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Journal articles on the topic 'Labour Movement'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 7 July 2024

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1

Shanmugavelu, Ganesan, Balakrishnan Parasuraman, and Khairi Ariffin. "Indian Labour Movement in the Estates in Kedah, Malaya 1945 – 1946." Shanlax International Journal of Arts, Science and Humanities 7, no. 1 (July 1, 2019): 9–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.34293/sijash.v7i1.430.

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The Indian labour movement in the estates in Kedah, occurs within a short period of time without bringing any new changes to them. The experience of Indian labourers who joined the INA during the Second World War enabled them to join the labour movements to overcome oppression against them. The Indian labour movement in the estates in Kedah has undergone radical and militant changes within a short period of time. This change has been manifested in the form of a strike and disruption due to the willingness of Indian estate workers to cooperate with any parties willing to work with them in particular CPM. The Indian labour movement in the estates in Kedah was also stunted as they did not act individually to achieve their goals. The Indian estate labour movement's move to accept CPM as its counterpart is a major mistake as it has brought Indian labour movement particularly in the estates in Kedah and Malaya generally towards the brink of destruction.

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2

Mann, Keith. "Social Movement Literature and U.S. Labour: A Reassessment." Studies in Social Justice 8, no. 2 (April 2, 2014): 165–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/ssj.v8i2.1032.

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Largely due to its conservative profile at the time, the U.S. labour movement was largely absent from modern social movement literature as it developed in response to the new social movements of the 1960s and 1970s. Recent labour mobilizations such as the Wisconsin uprising and the Chicago Teachers’ strike have been part of the current international cycle of protest that includes the Arab Spring, the antiausterity movements in Greece and Spain, and Occupy Wall Street. These struggles suggest that a new labour movement is emerging that shares many common features with new social movements. This article offers a general analysis of these and other contemporary labour struggles in light of contemporary modern social movement literature. It also critically reviews assumptions about the labour movement of the 1960s and 1970s and reexamines several social movement concepts.

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3

Gal, John. "Unemployment Insurance, Trade Unions and the Strange Case of the Israeli Labour Movement." International Review of Social History 42, no. 3 (December 1997): 357–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002085900011435x.

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SummaryThe goal of this paper is to investigate the relationship between the labour movement and unemployment insurance (UI). Following a brief overview of the evolution of the approach of labour movements towards UI, the focus shifts to an analysis of a case study of the Israeli labour movement. The study traces the development of the approach of this movement towards UI during the pre-state period and following the establishment of Israel. It indicates that, while the policy adopted by the Israeli labour movement in the pre-state period was similar to that of other labour movements, the motivation differed in that the goals of the Israeli movement were primarily nationalist. In the post-independence period, the labour movement objected to the adoption of UI and prevented the introduction of this programme for two decades. The reasons for this are linked to the values and perceptions of the labour movement leadership and the legacies of policies adopted during the pre-state period.

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4

Parfitt, Steven. "A nexus between labour movement and labour movement: the Knights of Labor and the financial side of global labour history." Labor History 58, no. 3 (December 8, 2016): 288–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0023656x.2017.1255534.

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5

Bevir, Mark. "The Labour Church Movement, 1891–1902." Journal of British Studies 38, no. 2 (April 1999): 217–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386190.

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Historians of British socialism have tended to discount the significance of religious belief. Yet the conference held in Bradford in 1893 to form the Independent Labour Party (I.L.P.) was accompanied by a Labour Church service attended by some five thousand persons. The conference took place in a disused chapel then being run as a Labour Institute by the Bradford Labour Church along with the local Labour Union and Fabian Society. The Labour Church movement, which played such an important role in the history of British socialism, was inspired by John Trevor, a Unitarian minister who resigned to found the first Labour Church in Manchester in 1891. At the new church's first service, on 4 October 1891, a string band opened the proceedings, after which Trevor led those present in prayer, the congregation listened to a reading of James Russell Lowell's poem “On the Capture of Fugitive Slaves,” and Harold Rylett, a Unitarian minister, read Isaiah 15. The choir rose to sing “England Arise,” the popular socialist hymn by Edward Carpenter:England arise! the long, long night is over,Faint in the east behold the dawn appear;Out of your evil dream of toil and sorrow—Arise, O England, for the day is here;From your fields and hills,Hark! the answer swells—Arise, O England, for the day is here.As the singing stopped, Trevor rose to give a sermon on the religious aspect of the labor movement. He argued the failure of existing churches to support labor made it necessary for workers to form a new movement to embody the religious aspect of their quest for emancipation.

