exploitation of child labour in the fisheries sector were violations of children's rights, namely labour exploitation (nipattolo-tolo), physical exploitation (nipattuju tedong), and mental exploitation (coto tena jenena). The form of child labour resistance to exploitation is carried out individually and in groups through. Exploitation that labours against child labour is not taken for granted, resistance to exploitation occurs in line with the experience and understanding of child labour towards the conditions of exploitation experienced.
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4

Bellettini, Giorgio, Carlotta Berti Ceroni, and Gianmarco I. P. Ottaviano. "Child Labour and Resistance to Change." Economica 72, no. 287 (August 2005): 397–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0013-0427.2005.00422.x.

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5

Munck, Ronaldo. "Globalization and patterns of labour resistance." Political Geography 21, no. 4 (May 2002): 547–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0962-6298(01)00037-3.

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6

Wharton-Beck, Aura. "Interrupted Labour by Another Name: Resistance." Feminist Review 132, no. 1 (November 2022): 10–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/01417789221137679.

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7

Prideaux, Simon. "New Labour/hard Labour? Restructuring and resistance inside the welfare industry." Benefits: A Journal of Poverty and Social Justice 16, no. 3 (October 2008): 301–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.51952/gdbw6776.

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8

Ramasamy, P. "Labour control and labour resistance in the plantations of colonial Malaya." Journal of Peasant Studies 19, no. 3-4 (April 1992): 87–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03066159208438489.

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9

Almeida, Nora. "The Labour of Austerity." Canadian Journal of Academic Librarianship 6 (December 18, 2020): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/cjal-rcbu.v6.34008.

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This essay explores the social-psychic toll of prolonged austerity on academic librarians and the range of strategies that have (or could) serve as tools of resistance. Using a combination of theoretical analysis and autoethnography, I examine the emotional impact of bottomless and invisible labour imposed by austerity and the ways institutions use emotional coercion to promote self-surveillance, meta-work, and hyper-productivity. Following this analysis, I discuss the ways that oppressive institutional cultures silence dissent and absorb common resistance tactics advocated by educators. Finally, I introduce several examples of performance-based resistance projects and explore how creative, personal, and absurd forms of protest might be used to critique and transform the culture of work and our affective experience as knowledge workers in the neoliberal academy.
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10

Elliott-Cooper, Adam, Amber Murrey, Ashok Kumar, and Musab Younis. "Labour and resistance across global spaces: Introduction." City 18, no. 6 (November 2, 2014): 771–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13604813.2014.962892.

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11

Stevis, Dimitris, and Terry Boswell. "Labour: From national resistance to international politics." New Political Economy 2, no. 1 (March 1997): 93–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13563469708406287.

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12

Sahin, Hande. "Labour control regimes and resistance of workers: A field study on Denizli textile workers." New Trends and Issues Proceedings on Humanities and Social Sciences 4, no. 10 (January 13, 2018): 345–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.18844/prosoc.v4i10.3100.

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Parallel to the capitalist development processes, the nature and varieties of control regimes have been changed. The control has been sometimes conducted directly, sometimes indirectly. But the common point of each control mechanism is the complexity of different practices of management and what workers do with these practices. In the first years of capitalism, labour control regimes are generally simple and direct. Together with Taylorism, it has gained technical importance and now become more hegemonic. The aim of this study is to examine the labour control regimes and resistances of workers to these regimes through a case study. For this purpose, in-depth interviews were conducted with a total of 45 workers, one factory owner, one general manager, two department managers, two chiefs, one foreman, three subcontractor workshop owners in Denizli textile. The results show that workers develop very limited resistance, and the working conditions determine the resistance strategies of workers. Keywords: Labour control regimes, resistance of workers, Turkey.
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13

Nwanunobi, C. O., and Piet Konings. "Labour Resistance in Cameroon: Managerial Strategies and Labour Resistance in the Agro-Industrial Plantations of the Cameroon Development Corporation." International Journal of African Historical Studies 29, no. 1 (1996): 217. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/221466.

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14

Bassett, Thomas J. "Breaking up the bottlenecks in food-crop and cotton cultivation in northern Côte d'Ivoire." Africa 58, no. 2 (April 1988): 147–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1160659.

