Dissertations / Theses: 'Labour Movement'

1

Riddell, Neil Bruce. "The second Labour Government 1929-1931 and the wider Labour movement." Thesis, University of Exeter, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.260687.

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2

Harvey, Donna Maree. "Structure and ideology : reworking the labour movement." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2006. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/16236/1/Donna_Harvey_Thesis.pdf.

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During the 1990s within Australia, a regulated industrial relations system which had fostered the growth of collective bargaining and trade unionism was dismantled and replaced by a neo-liberal approach to labour law. During this period trade union membership declined dramatically. Although overall union density has dropped, some unions have managed to arrest membership decline. The Association of Professional Engineers, Scientists and Managers, Australia and the National Tertiary Education Industry Union have successfully traversed the neo-liberal environment despite having adopted different processes. Through an analysis of both external and internal contingencies of these two successful but different union types, lessons were drawn as to effective forms of unionism. A comparative analysis of the empirical information suggest the benefits of a participative structure and collective ideology to enact a range of activities including industrial, political, solidarity and service. It is through this process that unions have the best possible means to generate alternative methods of social organisation to protect the rights and wellbeing of wage earners within a neo-liberal political economy.

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3

Harvey, Donna Maree. "Structure and ideology : reworking the labour movement." Queensland University of Technology, 2006. http://eprints.qut.edu.au/16236/.

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During the 1990s within Australia, a regulated industrial relations system which had fostered the growth of collective bargaining and trade unionism was dismantled and replaced by a neo-liberal approach to labour law. During this period trade union membership declined dramatically. Although overall union density has dropped, some unions have managed to arrest membership decline. The Association of Professional Engineers, Scientists and Managers, Australia and the National Tertiary Education Industry Union have successfully traversed the neo-liberal environment despite having adopted different processes. Through an analysis of both external and internal contingencies of these two successful but different union types, lessons were drawn as to effective forms of unionism. A comparative analysis of the empirical information suggest the benefits of a participative structure and collective ideology to enact a range of activities including industrial, political, solidarity and service. It is through this process that unions have the best possible means to generate alternative methods of social organisation to protect the rights and wellbeing of wage earners within a neo-liberal political economy.

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4

Turner, Jacqueline. "The soul of the Labour Movement : rediscovering the Labour Church 1891-1914." Thesis, University of Reading, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.541985.

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This thesis examines the formation, decline and contribution of the Labour Church during the formative years of the Independent Labour Party (ILP) and Labour Party between 1891 and 1914. It provides an analysis of the Labour Church, its religious doctrine, its socio-political function and its role in the cultural development of the early socialist arm of the labour movement. It includes a detailed examination of the Victorian morality and spirituality upon which the life of the Labour Church was built. It also challenges some of the existing historiography and previously held assumptions that the Labour Church was irreligious and merely a political tool, providing a new cultural picture of a diverse and inclusive organisation, committed to individualism and an individual relationship with God. The Labour Church was founded by the Unitarian Minister John Trevor in Manchester in 1891 and grew rapidly. Its political credentials were on display at the inaugural conference of the ILP in 1893, and the church proved a formative influence on many pioneers of British socialism. As such, the thesis brings together two major controversies of Nineteenth Century Britain: the emergence of independent working-class politics and the decline of traditional religion. This thesis considers the Labour Church's role in an era of cultural change, in increasing secularisation and politicisation. It examines the disagreements between John Trevor and his political allies regarding the format, purpose and the morality of the Labour Church; the distinctive character of the Church's theology and doctrine within the wider religious and political debates of the period. Beyond the labour movement, it charts links between the Labour Church and the women's movement, children's associations and with regard to radical literary traditions.

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5

Famiglietti, Antonio. "The theory of social movements and the British Labour Movement, circa 1790-1920." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.369424.

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6

Duranic, Alen. "Free movement of labour in enlarged EU and impact on Swedish labour market." Thesis, Södertörn University College, School of Business Studies, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-301.

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The goal of this diploma thesis is to expound the term “labour mobility” within an enlarged European Union, and its consequences on Swedish economy. Fears of a massive wave of working migration proved unfounded at the time of past EU enlargements and thus are not likely to come true during the forthcoming enlargement.

