Journal articles: 'Labour party development'

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Clwyd, Ann. "The labour party policy on overseas development." Journal of International Development 4, no. 1 (January 1992): 94–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/jid.3380040109.

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Płachciak, Adam. "The Issue of International Development within Tony Blair’s Policy of New Labour Party." ECONOMICS & SOCIOLOGY 6, no. 2 (November 20, 2013): 171–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.14254/2071-789x.2013/6-2/15.

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Hennessy, Peter. "Michael Young and the Labour Party." Contemporary British History 19, no. 3 (September 2005): 281–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13619460500100500.

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Catterall, Peter. "Morality and Politics: the free churches and the Labour Party between the wars." Historical Journal 36, no. 3 (September 1993): 667–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00014357.

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ABSTRACT:The inter-war period saw the decline of the Liberal party, the traditional political ally of the free churches, and the rise of the Labour party. This article traces the responses of the free churches to these developments. The relationship of the free churches with the Labour party in this period is examined at three different levels; that of the free church leadership, that of the chapels and the ordinary people in the pews and that of the nonconformists who became active in the Labour party. Whilst attitudes towards the Labour party changed within free church institutions during the inter-war years they did not become important supporters of the party, or greatly influence it. The number and proportion of individual nonconformists who were active and influential in the party in this period was however considerable. In the process not only did Labour M.P.s become the main carriers of the nonconformist conscience on issues such as drink and gambling. They also made a distinctive and important contribution to the development and ideals of the Labour party.

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Buturlimova, Olha. "Relations Between Labour Party and Christian Churches in England at the End of XIX – the First Third of the XX cc." European Historical Studies, no. 13 (2019): 101–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2019.13.101-120.

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The article traces the responses of the Church of England, Roman – Catholic Church and “free churches” on the development of the Labour Party. The author underlines that Labour party was assisted by those Christian churches. It is mentioned also that Labour Church and Ethic Church as Labour supporters too. The article touches upon such problems as social inequality in British society, secularization of the working class in urban cotton towns and ports. Anglican Church’s help to the low-income working class is investigated also. The author underlines that British Labour party was deeply influenced by Christian Socialism so it made its relations with Church of England closer. Chaplains supported the Labour party in their sermons, letters and church press. Such favour was especially crucial in rural areas where Labour party had lower election results in comparison with Liberal and Conservative parties. The author analyses contribution of the “free churches” to the development of the Labour party. It is widely recognized that “free churches” are identified as traditional ally of the Liberal party. The author confirmed that “free churches” did not give wide electoral support to the Labour party but gave considerable amount of candidates who were active in trade unions, local Labour parties and in the British Parliament. The author also considers that the Roman – Catholic communities mainly represented by Irish immigrants and their descendants as an important part of the wide social base of the Labour Party. The author comes to conclusion that strong ties between Christian churches and the British Labour party help us to explain its program and election successes in the first third of the XX century.

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Favretto, Ilaria. "‘Wilsonism’ reconsidered: Labour party revisionism 1952–64." Contemporary British History 14, no. 4 (December 2000): 54–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13619460008581603.

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Callaghan, John. "Spanish lessons for militant and the Labour Party?" Journal of Communist Studies 8, no. 2 (June 1992): 172–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523279208415154.

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Buturlimova, Olha. "The Formation and the Evolution of the British Labour Party." European Historical Studies, no. 10 (2018): 50–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2018.10.50-62.

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The article examines the processes of organizational development of the British Labour Party in the early XXth century, the evolution of the party structure and political programme in the twentieths of the XXth century. Special attention is paid to researching the formation of the Social Democratic Federation, Fabian Society and Independent Labour Party till the time of its joining to the Labour Representation Committee in 1900 and adopting the “Labour Party” name in 1906. The author’s aim was to comprehensively investigate the political manifests and activities of those organizations on the way of transformation from separate trade-unions and socialist groups to apparent union of labour, and then to the mass and wide represented parliamentary party. However, the variety of social base of those societies is distinguished, and difference of socialist views and tactics of achieving the final purpose are emphasized. Considerable attention is paid to the system of the individual membership and results thereof in the process of the evolution of the Labour Party’s organization. The reorganization of the Labour party in 1918, Representation of the People Act, 1918 and the crisis in the Liberal party were favourable for the further evolution of the Labour Party. It is summarized that the social base, the history of party’s birth, the conditions of formation and the party system had influenced the process of the evolution of the ideological and political concepts of Labourizm.

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Landau, Jacob M. "A Soviet study of the Israel labour party." Middle Eastern Studies 26, no. 3 (July 1990): 396–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263209008700825.

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Franceschini, Ivan, and Christian Sorace. "In the Name of the Working Class: Narratives of Labour Activism in Contemporary ChinaHolland Prize Winner." Pacific Affairs 92, no. 4 (December 1, 2019): 643–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.5509/2019924643.