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IntroductionIt is widely recognised that seasonal labour bottlenecks present major obstacles to peasant farmers seeking to expand agricultural output in sub-Saharan Africa. Evidence from Nigeria and Sierra Leone, for example, reveals that labour shortages and limited income to hire off-farm labour have historically constrained rural producers from intensifying and enlarging their agricultural operations (Norman et al., 1979: 42–7; Watts, 1983: 202–3; Richards, 1985: 96). Many attempts by colonial and contemporary African States to promote food crop and export crop production failed, in part, because of peasant resistance to the threat of subsistence insecurity associated with labour conflicts in the agricultural calendar. Richards's (1986) study of the failure of a series of labour-intensive wet rice cultivation projects in central Sierra Leone illustrates the degree to which peasant agricultural practices represent adjustments to labour-supply problems. Given the pervasiveness and importance of seasonal labour constraints in African agricultural systems, it is surprising that ‘few studies have provided insights into the adjustment in labor use resulting from the introduction of cash crops and new technologies’ (Eicher and Baker, 1982: 99).
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15

Rogers, Ruth. "Discourses of resistance and the ‘hostile jobseeker’." Benefits: A Journal of Poverty and Social Justice 10, no. 1 (February 2002): 19–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.51952/wkhm9677.

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There are a large number of Internet-based groups and organisations aimed specifically at resisting the compulsory elements of the Jobseeker’s Allowance and New Deal. However, although large in number, this article argues that these groups tend to be exclusively directed at the working-class male, in that they openly celebrate manual labour over mental labour and are highly hostile and aggressive in content. Consequently, women remain largely excluded from the organised discourses of resistance.
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16

Knox, William. "Apprenticeship and De-skilling in Britain, 1850–1914." International Review of Social History 31, no. 2 (August 1986): 166–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000008142.

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The publication of Harry Braverman's seminal study – Labor and Monopoiy Capital (1974) – marked a turning-point for labour and social historians. Since then they have increasingly concerned themselves with the nature of the labour process in industrial capitalism. Central to this concern has been the debate on de-skilling and the destruction of craft control over the labour process and its subordination to the needs of capital. Braverman has been heavily criticised for the one-sidedness and simplicity of his account of this development. Among the weaknesses identified in Labor and Monopoly Capital is the omission of any mention of class struggle, or worker resistance to technical change; the failure to grasp how de-skilling can be mediated and, therefore, modified through labour, market and product particularisms; the lack of a detailed analysis of the transformation of formal to real subordination (in the Marxist sense) of labour to capital – the process seems to occur automatically; and, the failure to realise how formally skilled workers can continue to occupy a privileged position in the workforce through either the mechanism of custom, or by their strategic placing in the production process, or both.
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17

Latysh, Yurii. "Jeremy Corbin and the left turn of the Labour Party." European Historical Studies, no. 11 (2018): 148–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2018.11.148-169.

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The article touches upon the ideological and political transformation of the Labor Party of Great Britain after the defeat in the 2015 parliamentary elections. The struggle between the supporters of Anthony Blair’s policy (“New Labour”) and “hard left” ended with an unexpected victory by veteran of Labour, Leftist Socialist Jeremy Corbin, despite the resistance of the Blairist establishment and media criticism. No less unexpected was the relative success of the Labour Party in the early 2017 parliamentary elections. The importance of the conceptual and the theoretical understanding of the “Left turn” of the Labor Party and the West in general, where the left-wing representatives (B. Sanders, J. Corbin, J.-L. Mélenchon) had achieved remarkable success in the elections, has been underlined. The article deals with the political biography of the leader of the Labour Party, his views on domestic and foreign policy. The course of the election campaign, the peculiarities of its coverage in the media, the reasons for the fall of conservative popularity and the rise of the Labour ratings have been highlighted. The Labour Party Manifesto 2017 “For the many, not the few”, which became the most left program since 1983, has been analyzed. As a result of the election, the Conservative and Unionist Party lost the majority in the House of Commons. It was a moral triumph of Jeremy Corbin over the “New Labour” which increased his chances of becoming Prime Minister in the future.
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18

Hall, Rebecca. "Caring Labours as Decolonizing Resistance." Studies in Social Justice 10, no. 2 (December 19, 2016): 220–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/ssj.v10i2.1353.

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This article brings feminist theories of social reproduction in conversation with decolonizing feminisms. It takes up Indigenous women's social reproductive labour as enactments of creative expansion. In approaching social reproduction as a site of struggle, it identifies three processes of expansion and resistance at this site: the expansion of care and intimacy into subsistence production; the expansion of the “family” beyond the nuclear through community and kin networks; and the expansion of relations of care to include the land.
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19

Morris, Jeremy. "From Betrayal to Resistance: Workingclass voices in Russia today." Journal of Working-Class Studies 2, no. 1 (June 1, 2017): 45–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.13001/jwcs.v2i1.6045.