The analysis of the experience stemming from the southern enlargement can be helpful in an attempt to evaluate gains and losses of the CEE countries integration with the EU. The southern enlargement is being often regarded as an example or even basis for the EU eastern enlargement. This approach is not a random one. The analysis of the EU southern enlargement based on the case of Greece, Spain and Portugal reflects the likeness of the current accession conditions: both the southern candidates and the CEE countries aspiring to join in the 2004 are traditionally net emigration countries with considerable lower level of economic development than those of the EU average.

Great differences in income, standard of living and employment opportunities between CEE and EU countries might contribute to a mass-immigration from east to west and might accelerate the current employment crisis in the present EU states. Notably, OECD studies show that migrants form the CEECs tend to be educated, skilled and vital workers. The brain drain problem may be a serious negative side effect for CEECs.

What Sweden, as a current EU member, and Swedish enterprise has to puts a stress on, is an importance to create a growing and flexible labour market. A more flexible labour market in general must be promoted, including making it easier for companies to find people with the right skills.

Swedish labour market, in spite of how inelastic it may be, has a strong demand for low-qualified labour under any level of unemployment. Even if the CEECs migration potential had been fully used, it would never be able to satisfy this demand. Neither disparity in GDP per capita, unemployment, nor other economic differences between the CEE countries and the EU may create grounds for the implementation of the transitional periods. This causality has been many times proved theoretically, empirically and during the previous EU enlargements.

The introduction of the transitional periods may prolong the process of leveling life-levels, technological and economic growth, infrastructure, cultural and social standards within the enlarged EU. It also means sending the political signal to the accession countries, which would be turned into second-class members, deprived of one of the most vital freedoms of the Single Market.

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7

Griffiths, Clare Victoria Joanne. "Labour and the countryside : rural strands in the British Labour movement, 1900-1939." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.338949.

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8

Collins, Clare L. "Women and Labour politics in Britain, 1893-1932." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.320146.

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9

Malik, Anushay. "Narrowing politics : the labour movement in Lahore, 1947-1974." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.675413.

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10

Oguz, Gonul. "EU enlargement and the free movement of Turkish labour." Thesis, University of Reading, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.509841.

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11

Gordon, Eleanor J. "Women and the labour movement in Scotland, 1850-1914." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1985. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/4883/.

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In recent years there has been a concerted effort by feminist historians to retrieve women from historical obscurity and reinsert them into the historical landscape. Early research concentrated on this task of reclamation and produced a number of self-contained monographs and studies of women's lives. However, the emphasis has shifted towards viewing the sexual divison of labour as a central object of study and as a tool of analysis and evaluating its impact on the historical process. It is argued that in this way feminist history can transform our knowledge of the past and contribute to a greater understanding of the process of historical change. The present study seeks to contribute to this project by examining the lives of working women in Scotland between 1850 and 1914. It takes issue with standard accounts which assume that women's paid labour and women's organisation at the point of production will take male forms and argues that gender ideologies had a significant impact on women's experience of work. The pattern of women's employment 1S examined and it is illustrated that because work has been defined according to the male norm of full-time permanent work, outside the home, the extent of women's paid labour has been seriously underestimated. It is also argued that in order to account for the characteristics of female employment it is necessary to take ideological factors into consideration and that notions of what constitutes women's 'proper' role in society had a pattern of women's employment. important role played by trade powerful influence on the The study identifies the unions in maintaining occupational segregation and confirming women's work as unskilled and low paid. It is also suggested that the model of labour organisations was influenced inter-alia by an ideology of gender which limited its ability to relate to the experience of women workers. It is argued that women's experience of work was mediated by their subordination as a gender and that this generated particular forms of resistance and organisation which did not necessarily conform to the standard male forms. The study concludes that we have to reappraise the received view of women workers as apathetic and difficult to organise and suggests that alternative forms of labour organisations which do not reflect but challenge gender divisions are required.

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12

Barlow, Geoffrey Keith. "The labour movement in Britain from Thatcher to Blair." Frankfurt, M. Berlin Bern Bruxelles New York, NY Oxford Wien Lang, 1996. http://d-nb.info/990746585/04.

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13

Bogdanović, Mira. "The Serbian labour movement in the period 1903-1914 /." [Amsterdam] : M. Bogdanović, 1988. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb36681741n.

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14

Engelken, Dagmar. "The labour movement and the Chinese labour question in Britain and South Africa, 1900-1914." Thesis, University of Essex, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.517255.