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Since their appearance in the mid-1990s, Chinese labour NGOs have mostly focused on disseminating labour law and guiding labour disputes through official channels. In so doing, they have assisted the Chinese Communist Party in achieving its paramount goal of maintaining social stability. In line with this approach, activists in these organizations have traditionally framed their work in terms of "public interest" or "legality," both of which resonate with the hegemonic discourses of the Party-state. However, earlier this decade a minority of Chinese labour activists began to employ some new counterhegemonic narratives centred on the experience of the labour movement and the practice of collective bargaining that attempted to recode the proletarian experience outside of its official representation. In this paper we analyze this discursive shift through the voices of the activists involved, and argue that the rise of these new counterhegemonic voices was one of the reasons that led to the Party-state cracking down on labour NGOs.

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Brasted, Howard, and Carl Bridge. "The British labour party and Indian nationalism, 1907‐1947." South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies 11, no. 2 (December 1988): 69–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00856408808723113.

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Ludlam, Steve, Matthew Bodah, and David Coates. "Trajectories of Solidarity: Changing Union-Party Linkages in the UK and the USA." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 4, no. 2 (June 2002): 222–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-856x.t01-1-00003.

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This article analyses the linkage between trade unions and the US Democratic Party and the UK Labour Party in the twentieth century. A typology suited to longitudinal analysis of labour movement union-party linkages is proposed to help characterise and explain historical development of these two national movements through earlier types of linkage, into ‘New Labour’ and ‘New Democratic’ forms. The paper suggests that, from similar starting points, differences through time in the range of types of linkage in the two movements can be explained by a combination of factors of political economy and electoral strategy, a combination that today points towards weaker relationships.

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Hannam, June. "The Newer Eve: Women, Feminists and the Labour Party." Contemporary British History 25, no. 2 (June 2011): 336–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13619462.2011.573203.

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Bridge, Carl, and Howard Brasted. "The British Labour party ‘Nabobs’ and Indian reform, 1924–31." Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 17, no. 3 (May 1989): 396–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03086538908582799.

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Callaghan, John. "The background to ‘Entrism’: Leninism and the British labour party." Journal of Communist Studies 2, no. 4 (December 1986): 380–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523278608414835.

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Kayzel, Thomas. "Towards a Politics of Restraint." TSEG - The Low Countries Journal of Social and Economic History 18, no. 1 (June 23, 2021): 53–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.18352/tseg.1198.

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Public choice theory, an analysis of politics based on economic principles, is often considered to be one of the major innovations in economics and political sciences in the second half of the twentieth century. In its formulation by James Buchanan and Gordon Tullock, public choice is commonly understood as one of the major theoretical building blocks in the development of neoliberal thought. It was also remarkably popular with economists and political scientists within the Dutch Labour Party (Partij van de Arbeid) in the mid-1970s. This latter fact is surprising since public choice was seemingly at odds with the Keynesian ideas around which the Labour Party had built its economic policy. This article investigates why and how public choice became popular in the Labour Party. In understanding the popularity of this theory, I will argue, it is important to see the popularity of neoliberal ideas not only in reaction to the economic tribulation of the period but also as a discussion on social planning and an expression of discontent with the democratization movement. Since the rise of neoliberalism in Dutch policymaking is often understood as coming from liberal and conservative channels, studying public choice within the Labour party will shed new light on the development of neoliberalism in the Netherlands.

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Chan, Chris King-Chi, and Elaine Sio-Ieng Hui. "The Development of Collective Bargaining in China: From “Collective Bargaining by Riot” to “Party State-led Wage Bargaining”." China Quarterly 217 (December 5, 2013): 221–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741013001409.

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Abstract2010 was a turbulent year for labour relations in China. The wave of strikes sparked by the Honda workers has highlighted the urgent need for trade union reform and workplace collective bargaining. In response to this turbulence, the Chinese government has stepped up efforts to promote the practice of collective bargaining, which had been neglected under the existing “individual rights-based” labour regulatory framework. In the midst of rapid social and policy changes, this article aims to examine the effect of labour strikes on the development of collective bargaining in China. The authors argue that, driven by growing labour protests, the collective negotiation process in China is undergoing a transition, from “collective consultation as a formality,” through a stage of “collective bargaining by riot,” and towards “party state-led collective bargaining.” This transition, however, is unlikely to reach the stage of “worker-led collective bargaining” in the near future.

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Boräng, Frida, and Lucie Cerna. "Constrained Politics: Labour Market Actors, Political Parties and Swedish Labour Immigration Policy." Government and Opposition 54, no. 1 (January 23, 2017): 121–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2016.51.