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This article analyses three aspects of working-class life in Russia that add to the debate about global working-class responses to disenfranchisement and ‘crisis’. Firstly, it highlights how traditionally workers have been atomised as a group due to the demotivating effects of postcommunist transition itself. Nonetheless, there remains a coherence of shared values and grievances rooted in the still-living memory of the communist-era ‘social contract’, and workers’ current experience of harsh anti-labour industrial relations and state indifference. Thirdly, despite seemingly no outlet in oppositional politics, there are signs of resistance, if not revolt. These range from the informal ‘black’ economy as ‘exit’ from formal work, smallscale labour protests and the organising of new independent labour unions in transnational companies, and the rising political consciousness of working-class voters who look for any ‘alternative’ to the ruling party – including the popular-nationalist far right, and abstention from voting all together. The conclusions highlight the convergence of workers’ and ordinary people’s grievances in Russia in an unpredictable environment where multiple issues may coalesce and then spiral out of control. Recent examples of such issues have included labour unrest due to wage arrears, political corruption, road taxes on truckers, and the demolition of housing in city centres.
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20

Andreas Bieler and Jamie Jordan. "Focus: Austerity and Resistance — Labour in the Eurozone crisis." International Union Rights 22, no. 2 (2015): 4. http://dx.doi.org/10.14213/inteuniorigh.22.2.0004.

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21

Bieler, Andreas, and Jamie Jordan. "Focus: Austerity and Resistance — Labour in the Eurozone crisis." International Union Rights 22, no. 2 (2015): 4–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/iur.2015.a838486.

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22

Yildirim, Kadir, and Yakup Akkuş. "The Fragility of Governmentality and Domination: The State, Carceral Labour and “(In)docile Resistance” in the Late Ottoman Empire." Labour History 125, no. 1 (October 25, 2023): 161–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/labourhistory.2023.24.

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The “power relations” in the Ottoman Empire were gradually governmentalised and centralised through modernist reforms in the long nineteenth century. As part of this process, the practice of intramural and extramural carceral labour became an important element in the Ottoman penal system in the late empire. Despite the state’s emphasis on the rehabilitative effect of prison labour in legal regulations, particularly regarding intramural carceral labour, the expansion of the practice into extramural activities reveals that providing economic benefits was another driving force in the Ottoman case. In this line, extramural labour was used as a complement to free labour rather than a substitute for it. However, the adverse reactions of prisoners to carceral labour were just as important as the regulations, disciplinary practices, and the administrative and financial limits of the state in determining the success of the practice. By focusing on the resistance strategies of prisoners, including escapes, writing petitions, collective walkouts, slowdowns, strikes, and pilferage, this paper aims to amplify their voices. This prisoner-centred view enables us to take a Foucauldian perspective in the context of power relations and resistance to such practices and to illustrate how prisoners, as “indocile bodies,” weakened the governmentality and domination of the state through many forms of “indocile resistance.”
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23

Wang, Kan. "Labour resistance and worker attitudes towards trade union reform in China." Employee Relations 38, no. 5 (August 1, 2016): 724–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/er-03-2016-0065.

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Purpose – Drawing its arguments and conclusion from a ten-year survey on workers’ experiences of labour disputes, along with anticipation of trade union reform, the purpose of this paper is to discuss the interaction between labour resistance and its potential for institutional change in the field of labour relations in China. Design/methodology/approach – This paper uses a longitudinal cohort study carried out between 2006 and 2015. The survey was conducted every two years, specifically in 2006, 2008, 2011, 2013 and 2015, in Guangdong Province, China. Questionnaire and interview methods were used; 2,166 valid sample questionnaires were collected, and 215 interviews were carried out over the research period. Findings – An increase in collectivized disputes in China has given rise to an escalation of labour action, characterized by wildcat strikes. Joint action has strengthened the bonds among work colleagues, and it has become more important for workers to pay attention to their rights and interests. In terms of organization, two viewpoints towards union reform were revealed: the pragmatist and the idealist perspectives. Workers with greater experience of resistance were more modest in terms of demands for union reform, while workers with some experience called for their union’s independence from the party-state. Research limitations/implications – The data contained industry bias, as too many respondents were from electronics-manufacturing and textile and apparel plants. Originality/value – This paper is original, and increases awareness of the development of the labour movement in China.
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Volodin, Sergey. "Issues of Strengthening Labour Discipline in the Years of the New Economic Policy (Case Study of the Tula Cartridge Works)." Journal of Economic History and History of Economics 23, no. 4 (December 26, 2022): 689–716. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2308-2488.2022.23(4).689-716.