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6

Grayson, John. "Developing the Politics of the Trade Union Movement: Popular Workers’ Education in South Yorkshire, UK, 1955 to 1985." International Labor and Working-Class History 90 (2016): 111–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547916000090.

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AbstractDrawing on evidence from research interviews, workers’ memoirs, oral histories, and a range of secondary sources, the development of popular workers’ education is traced over a thirty year period, 1955 to 1985, and is rooted in the proletarian culture of South Yorkshire, UK. The period is seen as an historical conjuncture of Left social movements (trade unions, the Communist and Labour parties, tenants’ movements, movements of working-class women, and emerging autonomous black movements) in a context of trade union militancy and New Left politics. The Sheffield University extramural department, the South Yorkshire Workers' Educational Association (WEA), and the public intellectuals they employ as tutors and organizers are embedded in the politics and actions of the labor movement in the region, some becoming Labour MPs. They develop distinctive programs of trade union day release courses and labor movement organizations (Institute for Workers' Control, Conference of Socialist Economists, Society for the Study of Labour History). Workers involved in the process of popular workers' education become organic intellectuals having key roles in local and national politics, in the steel and miners' strikes of the 1980s, and in the formation of Northern College. The article draws on the language and insights of Raymond Williams and Antonio Gramsci through the lens of social movement theory and the praxis of popular education.

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7

Christofer, Otniel. "LABOUR MOVEMENT IN CHINA." Jurnal Dinamika Global 4, no. 01 (August 19, 2019): 178–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.36859/jdg.v4i01.104.

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The aim of this article is to give an explanation related to the industrial relations in China. Industrial relations is a study that explores the power play between three actors: government, companies, and labour. Along with the increase of global production, labour become one of the key actors in defining a state's economy and has become a relevant political forces. China is one of many nations that relies heavily on it's labour to be the motor of their economy. In the last 3 decades, China have seen their Gross Domestic Product (GDP) reached almost 10% improvement, and it's one of the fastest improved GDP in the modern economy. This was caused by a change in China's economy to an open-door policy in the 1970s. With this policy in place, this brings chances to multinational corporations (MNCs) to expand their activities to China. In 2010, Honda as one of the MNCs in China were facing a strike from their labour. They demand an improvement on their income and a more representing union. The theory used to support this research is a theory called resource mobilization theory. The focus in this theory is the ability of a social movement to acquire resources and mobilize it to achieve their goals. In this case, is economics goals and a more representing union. The research question used in this article is "Is Honda's labour is mobilizing their resources to achieve their goals?". From this research, we found that Honda's labour is using their resources such as their members and the public attention to achieve their goals.

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8

Sullivan, Richard. "Labour market or labour movement? The union density bias as barrier to labour renewal." Work, Employment and Society 24, no. 1 (March 2010): 145–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0950017009353660.

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Most labour scholars view the unionised share of the labour market, union density, as the movement’s primary source of power. Conversely, social movement scholars usually consider power embedded in disruption, organisational networks, resources, or political opportunities. Although many labour scholars promote ‘social movement unionism’ to reverse labour’s decline, they have largely failed to adopt a thoroughgoing social movement perspective. A sign of this is that union density remains the sacrosanct indicator of organised labour’s success and power. I argue that this density bias has significant analytical implications, leading observers to overlook non-market sources of movement power, to reduce a heterogeneous movement to a single organisational form, and to oversimplify the complex processes of movement organizing. I contend that treating labour explicitly as a social movement rather than implicitly as an agent in a market will open new lines of inquiry that may strengthen analyses of labour’s prospects for renewal.

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9

McCallum, Leanne. "Reflections from the Field: Disparate responses to labour exploitation in post-Katrina Louisiana." Anti-Trafficking Review, no. 15 (September 28, 2020): 21–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.14197/atr.201220152.

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Hurricane Katrina was a devastating natural disaster that changed the landscape of the United States’ Gulf Coast. This was followed by a human-made disaster of failed policies, poor governmental oversight, and rampant labour abuse. This article compares how the anti-trafficking and labour rights movements responded to the widespread labour abuse following Katrina. It examines how the worker rights movement responded to systemic issues impacting labourers, and explores the anti-trafficking movement’s criminal justice response to severe forms of exploitation. It shows how the anti-trafficking movement failed to adequately address severe forms of labour abuse, as opposed to the more successful organising efforts of the worker rights movement. The article concludes by considering how the two movements may respond to conditions of labour exploitation emerging as a result of a new disaster impacting workers in Louisiana: the COVID-19 pandemic.