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Sweden used to be one of the most restrictive countries in the Organisation of Economic Development and Cooperation (OECD) in terms of labour immigration policy. This was drastically changed in 2008 when a very liberal immigration law was passed. Why did one of the most restrictive labour immigration countries suddenly become one of the most liberal ones? The article argues that it is necessary to consider labour market institutions and their consequences for labour migration. These factors will influence the preferences, strategies and chances of success for various policy actors. A decline in union power and corporatism in Sweden had important consequences for its labour immigration. Following this decline, employers and centre-right parties became more active and adopted more liberal policy positions than previously. The article analyses policy developments since the 1960s and draws on official documents, position statements, party manifestos, media coverage and original elite interviews.

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Hoggart, K. "Political Party Control and the Sale of Local Authority Dwellings 1974–1983." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 3, no. 4 (December 1985): 463–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c030463.

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The sale of local-authority-owned homes has been a controversial issue in Britain, especially since the 1980 Housing Act provided tenants with a ‘right-to-buy’ their homes. This paper is an analysis of whether the opposition of the Labour Party to these sales has been translated into a distinct antisales local government policy stance. All metropolitan and Greater London lower-tier authorities and a sample of one in five shire districts were investigated. The results show that Labour control was linked with reduced sales levels, even after allowance was made for council housing characteristics, tenants' wealth, and other relevant demand factors. Very recently Labour councils have had higher rates of public housing sales, suggesting that the Conservative Government has eventually been able to circumvent Labour opposition and ‘release’ previously ‘bottled-up’ demand for house purchasing.

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Howell, Jude. "Organising around women and labour in China: uneasy shadows, uncomfortable alliances." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 33, no. 3 (September 1, 2000): 355–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(00)00011-8.

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This article explores the changes in organisation around labour and women’s issues in China. It is argued that whilst the two fields of organisation share common features, they have also evolved in distinct ways, reflecting the relative salience of gender and labour issues and the approach of non-governmental women’s and labour groups towards the Party-state. This focus on women’s and labour groups provides more general insights into the emergence of civil societies, public spheres and corporatism in China. In particular, the contradictory implications of the divergent evolutionary paths of labour and women’s groups underline the need to think in terms of increasingly complex and fluid processes of interest intermediation.

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Moulton, Edward C., and Mesbahuddin Ahmed. "The British Labour Party and the Indian Independence Movement, 1917-1939." Pacific Affairs 61, no. 1 (1988): 171. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2758107.

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Hughes, Ceri. "Debatable sphere: Major party hegemony, minor party marginalization in the UK leaders’ debate." Communication and the Public 4, no. 3 (September 2019): 189–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057047319875863.

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The United Kingdom political landscape has historically been dominated by the two main political parties: Labour and the Conservatives. However, by the 2010 General Election, their vote share had dropped to 65%. The 2010 election also saw a new development enter the UK political landscape—televised leaders’ debates, which featured the leaders of the three largest political parties. Discussions before the 2015 General Election resulted in a decision to repeat the debate experiment, but this time, partly due to changes in projected vote shares, seven leaders were invited to the main debate. Using content analysis of the debate, this research questions the presentation of the debate as a deliberative event. Participatory parity was not achieved in the debate—far from it. Instead, the debate served to reinforce extant power differentials between the leaders of parties of differing political standings.

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Fong, Leong Yee. "The Impact of the Cold War on the Development of Trade Unionism in Malaya (1948–57)." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 23, no. 1 (March 1992): 60–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400011292.

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In the aftermath of World War Two, Malaya saw the emergence of the Malayan Communist Party (MCP) and its attempt to mobilize labour support against the returning British colonial government. The Pan Malayan General Labour Union (PMGLU), later renamed the Pan Malayan Federation of Trade Union (PMFTU), was established as a front organization to harness multiracial labour support and to work in close liaison with other left-wing political groups. Trade unions that mushroomed after the War were invariably dominated by the PMGLU and used as tools for the realization of communist political objectives in Malaya.

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TICHELAR, MICHAEL. "The Scott Report and the Labour Party: The Protection of the Countryside during the Second World War." Rural History 15, no. 2 (September 29, 2004): 167–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956793304001220.

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The article will seek to plot the position of the Labour Party in relation to debates during the Second World War between rural preservationists and agricultural modernisers. It will review the recommendations of the Scott Report into land utilisation in rural areas, and outline recent research into popular attitudes to the countryside. It will then describe the way the Labour Party responded to these developments and draw some longer-term conclusions about their significance in relation to current debates about national identity and the countryside. It will be argued that while the Labour Party supported the need to protect the look of the landscape as part of the nation's heritage and national identity, in line with public opinion at the time, it also sought to encourage the physical planning of both town and country in a way that rejected some of the more anti-metropolitan tendencies of the rural preservationists.

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Hui, Elaine Sio-ieng. "The Labour Law System, Capitalist Hegemony and Class Politics in China." China Quarterly 226 (June 2016): 431–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741016000382.