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The issues of strengthening labour discipline in the years of the New Economic Policy are the subject of this research. The author examines them in the unity of factory production process and macroeconomic circumstances of the period using the example of employee behaviour of the Tula Cartridge Works munition workers. The author states that during the first years of the new period, due to the pressure of unemployment and competition on the labour market, the labour discipline of the Tula cartridge makers was changing for the better. However, the increased labour turnover and the decline in workers’ skills created serious contradictions between different categories of workers at the workshop level. Together, they defended their measure of control over workplace behaviour by formally seeking protection from workers' organisations and informally by turning to implicit resistance practices. In the second half of the 1920s the labour discipline situation in the enterprise aggravated again. The general irritation of the workers was provoked by a worsening of cash and non-cash payments they got against the background of labour intensification campaigns. Under these conditions, the management team of this enterprise, like the leaders of labour collectives throughout the country, had to adhere to a compromise tack. Overall, in the author’s opinion, an acceptable level of labor discipline was achieved within the historical context of the New Economic Policy.
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NGUYEN, Tu Phuong. "Legal Consciousness and Workers’ Resistance in Đồng Nai Province, Vietnam." Asian Journal of Comparative Law 12, no. 2 (October 16, 2017): 311–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asjcl.2017.18.

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AbstractThis article examines how labour law contributes to labour resistance in Vietnam through an empirical case study of the ‘core workers’ in Đồng Nai Province. These core workers are factory workers who have undergone legal training and who provide legal aid to factory workers in need. They have, at the same time, deployed their legal knowledge to demand access to justice for themselves and the factory workers. This article demonstrates that the core workers’ legal consciousness is shaped by their mobilization of the law and their own workplace experiences. It then investigates in detail a core worker’s engagements with individual and collective disputes, and discusses his views on legal aid, labour law, and workplace relationships. This article argues that the core workers’ resistance is not only a fight against illegal practices, but that it also embodies a call for the management’s moral obligations towards its workers.
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26

van Zyl-Hermann, Danelle. "White Workers in the Late Apartheid Period: A Report on the Wiehahn Commission and Mineworkers’ Union Archival Collections." History in Africa 43 (December 21, 2015): 229–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hia.2015.29.

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Abstract:This paper offers a critique of the existing historiography on the late apartheid period, arguing that white workers’ role in and experience of the unraveling of racial privilege in the labor arena has been obscured by a focus on the high politics of reform and on anti-apartheid resistance emanating from African labor and the broader black population. Reporting from the archive, it discusses two under-utilized archival collections – that of the Commission of Inquiry into Labour Legislation and of the Mineworkers’ Union – as sources for starting to write white working-class organization, politics, identity, and experience into the history of reform and resistance, thereby adding a new dimension to South Africa’s broadly conceived struggle history.
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Karasyova, L. "Labour disputes among the nursing staff." Medsestra (Nurse), no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 71–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/med-05-2001-13.

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The article presents results of research work that allow to assess the likelihood of conflict in the work teams of inpatient departments, to assess the conflict resistance of nursing staff in the process of professional activity and to analyze the impact of elements of the quality of working life on the formation of conflict-generating issues.
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28

Sinha, Abhinav. "On the Question of Methodology in Labour History." Journal of Labor and Society 24, no. 3 (August 9, 2021): 401–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24714607-bja10037.

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Abstract The present paper deals with some basic questions of methodology in labour history. It deals with three main questions: the question of class and social identities in labour history; the question of the category of ‘labouring poor’ vis-à-vis the category of working class; and finally, the question of the place of state in treating the relation between labour and capital. On the first question, it argues that social identities become sites of social oppression in the moment of class. On the second question, it argues that while the category of ‘labouring poor’ has descriptive power, it lacks analytical rigour and can make sense only in conjunction with the category of working class. Finally, it contends that labour history must understand the relative autonomy of the state while dealing with the question of relation between labour and capital and yet it must not take the question of tripartite arrangement between labour, capital and state too literally or formally, as state does serve the long-term collective class interests of capital. The essay also refutes the valorization of the so-called ‘everyday forms of resistance’ over the importance of the collective class resistance of the working class.
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Ma, Xinrong. "Ethnic minority empowerment and marginalization: Yi labour migrants outside China’s Autonomous Regions." China Information 33, no. 2 (September 28, 2018): 146–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0920203x18800192.