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10

Boyer, George R., and Sidney Pollard. "Labour History and the Labour Movement in Britain." Industrial and Labor Relations Review 54, no. 1 (October 2000): 189. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2696043.

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11

Brookshire, Jerry H. "The National Council of Labour, 1921–1946." Albion 18, no. 1 (1986): 43–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4048702.

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The National Council of Labour attempted to coordinate the policies and actions of the Trades Union Congress and Labour party. It had a checkered history and eventually failed. Its existence, however, demonstrated that the leadership of the Trades Union Congress and Labour party were grappling with questions which have constantly confronted modern British labor, especially the ever-present controversy over the TUC and party relationship, as well as whether a unified labor movement is possible or even desirable, or whether the TUC and labour party appropriately represent components within such a movement. If the last is true, do both institutions share fundamental concepts, and can they develop common tactics or approaches in furthering them? Are those “two wings” mutually dependent? Can the party aid the TUC in achieving its political goals? If the concerns of the TUC and party differ, can they or should they be reconciled? Should the TUC-party relationship remain the same whether the party is in government or in opposition?The National Council of Labour consisted of representatives from the TUC's General Council, the Labour party's National Executive Committee (NEC), and the parliamentary Labour party's Executive Committee (PLP executive). Originally created in 1921 as the National Joint Council, it was reconstituted in 1930 and again in 1931-32, renamed the National Council of Labour in 1934, and began declining in 1940 to impotence by 1946. It was an extra-parliamentary, extra-party body designed to enhance cooperation and coherence within the labor movement.

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12

Fields, Marjory Diana. "Women in American Labour Movement." International Journal of Public and Private Perspectives on Healthcare, Culture, and the Environment 3, no. 2 (July 2019): 59–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijppphce.2019070104.

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In this article, the author examines the history of exclusion and sex-based discrimination against U.S. women workers seeking to join unions established by men. The author describes how groups of women and girls working in fabric mills in the 19th Century took strike action against work speed up and increased production requirements, making demands for higher wages, equal pay with men, improved working conditions, clean water, health care and time off. Then, in the early 20th century, women teachers formed their own unions to gain increased pay and pension plans, and for social justice. These unions continue to the present seeking also social justice and exercising political power.

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13

Murray, Andrew. "The labour movement after Corbyn." Theory & Struggle 122, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 22–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/ts.2021.4.

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Where does the left and the labour movement stand after the December 2019 election defeat? This article examines what went wrong for the Corbyn leadership, its handling of Brexit in particular, and the left’s priorities under Keir Starmer.

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14

HARRISON, BRIAN. "Oxford and the Labour Movement." Twentieth Century British History 2, no. 3 (1991): 226–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/tcbh/2.3.226.

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15

Kenny, Bridget. "The South African labour movement." Tempo Social 32, no. 1 (April 15, 2020): 119–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/0103-2070.ts.2020.166288.

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This paper reviews the state of the South African labour movement. It discusses trade unions within the context of national political dynamics, including the Tripartite Alliance and neoliberalism, as well as growing precarianization of work within South Africa. It examines splits within the major federation and explores debates around union renewal and new worker organizations. It argues that the political terrain is fragmented and shifting, but workers’ collective labour politics abides.

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16

Young-Ie, Wuo. "Why Inter-Asia? Labour movement." Inter-Asia Cultural Studies 2, no. 1 (January 2001): 133–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14649370120039542.

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17

Minns, John, and Robert Tierney. "The Labour Movement in Taiwan." Labour History, no. 85 (2003): 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27515930.

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18

Linden, Marcel van der. "Labour History: An International Movement." Labour History, no. 89 (2005): 225. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27516086.

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19

Beresford, Melanie, and Chris Nyland. "The Labour Movement of Vietnam." Labour History, no. 75 (1998): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27516602.

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20

Folkesdotter, Gärd. "The Labour Movement and Renewal." Housing, Theory and Society 19, no. 1 (March 2002): 17–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/140360902317417921.