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15

Friend, David. "The Labour Party, the Trade Union Movement, and the Cooperative Movement : a study of the inter-relationship in the Labour Movement with particular reference to Exeter, Plymouth and Torbay." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.248124.

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16

Baldvinsdottir, Herdis D. "Networks of financial power in Iceland : the labour movement paradox." Thesis, Lancaster University, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.301819.

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17

Hogenkamp, Albert Peter. "The British documentary movement and the 1945-51 Labour governments." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.280557.

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18

Loughlin, Christopher John Victor. "The political culture of the Belfast labour movement, 1924-39." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.602592.

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Labour politics in twentieth-century Northern Ireland has often been interpreted as a 'failure' and this has been explained as indicative of the lack of saliency of class to identity in Northern Ireland. Through usage of the concept of 'political culture' this thesis examines the Belfast labour movement between 1924 and 1939. The thesis addresses the national question, electoral politics, trade-unionism, unemployment, ideology and concludes with a comparative chapter on the inter-war Labour Parties in Belfast and Liverpool. It argues that the Belfast labour movement did not fail as comprehensively as previous analysis has claimed. The city's labour movement succeeded in becoming a legitimate component of civil society, despite an unsympathetic government and wider society. The thesis makes use of electoral sociology, political science and historical methodologies. Belfast Labour, like much contemporary European left-wing politics, failed to analyse nationalism coherently. Working-class political organisations in Belfast did have a significant electoral appeal, but were fundamentally undermined by their lack of access to political power in Northern Ireland. The Special Powers Act (1922) and Trade Disputes Act (1927) placed important constraints on the development of trade unionism in Belfast. Members of the labour movement organised and campaigned against unemployment in the city. The movement in Belfast adopted political positions-on fascism, social reform and gender-which were similar to contemporaneous European movements. The labour movements of inter-war Liverpool and Belfast shared similar problems, but the different national context of each city meant sectarianism continued to be dominant in the latter city. Despite the limited achievements of labour in Belfast, the legislative context dominance of sectarianism and partition prevented it from becoming a significant political force in Belfast between 1924 and 1939.

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19

Zakharyan, Anush <1997&gt. "Freedom of Movement of Labour in the Eurasian Economic Union." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/21231.

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Regional integration has contributed to shaping the current geopolitical landscape profoundly across the globe. After the dissolution of the Soviet Union, a number of regional integration projects came to life in the post soviet space, with varying degrees of success. Many of these projects took an economic direction, but it was not until 2015 that the Eurasian Economic Union was officially created. The Union was built upon the pre-existing Customs Union and maintained its objective of a free market. With freedom of the market also came freedom of movement of labor. Before that, the movement of the citizens was fully left to bilateral agreements and the Commonwealth of Independent States, but the EAEU allowed a whole new range of rights and protections for workers who wish to move across the five countries that are its members. This work will address the rights of workers in the EAEU, and the consequences of these rights on the citizens, the economy, and the society of the member states. A comparison with the European Union is also drawn, as it allows for input and reflection on how the EAEU can move forward and what its strengths and weaknesses are.

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20

Osmond, Deborah M. "The Labour Party, the Labour Movement, Zionism and Jewish identity during the 1920's and 1930's." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape9/PQDD_0012/MQ50082.pdf.

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21

Mathers, Andrew. "The European Marches Network against Unemployment, Job Insecurity and Social Exclusion : collective action beyond class?" Thesis, University of the West of England, Bristol, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.274386.

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This thesis is a study of the development of the European Marches Network against Unemployment, Job Insecurity and Social Exclusion. It is considered as a component of an emerging international social movement that has contested the consequences of neoliberal European integration to develop the goal of a social and democratic Europe as part of a different world order. This study engages critically with the dominant sociological paradigm of social movements that renders the class politics associated with the labour movement as anachronistic. This paradigm asserts that fundamental socio-structural changes dictate that to be progressive, contemporary new social movements (NSMs) have to operate according to a new logic of collective action that is beyond class. The Network is investigated through the application of ethnographic methods that are integrated into a dialectical analysis. This methodological approach involved the author taking the role of `activist-researcher' that was consistent with his commitment to producing knowledge that was not only about progressive social change but also useful to the collective struggle to achieve it. The findings of the empirical investigation are presented under the headings of 'mobilisation', 'agenda formation' and 'organisation'. These headings represent three interconnected elements of collective action that form the totality of the Network. The Network is related to the locally and nationally based economic and social struggles through which it developed and is also located within a broader international social movement of which it was a product and producer. Various elements of the Network arising from the investigation are discussed in relation to the work of writers from the dominant paradigm. It is argued that the Network is not comprehensible as a manifestation of a postmaterial politics that is beyond class, but rather as a form of class politics in the present conjuncture of neoliberal restructuring. Therefore, it is concluded that far from indicating the terminal decline of labour as a progressive social actor, the Network suggests its renewal as a social movement.