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While there is an emerging body of literature that examines labour resistance within industrial cities in China, there is, however, little research on ethnic minority labour migrants, in particular their interaction with the local state in migrant-receiving cities. This study fills this research gap by focusing on ethnic Yi labour migrants in the Pearl River Delta area. Based on seven and a half months of fieldwork, this article illustrates the ways in which local governments cope with Yi labour disputes on the one hand, and the strategies that Yi migrants developed – emphasizing their minority status while negotiating their labour rights – on the other. The article finds that a strategy to maintain stability by applying patronage selectively to certain ethnic groups cultivates ethnic elites as middlemen to appease workers’ collective disputes in the short term. However, the state’s failure to fully recognize cultural differences of ethnic minorities and to protect their labour rights results in more resistance and marginalization of ethnic minority labourers in the long term. In this way, the Chinese government’s current policy may jeopardize the wider aim of maintaining social order.
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Kearsey, Joe. "Control, camaraderie and resistance: Precarious work and organisation in hospitality." Capital & Class 44, no. 4 (February 12, 2020): 503–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309816820906382.

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With industrial action recently taking place at TGI Fridays, McDonald’s and Wetherspoons, the organisation of precarious workers within the hospitality industry has received renewed attention in popular and academic circles. The subject of this article is the result of a year’s worth of work, research and activism alongside co-workers within the sector. It takes the form of an insiders’ ethnography, positioning itself as an example of workers’ inquiry into precarious workplaces and collective resistance. The research addresses the subject of affective labour in customer-facing hospitality work, with particular attention paid to the sociability of the labour process. It also addresses the issues of the composition of labour and the material conditions that act as the driving force of precarity, while assessing the contours of flexibility, control and resistance. The wider social character of the work and the workers themselves, as well as the community and camaraderie of the workplace, is also studied. Using the 2018 TGI Fridays strike as a key example, the article outlines how, in harnessing the camaraderie of such social and communal work, workers have sought to realise their autonomy and resist precarity through collective struggle.
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31

Martin, Gregory. "Don't lEAP into this: student resistance in labour market programmes." Educational Action Research 8, no. 3 (September 2000): 533–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09650790000200133.

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32

Thomas, Amy, and Beth Marsden. "Surviving School and “Survival Schools”: Resistance, Compulsion and Negotiation in Aboriginal Engagements with Schooling." Labour History: Volume 121, Issue 1 121, no. 1 (November 1, 2021): 33–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/jlh.2021.17.

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In Australia, Aboriginal peoples have sought to exploit and challenge settler colonial schooling to meet their own goals and needs, engaging in strategic, diverse and creative ways closely tied to labour markets and the labour movement. Here, we bring together two case studies to illustrate the interplay of negotiation, resistance and compulsion that we argue has characterised Aboriginal engagements with school as a structure within settler colonial capitalism. Our first case study explains how Aboriginal families in Victoria and New South Wales deliberately exploited gaps in school record collecting to maintain mobility during the mid-twentieth century and engaged with labour markets that enabled visits to country. Our second case study explores the Strelley mob’s establishment of independent, Aboriginal-controlled bilingual schools in the 1970s to maintain control of their labour and their futures. Techniques of survival developed in and around schooling have been neglected by historians, yet they demonstrate how schooling has been a strategic political project, both for Aboriginal peoples and the Australian settler colonial state.
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Merlino, John. "Improved methods in the identification and screening for antimicrobial resistance: chromogenic screening for Staphylococcus aureus and methicillin resistance." Microbiology Australia 29, no. 3 (2008): 150. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ma08150.

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New enzyme specific synthetic chromogenic substrates offer an advance in the laboratory screening and detection of Staphylococcus aureus and methicillin-resistant S. aureus (MRSA), with increased efficiency, reduced labour costs and decreased turn around times, especially when incorporated into existing laboratory workflows, to support current methods of microbial identification and the detection of resistance.
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Belyaev, Victor, Olga Kuznetsova, and Oksana Pyatkova. "SOCIAL AND LABOUR RELATIONS: MANAGING THE STRUCTURE IN IMPLEMENTING INNOVATIVE CHANGES." SOCIETY. INTEGRATION. EDUCATION. Proceedings of the International Scientific Conference 6 (May 21, 2019): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.17770/sie2019vol6.3987.