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21

EVANS, WILLIAM H. "Dialectics and the labour movement." Bulletin of the Marx Memorial Library 127, no. 1 (July 1997): 4–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/bbml.1997.127.3.

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22

O'Connor, Jim. "Die Konferenz von Seattle und die Anti-WTO-Bewegung." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 30, no. 118 (March 1, 2000): 157–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v30i118.789.

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The article describes the political and economic contradictions underlying the Seattle conference of the WTO. He outlines that the US aimed at a further liberalization of world markets in order to stabilize the national economy which is exposed increasingly to threats of financial instability. The Anti-WTO movement is fragmented; three major parts exist: labout movement, the greens and the internationalists. As O’Conner points out the discussion between these differnt movements were dominated by considerable differences of opinion; further more labour and the greens face free rider problems, which hamper building up an independent Anti WTO movement.

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23

Bucăța, George. "The Challenges of Human Resources Department – The Impact of the Demographic Evolution (The Case of Migration)." Scientific Bulletin 23, no. 2 (December 31, 2018): 81–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bsaft-2018-0010.

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Abstract Employees must adapt to these permanent changes by acquiring new skills required to use new technologies. One of the phenomena developed in order to meet these challanges is labour mobility. For the purpose of economic and social mobility, labour is a form of movement in relation to the ever-changing needs of the productive factors. Mobility in the labor market can be considered from several aspects. At the EU level, the phenomenon of labour mobility is promoted by the desire to meet the challanges arising in the labour market. From a economic and political point of view, the free movement of people is inteded to create a common market for labour and promoting EU citizens, by removing barriers in this area.

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24

Hilmiati, Nurul, Ulyatu Fitrotin, Irma Mardian, Putu Adnyana, Awaludin Hipi, and Johanes Geli Bulu. "Gender segregation in farm labour, its roles and dynamic during Covid pandemic: case study from West Nusa Tenggara, Indonesia." E3S Web of Conferences 306 (2021): 02047. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202130602047.

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Farm labour plays significant roles in crops production. This paper aims to describe gender segregation in crops farming, its roles and dynamic during Covid pandemic in West Nusa Tenggara. A survey was conducted in three districts, East Lombok, Sumbawa and Bima, involving 102 farmers. Qualitative and quantitative data were collected using interview method which then analysed descriptively. The results showed that most respondents employed woman labours for planting and mixed labour for harvesting amid the land ownership discrepancy and agroecology conditions. Women were considered to be more skilful and diligent than men. Nevertheless, they received lower pay by 50-100% on daily basis. Covid pandemic situation has posed varying effects on labour prices, work availability and movement. Labour prices generally has increased due to increasing prices of basic needs, yet work availability decreased as land owners tried to reduce cost because of rocketing fertiliser prices. Pandemic situation did not affect labour movement was in East Lombok and Bima since majority farmers used local labour. While in Sumbawa, as many farmers relied on migrant labour from Lombok and Bima for harvesting, the 2020 has affected harvest quality and subsequently selling prices due to late harvest since labours were not allowed to travel.

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25

Jordan, Alexander. "Thomas Carlyle and the Australasian Labour Movement." Labour History 120, no. 1 (May 1, 2021): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/jlh.2021.2.

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The influence of the great Scottish man of letters Thomas Carlyle (1795-1881) on the British labour movement is well known. Drawing largely on the Australasian labour press, this article explores the influence of Carlyle on the intellectual culture of the Australasian labour movement, demonstrating that Australasian labour activists (including many Scots) derived considerable inspiration from Carlyle, with regard to idealist ethics and the nobility of work, social criticism, and constructive political thought. In all these regards, Carlyle provided not only ideas, but also language, rhetoric, and cultural authority. In this sense, Carlyle was just as crucial an influence on the Australasian labour movement as he was on the British labour movement.

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26

White, Jonathan. "Where next for Britain’s labour movement?" Theory & Struggle 121 (June 2020): 10–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/ts.2020.3.

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27

Seager, Allen, and Peter Wyncoll. "The Nottingham Labour Movement 1880-1939." Labour / Le Travail 21 (1988): 290. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25142977.

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28

Glen, Robert, and Peter Wyncoll. "The Nottingham Labour Movement, 1880-1939." American Historical Review 94, no. 1 (February 1989): 141. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1862138.

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29

Parker, Mike, and Jane Slaughter. "Should the Labour Movement Buy TQM?" Journal of Organizational Change Management 6, no. 4 (April 1993): 43–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/09534819310042731.