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AbstractThis article investigates how the Chinese labour law system has helped to reproduce capitalist hegemony, i.e. the ethico-political, moral and cultural leadership of the ruling class. Based on intensive fieldwork in the Pearl River Delta and 115 interviews with migrant workers, this article shows that the labour law system has exercised a double hegemonic effect with regards to capital–labour relations and state–labour relations. Through normalizing, countervailing, concealing and transmuting mechanisms, the labour law system has been able to buffer both the market economy and the party-state from workers’ radical and fundamental criticism. However, the double hegemony mediated through the labour law system has influenced the Chinese migrant workers in an uneven manner: some of them have granted active consent to the ruling class leadership; some have only rendered passive consent; and some have refused to give any consent at all.

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Sass, Robert. "Labor Policy and Social Democracy: The Case of Saskatchewan, 1971–1982." International Journal of Health Services 24, no. 4 (October 1994): 763–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/gb02-ewuk-0tfk-elfl.

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This article analyzes labor policy, especially that of occupational health and safety, initiated by the Saskatchewan New Democratic Party (NDP) from 1971 to 1982. The NDP was perceived by Canadian provincial labor federations and the Canadian Labour Congress as the government most approximating a European labor party. The provincial labor legislation was seen as exemplary, and the occupational health and safety legislation as a “beacon” for the rest of Canada. This article suggests that the advances in occupational health and safety statute and regulations were a direct response to the government's policy to develop uranium mining. In order to pursue a vigorous renewable and nonrenewable resource policy, the government maintained that uranium could be mined “safely.” This resulted in “progressive” health and safety legislation and the reinforcement of the colonial status of people of Indian ancestry. This policy of growth and development also resulted in joint venture relationships with multinational corporations and increasing investments in the north for nonrenewable resource development. Prior to the landslide defeat of the NDP in 1982 by the Conservative Party, the richest 5 percent of Saskatchewan people earned as much, in total, as the poorest 50 percent. Meanwhile, ordinary workers experienced declining real wages and increased employment insecurity.

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Hirt, Nicole, and Abdulkader Saleh Mohammad. "‘Dreams don't come true in Eritrea’: anomie and family disintegration due to the structural militarisation of society." Journal of Modern African Studies 51, no. 1 (February 25, 2013): 139–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x12000572.

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ABSTRACTThis article analyses contemporary Eritrea's acute crisis within the framework of the theory of anomie. It is based on the hypothesis that militarisation, forced labour, mass exodus and family disintegration can be interpreted as the consequences of two incompatible norm and value systems: the collectivist, nationalistic and militaristic worldview of the former liberation front and ruling party People's Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ), and the traditional cultural system of Eritrea's society. In 2002 the regime introduced an unlimited ‘development campaign’, thereby forcing large parts of the society to live as conscripts and perform unpaid labour. This has caused a mass exodus of young people and a rapid process of family disintegration. The article is based on empirical fieldwork and evaluates the ongoing developments which have led to rapid economic decline and the destabilisation of the entire fabric of society.

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McCulloch, Gary. "Labour, the Left, and the British General Election of 1945." Journal of British Studies 24, no. 4 (October 1985): 465–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385847.

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The victory of the Labour party in the British general election of July 1945 was preeminently a triumph of Left over Right. Labour won 393 seats, while the Conservatives, despite the prestige associated with their wartime leader Winston Churchill, won only 213. As the election results came in over the radio on July 26, the veteran Labour M.P. James Chuter Ede “began to wonder if I should wake up to find it all a dream.” By the end of the day, he was moved to record that the outcome of the election was “as great as 1906 … one of the unique occasions in British history—a Red Letter day in the best sense of that word.” At the same time, however, the election was of crucial importance in the development of the Left itself, especially with regard to the relationship between the Labour party and the Left as a whole.I Labour's decisive election victory has commonly been interpreted as the climax of a long and gradual rise to power. The historian Charles Mowat was quick to point out that its success was “the culmination of a political movement now more than sixty years old.” The historic mission of the Labour party, its “fifty years' march” from tiny pressure group to majority government, was the subject of several Whiggish treatises in the following few years. Over the last decade, moreover, the increasing recent difficulties of the Labour party have tended to highlight the comparative steadiness of its earlier growth, although they have also stimulated greater attention to the early causes of later conflicts.

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Crook, Sarah. "The Labour Party, Feminism and Maureen Colquhoun's Scandals in 1970s Britain." Contemporary British History 34, no. 1 (June 10, 2019): 71–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13619462.2019.1624166.

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Stepanova, N. A. "NEW LABOUR 'ETHICAL' FOREIGN POLICY." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(49) (August 28, 2016): 69–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2016-4-49-69-78.