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Implementing innovation programmes often encounters employee resistance to change. The paperprovides evidence that the essential characteristics of the causes for such resistance lie in the contents and structure of the social and labour relations. They manifest themselves as opportunism at work. The authors believe that this problem can be solved by developing K. Lewin’s and E. Schein’s change management models. While implementing innovative programmes by using one of these models, atthe opening stage, by the procedure developed by the authors, it is suggested to do research aimed at identifying the contents of the social and labour relations that have been formed within an organisation in order to reveal the quantitative measure of opportunistic behaviour of personnel in their structure and their further correcting towards decreasing the potential of employee resistance to change. For this purpose, the authors developed five scenarios and tools for gathering data through an employee survey in the environment where implementing innovative changes is expected. The findings are supposed to be presented in the form of M. Porter’s diagram, on the axes of which are indicated the types of social and labour relations; it perfectly reveals problem areas in the general structure of the social and labour relations. It is the managerial impact on them that allows a decrease in employee opportunistic potential. The evaluation of the methodical approaches, which the authors made in health care institutions, has shown that implementing innovation changes encounters much less employee resistance. Using this conceptual model of change management oriented towards changes in the structure of the social and labour relations allows an increase in efficiency and effectiveness of implementing innovative changes in organizations.
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Bancarzewski, Maciej, and Jane Hardy. "Workers' resistance in special economic zones in Poland." Employee Relations: The International Journal 43, no. 1 (August 6, 2020): 193–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/er-08-2019-0310.

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PurposeThis article compares workers' resistance in foreign direct investments (FDIs) in the automotive and electronics sectors in two special economic zones (SEZs) in the north-east and south-west of Poland. It aims to investigate why, despite the shared characteristics of the SEZs, that there are different outcomes in terms of the balance of formal resistance through trade unions and informal resistance through sabotage.Design/methodology/approachA spatial framework of analysis is posited to examine how global capital, national employment frameworks and regional institutions play out in local labour markets and shape workers' sense of place and their capacity for workplace resistance. The research study is based on interviews with trade union officials and non-union employees in four foreign investment firms in Poland.FindingsThe findings point to the importance of the type of production in influencing the structural power of organised labour and the social agency workers influenced by their understanding of place.Originality/valueAnalysing workplace resistance and industrial relations from a spatial perspective.
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Killias, Olivia. "‘Illegal’ Migration as Resistance: Legality, Morality and Coercion in Indonesian Domestic Worker Migration to Malaysia." Asian Journal of Social Science 38, no. 6 (2010): 897–914. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853110x530796.

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AbstractThis article explores dominant discourses on ‘illegal’ migrants in the context of contemporary Indonesian labour migration to Malaysia. By focusing on the particular case of migrant domestic workers, it discusses recent political moves undertaken by both nation-states to regularise migratory movements. These state-induced efforts at regularising transnational migration have been promoted as combating trafficking and ‘illegal’ migration, but they have led to the legitimisation of a migration scheme that has much in common with colonial indentured labour. Hence, the paper argues that this ‘legal,’ state-sanctioned migration scheme gradually leads domestic workers into ‘legal’ — but bonded — labour arrangements and that the labour contract, as such, needs to be analysed as an instrument of subordination. Through the counter-narrative of Arum, an Indonesian domestic worker performing her work ‘illegally’ in Malaysia, the paper then goes on to argue that to migrate through ‘illegal’ migration channels can be interpreted as an act of voluntarily circumventing the ‘legal,’ state-sanctioned migration scheme. Thus, ‘illegal’ migration can be equated with deliberately resisting a coercive system.
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Lloyd, Anthony. "Ideology at work: reconsidering ideology, the labour process and workplace resistance." International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 37, no. 5/6 (June 13, 2017): 266–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijssp-02-2016-0019.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to consider existing debates within the sociology of work, particularly the re-emergence of labour process theory (LPT) and the “collective worker”, in relation to resistance at work. Through presentation of primary data and a dialectical discussion about the nature of ideology, the paper offers alternative interpretations on long-standing debates and raises questions about the efficacy of workplace resistance. Design/methodology/approach The design of this methodology is an ethnographic study of a call centre in the North-East of England, a covert participant observation at “Call Direct” supplemented by semi-structured interviews with call centre employees. Findings The findings in this paper suggest that resistance in the call centre mirrors forms of resistance outlined elsewhere in both the call centre literature and classical workplace studies from the industrial era. However, in presenting an alternative interpretation of ideology, as working at the level of action rather than thought, the paper reinterprets the data and characterises workplace resistance as lacking the political potential for change often emphasised in LPT and other workplace studies. Originality/value The original contribution of this paper is in applying an alternative interpretation of ideology to a long-standing debate. In asking sociology of work scholars to consider the “reversal of ideology”, it presents an alternative perspective on resistance in the workplace and raises questions about the efficacy of workplace disobedience.
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Sperneac-Wolfer, Christian. "Romania’s societal transformation and labour struggles abroad – how missing income opportunities and the fear of dismissal inform practices of labour resistance." SEER 26, no. 1 (2023): 47–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/1435-2869-2023-1-47.