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22

Jennings, Mark. "The British trade union movement and South Africa 1953-1985." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.357591.

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23

Riethof, Marieke. "Responses of the Brazilian labour movement to economic and political reforms." [Amsterdam : Amsterdam : Rozenberg] ; Universiteit van Amsterdam [Host], 2002. http://dare.uva.nl/document/65337.

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24

O'Discin, Liam Sean. "Phillip Murray : the triumph and tragedy of the industrial labour movement." Thesis, Ulster University, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.650081.

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25

Carter, M. R. "The struggle for reconstruction : coalition and the Labour Movement 1916-1925." Thesis, University of East Anglia, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.338094.

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26

Keating, J. E. "Roman Catholics, Christian democracy and the British Labour movement 1910-1960." Thesis, University of Manchester, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.516378.

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O'Discin, Liam Sean. "Philip Murray : the triumph and tragedy of the industrial labour movement." Thesis, Ulster University, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669662.

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This dissertation presents a biographical study of Philip Murray (1886-1952) who was one of America's premier labour leaders of the twentieth century. The work examines the major influences and historical events that shaped Murray's career. The thesis argues that Murray's career has been unfairly dismissed. It explains how the enduring effects of his formative years in Lanarkshire, Scotland, shaped his character as a trade unionist. It examines his early role as an official of the United Mineworkers of America (UMW A) in the 1920s and 1930s; his leadership of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) during the stormy era of its organising drive of America's industrial workers and of the Steelworkers Organizing Committee (SWOC); and his subsequent presidency of both the United Steelworkers of America (USWA) and the CIO during and after the Second World war. Murray's Catholicism and his relationship with Communists occupy a central position in the historical narrative. This thesis contends that Murray's motivations were not based on the crude antiCommunism of the McCat1hyism period following his death, and it seeks to prove the hypothesis that, in spite of his purging of the left-led unions inside the CIO, ironically, Murray throughout his life consistently strove to adhere to his class consciousness and uphold his convictions as a sincere advocate for labour's adversarial role inside capitalism. This thesis questions Murray's purported belief in class collaboration, as advocated in the papal encyclicals Rerum Novarum (1891) and Quadragessimo Anno (1931), and argues that, even if Murray agreed with the sentiments of the encyclicals' support and sympathy for the rights of workers and trade unions, he was never naive enough to reject the social and political reality of class struggle as an intrinsic, or motive, force in capitalist society.

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28

Schmutte, Ian. "International union activity politics of scale in the Australian labour movement /." Connect to full text, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/719.

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Thesis (M. Phil.)--University of Sydney, [2004?].
Title from title screen (viewed 30 May 2008). Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Philosophy to the Discipline of Work and Organisational Studies. Includes bibliographical references. Also available in print form.

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29

Schmutte, Ian Michael. "International Union Activity: Politics of Scale in the Australian Labour Movement." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/719.