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The article discusses problems and contradictions associated with the attempt of the Labour Party under the leadership of Tony Blair to start a 'new era' in international relations by putting the 'ethical dimension' into the heart of their foreign policy. Indeed, having come to power and possessing great credibility among the British society, New Labour undertook a number of actions, which marked the formal break with the practices of the previous governments. Thus, they shifted the focus from the foreign trade interests to human rights considerations on the international arena, introduced innovations in the field of international aid and development of poor countries, declared the priority of so-called 'advanced' national interests. These solutions, however, have led to some ambiguous results. The author argues that, on the one hand, the Labour Party 'new' foreign policy was a tribute to the historical tradition and continuity and on the other - the spirit of the times, as other Western countries leaders claimed similar statements, and that, in fact, it contributed to the moral authority of the government in the eyes of the British society. The article contains examples proving how ambiguity and contradictoriness of certain decisions have been the conscious choice made by politicians, when declared altruistic goals actually proved to protect interests of certain business structures and direct opposite of the stated ethical principles. It is suggested that the divergence between word and deed had been initially present in the New Labour international doctrine and that the 'ethical foreign policy' can be considered as one of the tools of Realpolitik. The author concentrates on such aspects of the New Labour foreign policy as development, aid, debt relief, and arms trade, rather than on Blair’s just wars’ that are widely discussed in the Russian language historical literature and press.

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TICHELAR, MICHAEL. "‘Putting Animals into Politics’: The Labour Party and Hunting in the First Half of the Twentieth Century." Rural History 17, no. 2 (September 26, 2006): 213–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956793306001889.

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This article will discuss the background to opposition to hunting within the Labour Party before the Second World War, and in particular the role of the Humanitarian League and its successor the League Against Cruel Sports. It will highlight internal tensions of class and ideology that are still current today. It will examine the fate of two private members bills introduced in 1949 designed to prohibit hunting and coursing. Both bills were heavily defeated after the intervention of the Labour Government. This article will examine the reasons the post-war Labour Government used to oppose the bills before drawing some general conclusions about the Labour movement and blood sports. It will be argued that the primary reason why the bills were defeated was the strong desire of the Government to preserve its relationship with the farmers and the wider rural community.

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Worley, M. "Labour in the City: The Development of the Labour Party in Manchester, 1918-31 * Labour and the Countryside: The Politics of Rural Britain, 1918-39." English Historical Review CXXIII, no. 502 (May 30, 2008): 790–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cen164.

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Roberts, Kenneth M. "Periodization and Party System Institutionalization in Latin America: A Reply to Mainwaring." Government and Opposition 52, no. 3 (April 3, 2017): 532–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2017.8.

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The study of party system institutionalization in Latin America is complicated by the fact that political development in the region has been indelibly marked by period-specific stages and challenges of capitalist development. These periods are associated with distinct patterns of social mobilization, class conflict and political incorporation or exclusion of labour and popular constituencies. These patterns heavily condition the programmatic structuring of partisan competition and its impact on party system institutionalization. Important theoretical insights can be derived from the study of intra-regional variation in period-specific challenges and effects, but this requires careful attention to the factors that differentiate cases.

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Flynn, A., and P. Lowe. "The Problems of Analysing Party Politics: Labour and Conservative Approaches to Rural Conservation." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 19, no. 3 (March 1987): 409–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a190409.

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In his paper on political parties and planning controls, Brotherton tried to explain the political reasons behind each party's approach to the rural environment. Here Brotherton's analysis is challenged and an alternative explanation for Labour and Conservative attitudes towards rural conservation proposed. The emphasis is upon Labour's preference for centralised intervention in the countryside, which contrasts with the more laissez-faire approach favoured by the Conservatives.

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(АА) Rust, Braam. "The preparation of the labor relations landscape of South Africa (1994-2008): an environmental perspective for sustainable development." Environmental Economics 8, no. 1 (April 12, 2017): 93–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.21511/ee.08(1).2017.10.

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This paper undertakes a review of the literature that examines the highlights and changes in specific external environmental factors (Ecology, Economy, Politics, Legislation and legal structures, and Society), between1994 and 2008 in South Africa, with the aim to ascertain how these factors affect the day-to-day labour relations in the workplace and add to sustainable development. These factors form the landscape for labour relations. Changes to them have consequences on the quality of labour relations, that is, inter alia, the frequency, and intensity of conflicts, disputes, demands and industrial actions. It is also evident that with its power and through the political system, the South African trade union was enhanced to shape the labour relations landscape. Labour laws were particularly designed to be worker friendly and to ensure that trade unions could use a fair collective bargaining system to spread the wealth of the mining industry, agriculture and other industries more evenly. Also, because of the alliance that exists between Labour and the ruling party (ANC), the economy was influenced so that economic policies could to a certain extent guide and steer economic growth, unemployment, inflation, interest rates and exchange rates. Trade unions were instruments in ensuring that formal changes in laws and policies did, in fact, reach and positively impact families and households within the social environment. Lastly, trade unions were the most effective instrument for heralding change within South Africa in the environmental fields of ecology, economy, politics, legislation and legal structures, as well as within society. Furthermore, these fields have interchangeably affected the labour relations landscape thereby indelibly shaping it between 1994 and 2008.