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Romania's transformation from a socialist to a capitalist market society resulted in massive negative social and economic consequences which, ultimately, have become push factors for labour migration. However, little research has been done on the consequences of Romania's transformation for the work and labour struggles of migrant workers abroad. Empirically, the article shows how the intersection of the ‘making money’ motive, which is anchored in rural Romania, and the fear of job loss, which characterises the construction industry in Echsberg, shapes labour struggles. Fearing job loss, many do not engage in open labour disputes, but have developed a variety of strategies of covert resistance with which to counter exploitation. Accordingly, the article shows how the transformation in Romania shapes labour struggles at German construction sites. The findings not only highlight the need to include migrants and their work abroad in order to reach a comprehensive understanding of the effects of transformation but also provide starting points for combating labour exploitation.
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HAYNES, DOUGLAS E. "The Labour Process in the Bombay Handloom Industry, 1880–1940." Modern Asian Studies 42, no. 1 (January 2008): 1–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x07002806.

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AbstractAnalyses of capital-labour relations in Indian industry during the colonial period have generally been confined to studies of large-scale units. This essay turns to an examination of the organization of the workplace among handloom producers in the Bombay Presidency during the period between 1880 and 1940. While recognizing the importance of contradictions between weaving families and various kinds of capitalists, the essay eschews any straightforward model of “proletarianization” to characterize this relationship. Weavers possessed methods of resistance, particularly “everyday” actions, which thwarted efforts to impose tight regimes of labour discipline within the workshop. Seeking to contain these resistances, shahukars (putting-out merchants) and karkhandars (owners of establishments using wage labour) developed complex social relationships with their workers based upon patronage, debt, and caste. Consequently, collective protest in the industry was limited, and when it did emerge in Sholapur during the later 1930s, it was highly conditioned and constrained by the multiple lines of affiliation weavers had with karkhandars.
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40

Taylor and van der Velden. "Resistance to Regulation: Failing Sustainability in Product Lifecycles." Sustainability 11, no. 22 (November 19, 2019): 6526. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su11226526.

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International policy and law have long sought to ensure that states regulate the negative impacts of production processes on people and the planet. Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 12 targets sustainable production and consumption; international conventions, such as the Basel Convention, or the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD), and the International Labour Organisation Conventions, all seek to regulate toxic or labour-related impacts associated with industrial production. However, there is ample evidence that such impacts continue. At a time of increasing pressure to develop sustainable systems of production and consumption, we asked whether the existing legal frameworks are appropriate to the task of regulating for sustainability in consumer products. Drawing on research conducted into sustainability in the mobile phone lifecycle, this paper examines the regulatory ecology of hotspots of unsustainability in the product lifecycle of electronics. This paper finds that the interaction of regulatory disjunctures, business models, design of technology, and marginalisation combine to ensure that our systems of production and consumption are predisposed to resist regulation aimed at sustainability.
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Corby, Susan. "New Labour/Hard Labour? Restructuring and Resistance Inside the Welfare Industry - Edited by Gerry Mooney and Alex Law." Industrial Relations Journal 40, no. 2 (March 2009): 172–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2338.2008.00519_1.x.

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Pires, Catarina. "Subversion as a Resistance Strategy in Artistic Activism." Arte, Individuo y Sociedad Avance en línea (February 6, 2023): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/aris.82043.

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The contemporary art world is characterized by precarious and intermittent forms of employment such as subcontracting and freelancing. Non-paid work is also common in the arts sector either in the form of internships or uncompensated exhibiting, writing and curating. In this article we analyse subversion in the context of artistic activism as a resistance strategy against labour relations within contemporary capitalism. As a case study, we present a critical analysis of two works by artist Joshua Schwebel, Subsidy (2015) and Médiation Culturelle (2017-2018), which aimed to take advantage of the institutional exhibition context to not only raise awareness about hidden aspects of labour practices common among art institutions but also to create real change and empower workers. Taking into account capitalism’s adaptability and its undermining of traditional forms of resistance, we argue that artistic activism plays a crucial role in pursuing counter-hegemonic struggle. By analysing and comparing both projects we have concluded that subversion is used as the broader strategy, whereas disruption, dialogue and displacement are used as tactics. This research also establishes context as a fundamental element for artistic activism works and the necessity to adapt strategies to maximize possibilities of achieving social transformation.
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Bush-Slimani, Barbara. "Hard Labour: Women, Childbirty and Resistance in British Caribbean Slave Societies." History Workshop Journal 36, no. 1 (1993): 83–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hwj/36.1.83.