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In recent years, industrial relations scholars have begun to discuss the 'revitalisation strategies' unions are using to rebuild lost density, power, and political leverage. This thesis studies the role international activities play in the revitalisation of Australian unions. Rather than assert the importance of international activity, or emphasise the value of certain forms of international activity, the thesis seeks to understand why unions choose to engage in particular forms of international activity. International activity in Australian unions takes on a remarkable diversity of forms. The analysis of international activity therefore requires a theory that is capable of describing these different forms of international activity and then explaining why they exist. However most scholars have not examined the role of union agency in choosing international activity. Within industrial relations, there is very little existing theory or research on which to base the kind of analysis proposed for the thesis. Most theories are ideologically driven, prescriptive accounts that either promote or challenge particular institutions or ideas about international activity. The problem is that they deal with international activity as an abstract kind of response to universal pressures of globalisation. These kinds of arguments serve well to articulate the need for unions to 'think globally', but are ill suited to the task of the thesis, which is to explain particular forms of international activity in particular unions. The questions about international activity that the thesis intends to answer form a point of connection between industrial relations and the related discipline of labour geography. In making the connections between labour geography theory and the analysis of union international strategy, the thesis argues for labour geography as a political economic foundation for industrial relations in the tradition of Hyman's Marxist theory of industrial relations. This provides a critical theoretical perspective and conceptual vocabulary with which to criticise and extend industrial relations research on international activity. The result is a spatialised theory organised according to topics of interest in industrial relations research that can be applied to the study of Australian international activity. The thesis is evenly divided between developing this theory and research on international activity in the Australian union movement. Empirical analysis begins with a study of the international activities and policy of the ACTU, distinguishing different kinds of international activity. By treating the international activities of the ACTU as representative of the Australian union movement as a whole, the thesis identifies three functional levels of international activity: strategy-sharing, regional solidarity, and global regulation. The chapter also examines the material and discursive construction of the international scale within the ACTU. The thesis also analyses the international activities of three Australian unions,the TWU, LHMU and CFMEU. While all three unions engage in each level of international activity, the review of their activities shows differences in the focus of each union. The thesis suggests that the explanation for these different ratios depends in part on the spatial structure of the industries that the different unions organise. The kind of research undertaken in this thesis has little precedent. The work of the labour geographers on international activity does not deal with union revitalisation strategy, and the research from industrial relations on the strategic aspects of international activity have not latched on to labour geography. This thesis argues that unions scale their activities internationally for particular reasons, some of which are structural and can be specified up front, and others that are historically contingent and can only be explored on a case-by-case basis. In examining this 'politics of scale' the thesis redefines many of the issues in the discussion of international activity and proposes a new conceptual background for industrial relations generally.

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30

Schmutte, Ian Michael. "International Union Activity: Politics of Scale in the Australian Labour Movement." University of Sydney. Work and Organisation Studies, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/719.

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In recent years, industrial relations scholars have begun to discuss the �revitalisation strategies� unions are using to rebuild lost density, power, and political leverage. This thesis studies the role international activities play in the revitalisation of Australian unions. Rather than assert the importance of international activity, or emphasise the value of certain forms of international activity, the thesis seeks to understand why unions choose to engage in particular forms of international activity. International activity in Australian unions takes on a remarkable diversity of forms. The analysis of international activity therefore requires a theory that is capable of describing these different forms of international activity and then explaining why they exist. However most scholars have not examined the role of union agency in choosing international activity. Within industrial relations, there is very little existing theory or research on which to base the kind of analysis proposed for the thesis. Most theories are ideologically driven, prescriptive accounts that either promote or challenge particular institutions or ideas about international activity. The problem is that they deal with international activity as an abstract kind of response to universal pressures of globalisation. These kinds of arguments serve well to articulate the need for unions to �think globally�, but are ill suited to the task of the thesis, which is to explain particular forms of international activity in particular unions. The questions about international activity that the thesis intends to answer form a point of connection between industrial relations and the related discipline of labour geography. In making the connections between labour geography theory and the analysis of union international strategy, the thesis argues for labour geography as a political economic foundation for industrial relations in the tradition of Hyman�s Marxist theory of industrial relations. This provides a critical theoretical perspective and conceptual vocabulary with which to criticise and extend industrial relations research on international activity. The result is a spatialised theory organised according to topics of interest in industrial relations research that can be applied to the study of Australian international activity. The thesis is evenly divided between developing this theory and research on international activity in the Australian union movement. Empirical analysis begins with a study of the international activities and policy of the ACTU, distinguishing different kinds of international activity. By treating the international activities of theACTU as representative of the Australian union movement as a whole, the thesis identifies three functional levels of international activity: strategy-sharing, regional solidarity, and global regulation. The chapter also examines the material and discursive construction of the international scale within the ACTU. The thesis also analyses the international activities of three Australian unions,the TWU, LHMU and CFMEU. While all three unions engage in each level of international activity, the review of their activities shows differences in the focus of each union. The thesis suggests that the explanation for these different ratios depends in part on the spatial structure of the industries that the different unions organise. The kind of research undertaken in this thesis has little precedent. The work of the labour geographers on international activity does not deal with union revitalisation strategy, and the research from industrial relations on the strategic aspects of international activity have not latched on to labour geography. This thesis argues that unions scale their activities internationally for particular reasons, some of which are structural and can be specified up front, and others that are historically contingent and can only be explored on a case-by-case basis. In examining this �politics of scale� the thesis redefines many of the issues in the discussion of international activity and proposes a new conceptual background for industrial relations generally.