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30

Seung-ho, Kwon, and Chris Leggett. "Origins of the Korean Labour Movement." Policy, Organisation and Society 10, no. 1 (December 1995): 3–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10349952.1995.11876634.

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31

Nikola Balnave and Greg Patmore. "The Labour Movement and Co-operatives." Labour History, no. 112 (2017): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.5263/labourhistory.112.0007.

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32

Hurd, Richard. "Obama and the US labour movement." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 15, no. 3-4 (August 2009): 579–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/10242589090150032001.

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33

Umney, Charles. "The international labour movement and China." Industrial Relations Journal 42, no. 4 (July 2011): 322–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2338.2011.00630.x.

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34

Tania R. Melo, J.D. "What the labour movement can be." International Union Rights 20, no. 3 (2013): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.14213/inteuniorigh.20.3.0012.

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35

Minns, John. "The Labour Movement in South Korea." Labour History, no. 81 (2001): 175. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27516810.

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36

BOREHAM, PAUL, and HUGH COMPSTON. "Labour movement organization and political intervention." European Journal of Political Research 22, no. 2 (August 1992): 143–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.1992.tb00309.x.

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37

Waterman, Peter. "Needed: A Global Labour Charter Movement." Communication and Critical/Cultural Studies 7, no. 1 (March 2010): 100–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14791420903538159.

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38

Melo, Tania R. "What the labour movement can be." International Union Rights 20, no. 3 (2013): 12–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/iur.2013.a838854.

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39

Sungho Lee. "Female labour movement of Chonbuk province in 1980s : Focusing on democractic labour movement of Tae-chang." 사회과학연구 17, no. 2 (September 2009): 128–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.17787/jsgiss.2009.17.2.128.

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40

Chen, Feng, and Xuehui Yang. "Movement-oriented labour NGOs in South China: Exit with voice and displaced unionism." China Information 31, no. 2 (March 20, 2017): 155–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0920203x17698447.

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Movement-oriented labour NGOs in China are groups committed to the advancement of workers’ collective interests in a way very similar to that of trade unions in other countries. As the gap between workers’ demands for collective bargaining and their lack of union representation widens, the role of movement-oriented labour NGOs has increased. These NGOs are led and driven by former workers who have a strong consciousness of workers’ rights and who fought in the workplace for their fellow workers’ interests as well as their own. The leadership shown by former workers significantly accounts for the behavioural patterns and strategic choices of movement-oriented labour NGOs. The study reported in this article uses two descriptive concepts to characterize the emergence and role of movement-oriented labour NGOs: exit with voice and displaced unionism. The former refers to the social process by which former workers become activists of movement-oriented labour NGOs, while the latter points to a grass-roots labour movement facilitated from outside the factory gates. This article argues that, while having performed a trade union-like role and promoted worker-led collective bargaining, movement-oriented labour NGOs embody a fundamental predicament of the Chinese labour movement, which is that organized labour activism in the Chinese workplace is largely prohibited.

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41

Ovchinnikova, T. I., and G. N. Strukov. "Measures to reduce unemployment." Proceedings of the Voronezh State University of Engineering Technologies 80, no. 4 (March 21, 2019): 471–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.20914/2310-1202-2018-4-471-478.

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The article considers socio-economic measures of reduction of unemployment. In today's economic conditions, the authors highlight the state of the labour market, characterized the level of market infrastructure development, deformity in workers ' income, level of qualification of university graduates, presence of "shadow" sector of labor market ; and also movement in the labour market: natural movement, change of pension system, high level of hidden unemployment, low wages, decline of production, migration processes. The structure of the employed by age groups is considered, the indicators characterizing both the state and the movement in the labor market are studied, the decrease in the number of workers associated with natural processes is shown (decrease of fertility and increase of the level of Population mortality). The example of one of the districts of Voronezh investigated Model determining the degree of economic efficiency of the population potential; MThe dress includes calculation of Pokazatelejpotenciala labour resources of youth unemployment indicators. It is proposed to include Further formation of the labour market and reduction of unemployment rate the following mechanisms: offshoring, increase of work experience, account of migration of population, control of outflowWorkers, released from different branches of the national economy, raising the level of skills of youth, which for the first time enters the labour force, increasing the feminization of the working population (women with young children), Employment of persons unemployed in the economy, control over labour bodies and other methods of attracting temporarily unemployed population. It is proposed to expand the capacity of the labour and employment bodies not only to assess the prospects of inclusion of their work, but also to work on identifying and registering hidden Bezraboticyipo stimulating measures to reduce unemployment.