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Johnston, Ron, Colin Rallings, and Michael Thrasher. "Electoral Success, Electoral Bias, and Labour Hegemony: Electoral System Effects in English Metropolitan Boroughs." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 34, no. 7 (July 2002): 1303–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a3535.

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Since their first elections in 1973, the thirty-six metropolitan borough councils in England's six metropolitan counties have been dominated by the Labour Party. In part, this domination reflects the normal exaggerative features of the first-past-the-post electoral system: the largest party in terms of vote share tends to get a diproportionate share of the seats. As well as an exaggeration effect, however, that electoral system is also prone to produce biased outcomes—in that with the same share of the votes cast one party tends to perform much better than the other. This has been the case in the English metropolitan boroughs throughout their existence, with consistent—and often very substantial—pro-Labour biases. As well as indicating the extent of those biases, this paper also decomposes them and shows to what extent Labour's significant electoral advantage there is a function of variations in ward size, turnout, the pattern of voting for the Liberal Democrats, and the efficiency of its own vote distribution relative to that for the Conservatives.

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Fernández Benedicto, Carla. "An international perspective on Spanish socialism: The role of the British Labour Party in the rise of the PSOE, 1974‐77." International Journal of Iberian Studies 32, no. 3 (September 1, 2019): 137–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ijis_00002_1.

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Abstract Between 1974 and 1977, the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (Partido Socialista Obrero Español) (PSOE) went from a weak and fragmented organization to become the second most voted for party. At a time when international solidarity among socialist parties was common, and when the globalization process was becoming increasingly apparent, transnational influences and support played a crucial role in the PSOE's remarkable political growth. Nevertheless, most scholars define the Spanish transition to democracy and its internal developments, which include the PSOE's rise, as a successful self-made product. Only Pilar Ortuño, and more recently Juan Carlos Pereira, have conducted in-depth research into international influences as a key factor in this process. The objective of this article is twofold: to assess the role of the British Labour Movement in the development of the PSOE and its syndicate, the Workers' General Union (Unión General de Trabajadores) (UGT), and to determine to what extent the Labour Movement was responsible for the impressive political growth of the PSOE. In this sense, this article seeks to move beyond and expand on the studies of Ortuño and Pereira by including the role of the British Labour Government in the PSOE's political rise.

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SEYMOUR, JANE K., MARTIN GORSKY, and SHAKOOR HAJAT. "Health, wealth and party in inter-war London." Urban History 44, no. 3 (August 22, 2016): 464–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926816000377.

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ABSTRACTThis article examines public health spending, health outcomes and political complexion in London's 28 Metropolitan Borough Councils (MBCs) in the inter-war period. It describes the place of the MBCs in the governance of the capital and demonstrates the variety of experience across the different boroughs in terms of wealth, politics and mortality. Searching for potential causes of differences in outcomes, it discovers some positive statistical relationships between the extent of Labour party presence on the councils, local spending and health outcomes. Our tentative conclusion is that local democratic processes could lead to distinctive and beneficial public health policies, albeit within the context of other local and structural determining factors.

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Mcloughlin, P. J. "Horowitz's Theory of Ethnic Party Competition and the Case of the Northern Ireland Social Democratic and Labour Party, 1970–79." Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 14, no. 4 (November 26, 2008): 549–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537110802473324.

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MOSCHONAS, GERASSIMOS. "The Labour Party, Nationalism and Internationalism 1939?1951 by R. M. Douglas." Nations and Nationalism 13, no. 3 (July 2007): 546–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1469-8129.2007.00301_5.x.

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Jones, Rhian E. "Levelling up versus democratic localism." Soundings 80, no. 80 (May 1, 2022): 22–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/soun.80.02.2022.

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The Johnson government's pledge to 'level up' in response to regional inequality has been derided for its continuing lack of political substance. Responses from the Labour Party leadership have tended to ignore the development in several parts of the UK of approaches focusing on democratic localism or 'community wealth building', in which local leaders, groups and communities in neglected or 'left behind' areas are not only achieving central aspects of what 'levelling up' promises, but doing so with more progressive principles and intentions than those that underpin the Tory-led project. The obvious example of this is the 'Preston Model', a project brought in over the past decade by a Labour-led city council. While some criticisms of the Preston Model and community wealth building are misconceived, others are valid areas of question or concern for the left, in particular those that centre on the democratic nature of these economic experiments, and the risk that their focus on the spending policies of local or regional authorities ignores the potential for genuinely democratic community decision-making. This article looks at the extent to which community wealth building has integrated or accommodated these concerns; the potential for doing so in future iterations of the strategy; and how a focus on these alternative strategies could offer a path to renewal for the Labour Party nationally.