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31

Jones, Susan Elizabeth. "The relationships between the Women's Suffrage Movement and the Labour Movement in North East England, 1893 to 1914." Thesis, Leeds Beckett University, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.538323.

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32

So, Chin-Hung. "Economic development, state control, and labour migration of women in China." Thesis, University of Sussex, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.361403.

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33

Ross, Alexander Chloe. "James Connolly and the internationalism of the Scottish and Irish labour movements (1880-1916)." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2013. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=210752.

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34

Biyanwila, Janaka. "Trade unions in Sri Lanka under globalisation : reinventing worker solidarity." University of Western Australia. Faculty of Economics and Commerce, 2004. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2004.0045.

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This study examines trade union resistance to the post 1977 Export Oriented Industrialisation (EOI) strategies in Sri Lanka, and the possibilities of developing new strategic options. In contrast to perspectives that narrow unions to political economic dimensions, this study emphasises the cultural and the movement dimensions of unions. The purpose of the study is to understand the ways unions can regain their role as civil society actors on the basis of building worker solidarity. The study is divided into two main parts. The first part focuses on the features and tendencies of social movement unionism as advancing new possibilities towards revitalising unions. Under globalisation, unions are faced with an increasingly casualised labour force with more women absorbed as wage workers. The promotion of labour market deregulation and privatisation, endorsed by neo-liberal ideologies of competitive individualism, illustrates the narrowing of unions to the workplace while undermining worker solidarity. The first part of this research describes the impact of :neo-liberal globalisation on trade unions; conceptualisation of and resistance to globalisation; the essence of trade unions; social movement unionism and labour internationalism. According to social movement unionism perspectives, party independent union strategies, based on elements of internal democracy and structured alliances open the possibility of emphasising the movement dimension of unions. The second part explains the context of unions in Sri Lanka, focusing on three unions - the Nurses, Tea Plantation workers, and Free Trade Zone workers. In terms of the structural context, Sri Lankan unions faced a multi-faceted weakening under the post-1977 EOI policies. The assertion of an authoritarian state, promoting interests of capital, enhanced the fragmentation of unions along party differences that were further compounded by divisions along ethnic identity politics. Moreover, the increasing militarisation of the state, which maintains a protracted ethnic war, reinforced coercive state strategies restraining union resistance and shrinking the realm of civil society. In confronting state strategies of labour market deregulation and privatisation, the enduring party subordinated unions are increasingly inadequate. In contrast, the three unions in this study express forms of party-independent union strategies. By analysing their modes of resistance related to the articulation of worker interests, their organisational modes, and their engagement in representative and movement politics the study explores the possibility of developing a social movement unionism orientation in order to regain their role as civil society actors

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35

Ozkul, Kusoglu Sacide Derya. "Transformation of Diasporas from a Labour Movement towards a Transnational Religious Movement: The Alevi Diaspora in Germany and Australia." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/15939.

