Journal articles: 'Labour internationalism'

1

Rodriguez Garcia, Magaly. "Introduction: Defining Labour Internationalism." Revue belge de philologie et d'histoire 84, no. 4 (2006): 957–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rbph.2006.5055.

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Morgan, Kevin. "Class Cohesion and Trade-Union Internationalism: Fred Bramley, the British TUC, and the Anglo-Russian Advisory Council." International Review of Social History 58, no. 3 (June 20, 2013): 429–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859013000175.

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AbstractA prevailing image of the British trade-union movement is that it was insular and slow-moving. The Anglo-Russian Advisory Council of the mid-1920s is an episode apparently difficult to reconcile with this view. In the absence to date of any fully adequate explanation of its gestation, this article approaches the issue biographically, through the TUC's first full-time secretary, Fred Bramley (1874–1925). Themes emerging strongly from Bramley's longer history as a labour activist are, first, a pronouncedly latitudinarian conception of the Labour movement and, second, a forthright labour internationalism deeply rooted in Bramley's trade-union experience. In combining these commitments in the form of an inclusive trade-union internationalism, Bramley in 1924–1925 had the indispensable support of the TUC chairman, A.A. Purcell who, like him, was a former organizer in the small but militantly internationalist Furnishing Trades’ Association. With Bramley's early death and Purcell's marginalization, the Anglo-Russian Committee was to remain a largely anomalous episode in the interwar history of the TUC.

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Farrell, Frank. "Socialism, Internationalism, and the Australian Labour Movement." Labour / Le Travail 15 (1985): 125. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25140556.

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Lambert, Rob, and Eddie Webster. "Southern Unionism and the New Labour Internationalism." Antipode 33, no. 3 (July 2001): 337–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8330.00188.

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Carr, Barry. "Globalization from below: labour internationalism under NAFTA." International Social Science Journal 51, no. 159 (March 1999): 49–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2451.00176.

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Lambert, Rob. "Free Trade and the New Labour Internationalism." Globalizations 11, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 119–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14747731.2014.860803.

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LAQUA, DANIEL. "Democratic Politics and the League of Nations: The Labour and Socialist International as a Protagonist of Interwar Internationalism." Contemporary European History 24, no. 2 (April 13, 2015): 175–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777315000041.

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AbstractThe Labour and Socialist International (LSI) was a major vehicle for transnational socialist cooperation during the interwar years and thus seemed to continue the traditions of socialist internationalism. In the realm of international relations, however, it championed key tenets of liberal internationalism. The LSI supported the idea of a League of Nations and embraced the notion of a world order based upon democratic nation-states. While it criticised some aspects of the international system, its overall emphasis was on reform rather than revolution. The article sheds light on the wider phenomenon of interwar internationalism by tracing the LSI's relationship with the League of Nations, with the politics of peace more generally and with the competing internationalism of the communists.

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McNeilly, E. "Labour and the Politics of Internationalism, 1906-1914." Twentieth Century British History 20, no. 4 (January 1, 2009): 431–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/tcbh/hwp010.

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Buchanan, T. "The Labour Party, Nationalism and Internationalism, 1939-1951." English Historical Review CXXIII, no. 502 (May 30, 2008): 795–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cen108.

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Hale, Angela. "Beyond the barriers: new forms of labour internationalism." Development in Practice 14, no. 1-2 (February 2004): 158–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0961452032000170721.

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Featherstone, David. "Maritime labour and subaltern geographies of internationalism: Black internationalist seafarers' organising in the interwar period." Political Geography 49 (November 2015): 7–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2015.08.004.

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12

BOYD-BENNETT, HARRIET. "Worker Internationalism, Local Song and the Politics of Urban Space." Journal of the Royal Musical Association 147, no. 2 (November 2022): 571–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rma.2022.26.

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At the height of the strikes and factory occupations that marked Turin’s biennio rosso (‘two red years’, 1919–20) a series of songs circulated among the workers. I will focus on two of these songs – La guardia rossa and Miśeria, miśeria – to listen to the particular stories they tell about the experiences of the city’s labouring classes: the ways in which the songs functioned as vehicles of political expression and solidarity, and as loci of memories of past labour and strife. Both songs survived in the memories of workers and their families long after the biennio rosso, as oral and written testaments to a moment when it seemed that revolution might be possible. The crucial point, however, is that while both were expressions of a local political milieu and neighbourhood-specific, working-class sentiment, they also gestured to a broader network of internationalist solidarity. It is the tensions and convergences between localism and internationalism that I want to explore further – a ‘local internationalism’, perhaps, that prompts us to pay attention to the broader political potential of small-scale communities, as well as to the situatedness of political ideologies during a period often framed in terms of national retrenchment and transnational exchange.60

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Parfitt, Steven. "Brotherhood From a Distance: Americanization and the Internationalism of the Knights of Labor." International Review of Social History 58, no. 3 (June 28, 2013): 463–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859013000187.