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42

Muqtafiah, Muqtafiah, and Maulana Surya Kusumah. "Labour Knowledge Construction Regarding Labour Rights (Study of FSPMI in Labour Movement at Pasuruan)." Jurnal ENTITAS SOSIOLOGI 8, no. 1 (February 4, 2019): 58. http://dx.doi.org/10.19184/jes.v8i1.16647.

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Demonstrations carried out by workers represent the construction of labor awareness. FSPMI supports the awareness-building process. The researcher focused this research on how awareness construction was carried out by FSPMI. FSPMI not only mobilizes workers to carry out demonstrations but also builds labor' awareness regarding labor rights, work relations, both related to regulations and systems or other labor issues. By using a qualitative research design, the description or review provided is descriptive. Researchers also use the constructivist approach. This constructivism approach becomes essential because to know about how the construction process is carried out by FSPMI, a further and in-depth approach is needed. The results showed that the process of building labor' awareness in the FSPMI labor association was carried out through education. FSPMI carried out its activities through several stages called (CLA) concept-lobby-action. The construction produced through education makes labors more aware of their rights and is also involved in politics. Construction carried out through education has created critical awareness of workers. Keywords: Awareness Construction, Labor Rights, Labor Movement, Role of FSPM Referensi: Akrom, 2011. Prespektif Karl Marx tentang Kelas Sosial. Jurnal Primary. 3 (1) 109-115 Amin, Muryanto. 2011. Fragmentasi Gerakan Buruh di Indonesia Pasca Orde Baru. Jurnal Ilmu Politik. 3 (1): 47-56 Iqbal, Said. 2011. Buruh dan Politik. Jurnal Sosial Demokrasi. 10 (4): 54-61 Launa. 2011. Buruh dan Politik Labour and Politics. Jurnal Sosial Demokrasi. 10 (4): 4-15 Meretas Kesadaran Merajut Ideologi. 10 (4): 70-77 Haq, Yusfia A. 2015. Upaya Perempuan Aktivis Buruh Dalam Memperjuangkan Hak-Hak Normative Buruh Perempuan di Perusahaan Dalam Negeri Kabupaten Mojokerto. Jurnal Politik muda. 4 (1):13-20 Hendrastomo, Grendi. 2010. Menakar Kesejahteraan Buruh: Memperjuangkan Kesejahteraan Buruh diantara Kepentingan Negara dan Korporasi. Jurnal Informasi. 16 (2):1-17 Setiawan, Ade. 2012. Gerakan Serikat Buruh : gerakan penolakan/penuntutan revisi ranperda ketenagakerjaan 2011 oleh serikat buruh di Kabupaten Gresik. Jurnal Politik Muda. 1 (1) Vidi, Muhammad RA dan Affandi Muhammad. 2015. Gerakan Perlawanan Serikat Buruh dalam Sistem Outsourcing dan Sistem Pengupahan di PT JAPFA Comfeed Sidoarjo. Jurnal Paradigma,3(1):1-8 Winata, Ria A. 2015. Gerakan Federasi Serikat Pekerja Metal Indonesia Dalam Memperjuangkan Penolakan Sistem Outsourcing di Kota Surabaya tahun 2012-2015. Jurnal Politik Muda, 4(3):259-267 Syahputra, Ganda. 2009. Peranan Serikat Buruh Dalam Memperjuangkan Hak Upah dan Politik (Studi Kasus Serikat Buruh Medan Indonesia. Skripsi. Medan.Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Sumatera Utara Wisnutomo, N H. 2014. Peran Serikat Pekerja Dalam Penentapan Upah Minimum Buruh dan Penyelesaian Masalah Pemutusan Hubungan Kerja (Studi Pada Serikat Pekerja Nasional Kota Salatiga). Skripsi. Fakultas Ekonomi dan Bisnis, Universitas Kristen Satya Wacana, Salatiga Wulandari, Bety. 2014. Bentuk-Bentuk Protes Karyawan Terhadap Manajemen Pabrik Kertas Leces. Skripsi.Jember: Jurusan Sosiologi, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Jember Handik, Andi. 2015. Gaji di bawah UMSK, Buruh PT Nestle Datangi Disnaker. http://www.timesindonesia.co.id/baca/103654/20150831/120354/gaji-di-bawah-umsk-buruh-pt-nestle-datangi-disnaker/ [ 17 Desember 2015] Hartik, Andi. 2015. Bupati Akan Panggil PT Halim Jaya Sakti Terkait Persoalan Buruh.http://beta.timesindonesia.co.id/baca/103178/20150819/112236/bupati-akan-panggil-pihak-pt-halim-jaya-sakti-terkait-persoalan-buruh/ [17 Desember 2015] Hujjah, S. 2015. Dalam Sehari, Ratusan Buruh Pasuruan Demo di Tiga Lokasi. http://beritajatim.com/peristiwa/242464/dalam_sehari,_ratusan_buruh_pasuruan_demo%20_di_tiga_lokasi.html#.VnNEaGdRZ8Q [17 Desember 2015] Hujjah, Shohibul. 2015. Ratusan Buruh Sarbumusi Datangi Kantor DPRD Kabupaten Pasuruan. http://beritajatim.com/peristiwa/253071/ratusan_buruh_sarbumusi_datangi_kantor_dprd_kabupaten_pasuruan.html [17 Desember 2015] Marza, Ade. 2015. Tak digaji 3 Bulan, Buruh Demo di Pasuruan. http://solidaritas.net/2015/04/tak-digaji-3-bulan-buruh-demo-di-pasuruan.html Syairwan, Irwan. 2015. Buruh Pasuruan Tuntut Keberadaan PHI. http://surabaya.tribunnews.com/2015/05/01/buruh-pasuruan-tuntut-keberadaan-phi [17 Desember 2015] Yoenianto, Arie. 2015. Demo Buruh Lumpuhkan Surabaya-Malang. http://daerah.sindonews.com/read/974338/151/demo-buruh-lumpuhkan-surabaya-malang-1425954397 [17 Desember 2015] (http://jatimprov.go.id/read/berita-pengumuman/ribuan-buruh-jatim-tolak-rencana-pemerintah-tetapkan-rpp-pengupahan) diakses 17 Desember 2015