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This is a study about how destination countries affect the community formation and development of Alevis—a particular group from Turkey. Although there is a great amount of research on the effects of immigration on receiving countries, less consideration has been given to how the approach towards immigrants adopted by receiving states impacts on migrants’ cultural and religious practices as well as their diasporic community formation. Moreover, existing research essentialises diasporas as homogenous groups merely on the basis of common attachment to their homelands. The literature has not only ignored internal differences related to ethnicity, religion or class, but has also conceptualised them as static entities. Diasporas, however—like any other social group—can change over time and continue their activities under different frameworks. This is also true of existing Alevi studies: most explore the question of ‘why the Alevi movement emerged’ but none adopts a dynamic perspective to investigate changes within the movement. By incorporating diaspora mobilisation literature with social movement theories, this thesis specifically explores the question: ‘How did the Alevi diaspora emerge and change over time in different contexts?’. It examines the cases of Germany and Australia, two countries with very different historical traditions towards migrants, from a multi-scalar perspective that considers the shifting transnational and national ‘political opportunity structures’. It focuses on the period between the 1960s (when Turkey signed its first bilateral migration agreements) and 2013. The fieldwork for this study was carried out in both countries between 2012 and 2013, and the data collection methods were policy analysis, archival research, participant observation and semistructured in-depth interviews with 70 Alevi participants. The results show that Alevis who were initially part of the labour movement in the 1960s and 1970s in both Germany and Australia started organising around a newly emerging secular cultural identity movement in the 1980s and 1990s, and around an institutionalised religious/faith-based movement in the 2000s. In Germany, activists ultimately managed to obtain public recognition of Alevism from the German state as a unique religion separate from Islam. In Australia, despite the fact that religious institutions were not promoted in the same way, a similar pattern evolved at the federation level. Activists in both places sought to manage the dispersed Alevi ix population under new and integrative models (such as national federations, supranational institutions and global initiatives) and positioned Alevism largely as a unique faith system in its own right. Overall, these findings suggest that even if national ‘political opportunity structures’ develop in various ways in different countries, a diaspora movement can follow a largely similar path over time due to overarching transnational forces (such as, in this case, the construction of Muslims as a threat to national security in both Germany and Australia and the rise of Islamist politics in Turkey). In Australia, however, the two major organisations disagreed about the definition of Alevism. While the main organisation in Melbourne claimed Alevism as a unique faith system, its counterpart in Sydney sustained the view that Alevism was the true essence of Islam. Hence the case study in Australia suggests that, despite working in the same national political opportunity structures, local-level movements may follow very different routes. Moreover, in both countries, ‘framing contests’ among activists and community members resulted from personal conflicts and differences in political and geographical background, which further illustrates the complexities inherent in a social movement.

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36

Bezuidenhout, G. "Procedures for the resolution of labour disputes." SACCOLA, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/76936.

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After SACCOLA's expulsion from the International Organization of Employers in 1983 the committee decided to explore areas of domestic activity consistent with its objectives of discussing employer views on labour affairs, and representing these views where agreement amongst employers existed. As the National Manpower Commission had shortly afterwards published a lengthy report dealing, inter alia, with the role of the Industrial Court and the definition of the unfair labour practice concept, SACCOLA set up a working party to see if employer consensus could be achieved on these issues. SACCOLA succeeded in agreeing a 18 page document, which was submitted to the Department of Manpower on 28 August 1984. This was subsequently acknowledged by the Director General of Manpower to have been one of the most comprehensive reactions to this report. In his reaction to the report, however, Dr Van der Merwe noted that legislative change would be greatly facilitated by labour/employer agreement, and he therefore suggested that SACCOLA should discuss its proposals with union federations.

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Mutch, Deborah. "Serial socialists : the discourse of political journalism and fiction, 1885-1895." Thesis, University of Derby, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10545/306821.

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38

Wilkinson, R. C. "Migration in Lesotho : A study of population movement in a labour reserve economy." Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.353449.

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39

Horner, David S. "Scientists, trade unions and labour movement policies for science and technology, 1947-1964." Thesis, Aston University, 1986. http://publications.aston.ac.uk/15185/.

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This thesis describes the history of the scientific Left beginning with the period of its most extensive influence in the mid-1940s as a movement for the planning of science and ending with the Labour Party's programme of 1964 claiming to harness science and socialism. Its central theme is the external and internal pressures involved in the project to align left-wing politics, trade unions and social responsibility in science. The problematic aspects of this project are examined in the evolution of the Association of Scientific Workers and the World Federation of Scientific Workers as organisations committed to trade union and science policy objectives. This is presented also in the broader context of the Association's attempts to influence the Trade Union Congress's policies for science and technology in a more radical direction. The thesis argues that the shift in the balance of political forces in the labour movement, in the scientific community and in the state brought about by the Cold War was crucial in frustrating these endeavours. This led to alternative, but largely unsuccessful attempts, in the form of the Engels Society and subsequently Science for Peace to create the new expressions of the left-wing politics of science. However, the period 1956-1964 was characterised by intensive interest within the Labour Party in science and technology which reopened informal channels of political influence for the scientific Left. This was not matched by any radical renewal within the Association or the Trade Union Congress and thus took place on a narrower basis and lacked the democratic aspects of the earlier generation of socialist science policy.