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Mehmood, Zafar. "ILO/ARPLA. Codes of Practice: A StructuralAnalysis. Bangkok: ILO (ARPLA). 1987. 88pp.US $ 2.00 Paperback." Pakistan Development Review 29, no. 3-4 (September 1, 1990): 350–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v29i3-4pp.350-354.

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ILO/ARPLA. Codes of Practice: A StructuralAnalysis. Bangkok: ILO (ARPLA). 1987. 88pp.US $ 2.00 Paperback. ILO/ARPLA. Monitoring Labour Markets. Bangkok: ILO (ARPLA). 1987. 11Opp.US $ 3.00 Paperback. ILO/ARPLA. Managing Contract Migration: Philippine Experience Observed. Bangkok: ILO (ARPLA). 1987. 68pp.US $ 3.00 Paperback. All three books deal with various issues concerning the labour market, such as basic agreements on industrial relations, labour market information, and managing temporary migration. (i) A Code of practice in industrial relations is a collective agreement and a moral instrument of voluntary partnership. The agreements are most often concerned with development and are not related exclusively to conflict resolution or conflict avoidance as explicit goals. It is not a Code of law, yet it determines the range of the moral authority of laws in practice. In many ways, a Code is the core of an industrial relations system. The objects of a Code are: to maintain discipline and industrial pace, to achieve greater industrial harmony, to develop and promote a compatible system of labour relations to ensure justice and fairness, and change in" work attitudes and productivity. The structure of a Code must incorporate elements of the approach to dispute settlement; the criteria for recognition of unions for consultation, the status of grievance- and consultative-machinery, and the status of the partism. The book on the Codes of Practice addresses the question as to how these objectives have been aligned structurally in the industrial relations of six Asian countries; India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Singapore, and Thailand. The Indian Code of Discipline is such that the government is not a party to the agreements between management and union_ However, the government does keep the administrative machinery in good order. By structuring the agreements in three parts, responsibility is distributed in three spheres. For instance, industrial disputes, strikes, and lockouts have been placed in the joint sphere. Workload composition, employers' labour practices, and administrative responsiveness have been placed in the sphere of management, while the sphere of the union includes union activities. Thus, the Indian Code is prepared in such a way that violation of a single Code leads to total violation in both the joint and individual spheres. This dependence is both the substance and the moral authority ofthe Code.

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Massey, Christopher. "The Labour Party’s Inquiry into Liverpool District Labour Party and expulsion of nine members of the Militant Tendency, 1985–1986." Contemporary British History 34, no. 2 (January 13, 2020): 299–324. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13619462.2020.1712551.

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Bachman, David. "Elite Dualism and Leadership Selection in China. By Xiaowei Zang. [London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2004. xix+244 pp. £65.00; $114.95. ISBN 0-415-32234-0.]." China Quarterly 179 (September 2004): 812–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741004220604.

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Xiaowei Zang writes frequently on the nature of the Chinese political elite from a sociological perspective. This book serves as a summary of many of his research concerns. Put simply, he argues that within one political hierarchy, the Party and the government have significantly different personnel systems (elite dualism). Both value loyalty and expertise, but the government system pays more attention to expertise, and the Party to loyalty. He demonstrates these views with extensive data drawn from Who's Who in China Current Leaders (1988 and 1994). He sees his approach as reflecting and demonstrating the utility of neo-institutional concerns in analysing elite formation in China.While the data is usefully presented, I have many difficulties with Zang's approach and argument. First, I find his overall discussion of separate Party and government institutions confusing. It is never clear when these two institutions definitely came into existence and when they developed their own norms, values and so on. He spends two chapters (three and four) showing the precursors to elite dualism, but concludes on p. 60 that it was only in 1982 that leadership transition began. One must question then how well established were the norms, values, and other markers of institutional boundaries when he uses the 1988 and 1994 Who's Who. If leadership transition only began in 1982, then what is the purpose of discussions of elite dualism dating back to the Jiangxi Soviet? It is one of the properties of formal organizations and bureaucracies that they have a functional division of labour. Given predictable recurring patterns of such a division of labour, it is not surprising that people are recruited into different functional specialities on the basis of their background. But while Zang demonstrates this point well, to argue that there are separate Party and government hierarchies as a result seems to go too far.

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Johnston, R. J., and C. J. Pattie. "Unemployment, the Poll Tax, and the British General Election of 1992." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 10, no. 4 (December 1992): 467–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c100467.

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The somewhat unexpected Conservative victory in the 1992 British general election was achieved because the party won seats, especially marginal seats in some southern regions, that it could have been expected to lose, given the impacts of its recent policies there. The initial analyses reported here show that the Conservatives were ‘punished’ by the electorate in constituencies with high unemployment and that the main opposition party, Labour, performed particularly well in areas with high community-charge levels. The ‘punishment’ was insufficiently hard to lead to Conservative losses on the scale needed for a Labour victory. The regional strength developed during the 1980s was not eroded substantially enough to yield a Tory defeat.