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44

Lee, Yoonkyung. "Sky Protest: New Forms of Labour Resistance in Neo-Liberal Korea." Journal of Contemporary Asia 45, no. 3 (February 23, 2015): 443–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00472336.2015.1012647.

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Khiun, Liew Kai. "Labour Formation, Identity, and Resistance in HM Dockyard, Singapore (1921–1971)." International Review of Social History 51, no. 3 (November 1, 2006): 415–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859006002549.

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For close on half a century, the British naval dockyard in Singapore was a prominent employer in the colony. The huge facility attracted migrant workers from the region, and entire settlements and communities were established around the premises of the dockyard as well. This article seeks to place the legacy of Singapore's naval-base workers within the historical contexts of the entanglements between imperialism, diaspora, social movements, and labour resistance. The development of international labour flows, formation, and identity was reflected in the prominence of the migrant Malayalee community and its socio-religious organizations at the naval base. Furthermore, the routine individual defiance and industrial unrest went beyond disputes about wage levels and working conditions. They were enmeshed within the broader undercurrents of Singapore's transitory political culture, and between the interwar decades and the period of decolonization disturbances at the naval dockyard became part of larger political contestations.
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Bolland, O. Nigel. "Labour control and resistance in Belize in the century after 1838." Slavery & Abolition 7, no. 2 (September 1986): 175–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01440398608574911.

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47

MacCallum, Margaret E. "Labour and Arbitration in the Mowat Era." Canadian journal of law and society 6 (1991): 65–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0829320100001927.

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AbstractThe Liberal government of Oliver Mowat, which held office in Ontario from 1872 to 1896, experimented with legislation providing for a formal arbitration structure to resolve labour disputes. Although labour had not requested the initial legislation, in the context of employer resistance to labour organizations, arbitration was viewed by some labour leaders as one way to get the employer to the bargaining table. Since Mowat's legislation did not compel the submission of disputes to arbitration, it was of little use in achieving this goal. Nonetheless, the legislation was used by the Mowat government as evidence of its commitment to equal justice for all classes.
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Lynch, Mick, and Gary Younge. "The spirit of resistance." Soundings 82, no. 82 (March 1, 2023): 8–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/soun.82.01.2022.

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Mick Lynch is general secretary of the RMT (National Union of Rail, Maritime and Transport Workers) and has been leading the union through a difficult strike period since June 2022. Here he is in discussion with Gary Younge, a journalist, author and professor of sociology at the University of Manchester. Over a wideranging conversation they discuss Lynch's reasons for becoming a trade unionist, and why trade unions are so important; challenging the government's proposed draconian anti-trade union legislation as well as the Police, Crime, Sentencing and Courts Act; the need for broad alliances; class politics; Black Lives Matter; climate change; disability; the shift away from the Tories and towards resistance; public sector strikes; Keir Starmer's leadership; how to win the next general election for Labour; and Lynch's primary duty as general secretary of the RMT to get a deal for RMT members.
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Sernhede, Ove. "From learning to labour to custody for the precariat." Ethnography 19, no. 4 (November 19, 2018): 531–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1466138118780134.

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The globally reported riots in the poor high-rise suburbs of Sweden’s metropolitan districts in 2013 were stark manifestations of the increased social and economic inequality of the past 30 years. Large groups of young adults acted out their unarticulated claims for social justice. In the light of the riots, it is relevant to ask whether any trace of resistance or protest can be found in the compulsory school where the young people from these neighbourhoods spend their days. The ethnography sampled for the article comes from two public schools in two poor, multi-ethnic, high-rise neighbourhoods on the outskirts of Gothenburg. The article argues that the theoretical and methodological concepts and perspectives developed by Willis still is of crucial importance to any investigation aimed at understanding the presence or absence of resistance in contemporary Swedish schools.
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Whitston, Kevin. "Worker Resistance and Taylorism in Britain." International Review of Social History 42, no. 1 (April 1997): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000114567.

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SummaryWorker resistance and employer conservatism in Britain are said to have combined to retard British economic development and frustrate the emergence of modern managerial structures based on Taylorism and/or Fordism. However, the notion of worker resistance is a deeply unsatisfactory one because it fails to distinguish different forms of resistance and their implications for the labour process. And if British employers were slow to abandon older tools and techniques, they nevertheless did so. Worker resistance secured better terms and conditions of employment but was incapable of altering in any fundamental way the new methods of organizing work and managing production.
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