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Milner, Susan. "The dilemnas of internationalism : French syndicalism and the international labour movement, 1900-1914 /." New York : Berg, 1990. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37596856b.

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Texte remanié de: Th. Ph. D.--Aston University, 1987. Titre de soutenance : The French Confédération Générale du Travail and the international secretariat of national trade union centres (1900-1914).

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41

Scalmer, Sean. "The career of class : intellectuals and the labour movement in Australia 1942-56." Phd thesis, Department of Government, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/8922.

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42

Leeworthy, Daryl. "Workers' fields : sport, landscape, and the Labour movement in South Wales, 1858-1958." Thesis, Swansea University, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.678550.

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43

Leung, Wing-yue Trini. "The politics of labour rebellions in China, 1989-1994 /." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1998. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B19235367.

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44

Frame, John R. "America and the Scottish Left : the impact of American ideas on the Scottish Labour Movement from the American Civil War to World War One." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 1998. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=216938.

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The years 1861 to 1921 witnessed the development of contacts between the labour movements of Britain and the United States. Scottish socialists, trade unionists and social reformers contributed to this activity. Transatlantic labour co-operation began in Scotland in the 1860s when the Civil War in the USA provoked an intense public discussion of American society. This interest was further stimulated by the accounts of emigrants to the republic and, in particular, by the views of Alexander McDonald, leader of the miners' union. The establishment of ties between the mining communities of Scotland and American, via an emigration scheme and through McDonald's lecture tours, inaugurated a period of American influence on the Scottish labour movement. Left-wing reactions in the United States to the growth of capitalism from the 1880s to the First World War furnished sections of this movement with a series of organisational models. Socialist and reform theories, forged in a country which was industrialising at a furious pace, were transmitted to Britain where Scots transformed them for their own purposes. Beginning with the ideas of Henry George, and closely followed by those of the Knights of Labor, these concepts advanced the cause of socialism within the Scottish labour movement. This process culminated with the experiments of the Scottish De Leonists. They instituted the Socialist Labour Party of Great Britain in the image of Daniel De Leon's American SLP and, following the birth in Chicago of the Industrial Workers of the World, brought the theory of industrial unionism to Scotland. De Leonism played an important role in the rise of socialism on Clydeside in the early years of the twentieth century until the Bolshevik revolution in Russia, and the growing mass appeal of the Labour Party, heralded the decline of transatlantic socialist unity.

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Richards, Glen. "Masters and servants : the growth of the labour movement in St. Christopher-Nevis, 1896 to 1956." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.292824.

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Al, Mahari Jameela. "Movement between employment and self employment : a study based on the UK Labour Force Survey (1983-94)." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.249317.

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Webster, Barbara Grace, and b. webster@cqu edu au. "'FIGHTING IN THE GRAND CAUSE':A HISTORY OF THE TRADE UNION MOVEMENT IN ROCKHAMPTON 1907 1957." Central Queensland University. School of Humanities, 1999. http://library-resources.cqu.edu.au./thesis/adt-QCQU/public/adt-QCQU20020715.151239.

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Research of a wide range of primary sources informs this work, including hitherto unstudied local union records, oral testimony, contemporary newspapers, government and employer reports. Conclusions reached in this dissertation are that while the founders of the local trade union movement shared a vision of improving the lot of workers in their employment and in the wider social context, and they endeavoured to establish effective structures and organisation to this end, their efforts were of mixed success. They succeeded eminently in improving and protecting the employment conditions of workers to contemporary expectations through effective exploitation of political and institutional channels and through competent and conservative local leadership. However, the additional and loftier goal of creating a better life for workers outside the workplace through local combined union action were much less successful, foiled not only by overwhelming economic difficulties, but also by a local sense of working-class consciousness which was muted by the particular social and cultural context of Rockhampton.

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梁詠雩 and Wing-yue Trini Leung. "The politics of labour rebellions in China, 1989-1994." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1998. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31237320.

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Siu, Yu Kwan. "Flexible labour movement : case studies of Hong Kong University Campuses as flexible production workplaces /." View abstract or full-text, 2006. http://library.ust.hk/cgi/db/thesis.pl?SOSC%202006%20SIU.

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Gorkoff, Kelly. "The feminization of the labour movement?, women's participation in the Manitoba Government Employees Union." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp05/mq23319.pdf.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Labour Movement'

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