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Lee, Chun-Yi. "Learning a Lesson from Taiwan? A Comparison of Changes and Continuity of Labour Policies in Taiwan and China." Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 43, no. 3 (September 2014): 45–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810261404300303.

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This paper argues that the comparison of labour policies in Taiwan and China has an important bearing on the interaction between state and society. The fact that labour policies have changed over time illustrates a process of bargaining between the state and society. The core question of this paper is whether the development of labour policies in Taiwan can provide China a good example to learn from. In order to answer this question more systematically, the first part of this paper provides theoretical reviews of the state-society relationship, while the second part aims to verify whether those labour-favouring policies in Taiwan have changed under a different party's governance. The third part of the paper further investigates labour policy in China; this section mainly focuses on the historical background to the new labour contract law. Based on the preceding two sections’ literature review of the changing path of labour policies, the fourth section scrutinises fundamental issues reflected in the development of Taiwan's labour policies, then compares how those issues are reflected in the case of China. The conclusion of this paper is that although Taiwan, like China, formerly had a one-party system, the changes in Taiwan's labour policies are not completely comparable to China, though both societies had some similarities.

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Holbig, Heike. "The Party and Private Entrepreneurs in the PRC." Copenhagen Journal of Asian Studies 16 (March 10, 2002): 30–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/cjas.v16i0.4.

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In July 2001, Party Secretary Jiang Zemin announced that private entrepreneurs, among other 'outstanding' representatives of the new social elites, were welcome to join the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). The move led to controversial ideological debates as it was widely interpreted as a clear signal that the communist party was finally turning capitalist. Things become less clear, however, when we look not so much at ideologies but at the actual facts. Realizing how little we know about the reality of relations between the CCP and private entrepreneurs, the aim of the paper is two-fold: The first is to collect and critically assess the information available on current developments of the 'private economy' (a vague notion in itself), and on the proportion of entrepreneurs who are already CCP members. Second, based on this analytical 'deconstruction' of statistical data and categories, the article delineates motives and strategies that might lie behind the new policy of formally admitting private entrepreneurs into the party. As will be argued, one important reason could be that the CCP, by co-opting entrepreneurs, attempts to (re-)gain access to the ever larger labour force employed in the growing non-public sector of the economy and thus to strengthen its organizational presence at the grassroots level. However, while we know something about the CCP's policy, much more needs to be known about the political preferences, attitudes and behaviour of private entrepreneurs. Therefore, instead of drawing macropolitical conclusions, the paper ends with an outline of relevant microscopic aspects of the relations between entrepreneurs and the CCP that deserve more indepth analysis in the future.

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Gürboğa, NurŞen. "Compulsory Mine Work: The Single-Party Regime and the Zonguldak Coalfield as a Site of Contention, 1940–1947." International Review of Social History 54, S17 (December 2009): 115–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859009990265.

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SummaryThis study examines the forms of state domination over mine labour and the struggles of coalminers at the Zonguldak coalfield during World War II. It is focused on the everyday experiences of compulsory workers as reflected in petitions by those workers and the surveillance materials of the single-party regime at the time. Its aim is to reveal how, under an authoritarian regime, compulsory workers created a political agency. The compulsory labour system was one of the most coercive devices with which the state controlled mine labour between 1940 and 1947, but the compulsory workers negotiated with the political elite for their living and working conditions, and did so within a political sphere which had been devised by the ruling elite as a governmental strategy for managing and shaping the population. By subverting the political discourse of the ruling elite, the miners contributed not just to the development of workers’ rights, but also helped reveal the merits of a democratic society.

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PALAST, GREGORY. "Taking on the power players Break up the electricity duopoly and make Labour the party of competition." New Economy 3, no. 3 (September 1996): 169–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0041.1996.tb00137.x.

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Krishnan, Anand Parappadi. "Vanguard to Periphery: The CPC’s Changing Narrative on the Labour Question." China Report 58, no. 1 (February 2022): 60–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00094455221074247.

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With the ideological undergirding of Marxism–Leninism, the Communist Party of China (CPC) has claimed representation of peasants and workers in its vanguard role in actualising the socialist revolution. However, as China has developed economically over the past four decades, there has been an erosion in the status of workers and peasants as legitimate stakeholders in governance and ruling practices. This article attempts to map how labour, once a critical component of the CPC’s political–ideological invocation, has become peripheral as China transitioned to a market economy with an emphasis on economic rationale for growth and reforms. It examines the changing contours of the CPC’s discourse and practice over the past 100 years on the labour question, sandwiched as it is between the need for continued economic growth as a legitimating tool and the continued reiteration of being representative of the working class.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Labour party development'

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