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Boyer, George R. "Book Review: History: Labour History and the Labour Movement in Britain." ILR Review 54, no. 1 (October 2000): 189–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979390005400115.

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Taksa, Lucy, John E. Martin, and Kerry Taylor. "Culture and the Labour Movement: Essays in New Zealand Labour History." Labour History, no. 63 (1992): 190. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27509154.

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Robinson, Ian. "NAFTA, Social Unionism, and Labour Movement Power in Canada and the United States." Articles 49, no. 4 (April 12, 2005): 657–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/050971ar.

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This paper considers how the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) is likely to affect labour movement power in Canada and the United States. The paper is divided into four parts. It first defines the concept of « labour movement power », breaking it down into its component parts. It next considers why we should care about what happens to labour movement power. It then outlines the principal negative and positive effects that the NAFTA is likely to have on labour movement power. Attention is also given to the beneficial consequences that the fight against the NAFTA has already had for the labour movement. It is argued that the NAFTA 's negative impacts are likely to outweight its positive ones in the short run and that the positive effects could substantially outweight its negative effects over the medium to long run. Whether it does will depend upon choices made in the next few years by labour movement leaders and activists.

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Mussche, Ninke, Vincent Corluy, and Ive Marx. "How posting shapes a hybrid single European labour market." European Journal of Industrial Relations 24, no. 2 (May 24, 2017): 113–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959680117708374.

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Some scholars argue that intra-EU labour migration improves the allocation of human capital in Europe and that labour mobility is still too low to constitute a single European labour market. Others insist that free movement of labour and services makes employment more precarious and causes wage dumping. Less attention has been given to the origins, destinations and nature of flows of posted workers, partly because data on posting are scarce. We aim to fill this gap by exploring unique posting data for Belgium. We argue that while the free movement of labour and a single European labour market have been policy goals for decades, it is the free movement of services that is shaping a hybrid single European labour market, since high levels of short-term service mobility are more significant than long-term labour migration. This is as much a phenomenon of intra-EU15 mobility as of post-accession mobility, and is set to remain more prevalent than classic free movement of labour.

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Gogoi, Bijoy. "Changing Nature of Labour Movement in the Organized sector industry: A Reflection on the Tea Plantations of Assam." Think India 22, no. 2 (October 23, 2019): 410–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.26643/think-india.v22i2.8743.

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Purpose of the study: The purpose of the paper is to study the changing nature of Labour Movement in an Organized Sector industry of Assam i.e. Tea Plantation. Methodology: The study is based on both the primary and secondary sources such as available archival materials, historical documents of different trade unions/ labour movements etc. Moreover, the insights gathered through consultation of such materials along with already published literature, official reports etc. Main Findings: The labourers of tea gardens of Assam during the colonial period mobilized mainly for the economic demands and for the oppressive nature of the colonial state but after independence their movement is converted into political (identity) movement.

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Arendt, Łukasz, and Wojciech Grabowski. "DETERMINANTS OF EMPLOYEES' MOVEMENT BETWEEN LABOUR MARKET SEGMENTS." Polityka Społeczna 572-573, no. 11-12 (December 31, 2021): 24–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0015.5998.

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The paper studies upgrading patterns between secondary and primary segments in Polish labour market, with reference to the Segmented Labour Market theory. The type of contact (permanent vs. fixed-term) and wage distribution were used within one framework to define these labour segments. The parameters of binary choice model, based on Labour Force Survey microdata, were estimated to calculate the probabilities of shift from secondary to primary segment, and to identify supply and demand-side determinants of this upgrading. The results are, in general, in line with the trap hypothesis, pointing out to limited chances of upward shift from secondary to primary labour segment. However, this upward mobility has increased in recent years, being a result of changes in real (measured by lowering unemployment rate) and institutional sphere of the Polish labour market. Individual’s age, education attainment, propensity to invest in human capital, as well as the size of an enterprise appeared to be the most important divers of inter-segments upgrading. Moreover, regional as well as sectoral differences in probability of upgrading were identified – this probability was higher in the case of workers living in regions with large agglomerations and close proximity to the German labour market.

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Berger, Stefan. "‘Organising Talent and Disciplined Steadiness’: the German SPD as a Model for the British Labour Party in the 1920s?" Contemporary European History 5, no. 2 (July 1996): 171–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300003763.

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In comparative Labour history there is a long tradition of adhering to a typology of labour movements which distinguishes south-western European, ‘Latin’ labour movements (France, Spain, Italy) from north-eastern European labour movements (Germany, Austria, Scandinavia, east and south-east Europe) and invokes a third category: Anglo-American labour movements. The British Labour Party is usually subsumed under this latter category, whereas the German SPD is regarded as the spiritual leader of the second. Insofar as these comparisons explicitly deal with the time before the First World War, their argument is indeed a strong one. After all, the SPD was the largest socialist party in the world before 1914, at a time when the Labour Party did not even allow individual membership. At least in its organisational strongholds, the SPD resembled a social movement providing for its members almost ‘from cradle to grave’. The Labour Party, by contrast, is often portrayed as a trade union interest group in parliament with no other purpose than electoral representation. Where the Labour Party avoided any ideological commitment before 1914, the SPD had at least theoretically adopted Marxism as its ideological bedrock after 1890.

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Andrijauskaitė, Ugnė Marija. "Inventing the Communist Party of Lithuania as a Labour Movement. Narratives in Soviet Historiography." Lithuanian Historical Studies 22, no. 1 (January 28, 2018): 87–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25386565-02201005.

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This study analyses and shows how the history of the Communist Party of Lithuania (Lietuvos komunistų partija, LKP) was constructed as the history of an organised labour movement in Soviet historiography. Most studies on Lithuanian workers and labour unions written between 1960 and 1988 searched for connections between the LKP and the labour movement, analysed the impact of the LKP on the workers and unions, and sometimes used the terms ‘workers’ or ‘labouring men’ as synonyms for members of the LKP. According to Soviet Lithuanian historians, labour unions, strikes, workers, and the whole organised labour movement that sympathised with Moscow, helped to gain influence among the citizens of Lithuania prior to the occupation in 1940. Because the labour history of Soviet Lithuania was tied to the history of the Lithuanian Communist Party, it is still hard to draw a line between the history of the workers and the history of the LKP, since the studies on workers, the labour movement and the history of the LKP written during Soviet times are treated as a product of the ideology. It is argued that Soviet Lithuanian labour history must be properly reviewed in order to reevaluate its relationship with contemporary historiography and today’s perception of the labour movement itself.

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