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AbstractThe Noble and Holy Order of the Knights of Labor was the largest American labour organization of the nineteenth century. But while scholars have charted its history in North America they have largely failed to explore the Order's history elsewhere, even though the organization also boasted members in Europe, Australasia, and Africa. This article is designed as part of a wider “transnationalization” of American labour history, and analyses the reasons that drove the Order's leaders towards their international growth. The leaders of the Knights of Labor sent organizers around the world not only because of their attachment to the idea of Universal Brotherhood, but also as a way to limit immigration to the United States. This synthesis of seemingly incompatible ideas reflected their desire to “Americanize” the rest of the world, by protecting living standards at home, raising them elsewhere to American standards, and exporting American-style republican institutions abroad.

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14

Gereluk, Winston, and Victor Silverman. "Imagining Internationalism in American and British Labour, 1939-1949." Labour / Le Travail 47 (2001): 249. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25149135.

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15

Rob Lambert. "Eddie Webster, the Durban moment and new labour internationalism." Transformation: Critical Perspectives on Southern Africa 72, no. 1 (2010): 26–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/trn.0.0066.

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16

Milner, Susan. "The International Labour Movement and the Limits of Internationalism: the International Secretariat of National Trade Union Centres, 1901–1913." International Review of Social History 33, no. 1 (April 1988): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000008610.

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SummaryDespite an abundance of literature on the Second International relatively little is known about the work of the International Secretariat of National Trade Union Centres (ISNTUC). Foundect in 1901 by the German and Scandinavian labour leaders, this exclusively trade union International (the forerunner of the post-war International Federation of Trade Unions) included representatives of most of the major labour movements of Europe and the USA. Under German leadership it occupied itself with exclusively trade union issues, a limitation which was contested by revolutionary labour federations. Study of the ISNTUC therefore reveals much about conceptions of internationalism within the internationally organized labour movement.

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Whelehan, Niall. "Sacco and Vanzetti, Mary Donovan and transatlantic radicalism in the 1920s." Irish Historical Studies 44, no. 165 (May 2020): 131–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2020.9.

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AbstractIn 1927 the Italian anarchists Nicola Sacco and Bartolomeo Vanzetti were executed in Boston following a murder trial that was widely denounced for its anti-labour and anti-immigrant bias. From 1921 the campaign to save the two men powerfully mobilised labour internationalism and triggered waves of protests across the world. This article examines the important contributions made by Irish and Irish-American radicals to the Sacco-Vanzetti campaign. Mary Donovan was a leading member of the Sacco-Vanzetti Defense Committee, and a second-generation Irish union organiser and member of Boston's James Connolly Club. In the 1920s she travelled to Ireland twice and appealed to Irish and Irish American labour to support the campaign. At the same time, Donovan and many of the activists considered here held ambiguous personal and political relationships with Ireland. Transnational Irish radicalism in the early-twentieth century is most commonly considered in nationalist terms. Taking a distinctly non-Irish cause – the Sacco-Vanzetti case of 1920–7 – allows us to look from a different perspective at the global Irish Revolution and reveals how radical labour currents reached into Irish and Irish-American circles during the revolutionary era, though the response to the campaign also indicates a receding internationalism in the immediate aftermath of Irish independence.

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Adi, Hakim, and Mario Soares Neto. "Pan-Africanism and Internationalism in 1945: “Labour cannot emancipate itself in the white skin where in the black it is branded”." Revista Direito e Práxis 13, no. 2 (June 2022): 830–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/2179-8966/2020/49493i.

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Abstract This article aims to analyze the relationship between Pan-Africanism and Internationalism, in order to outline the important role played by Pan-African work in 1945, particularly at the founding conferences of the organization World Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU), as well as in other events and in preparations for the Pan African Congress in Manchester. High point of the Pan-African movement, this Congress formulated a unitary policy of anti-imperialist, anti-colonialist and anti-racist struggle. Pan-African labor representatives argued that “Labour cannot emancipate itself in the white skin where in the black it is branded”.

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19

Park, Mi. "Trade Liberalization and Organized Labour in the Asia-Pacific Region: Barriers to Labour Internationalism." Globalizations 11, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 71–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14747731.2014.860799.

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20

Martínez Lucio, Miguel. "Dimensions of internationalism and the politics of the labour movement." Employee Relations 32, no. 6 (October 5, 2010): 538–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/01425451011083618.

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21

Waterman, Peter. "The Forward March of Labour (and Unions?) Recommenced: Reflections on an Emancipatory Labour Internationalism and International Labour Studies1." Antipode 37, no. 2 (March 2005): 208–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0066-4812.2005.00486.x.

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22

COLLINS, SARAH, BARBARA L. KELLY, and LAURA TUNBRIDGE. "Round Table: A ‘Musical League of Nations’? Music Institutions and the Politics of Internationalism between the Wars." Journal of the Royal Musical Association 147, no. 2 (November 2022): 557–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rma.2022.24.

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This round table grew out of two gatherings in 2018–19 that endeavoured to bring musicologists into dialogue with recent revisions in the history of international relations.1 Our specific focus was the interwar period, more often discussed in terms of nationalism – or perhaps at best transnationalism – than within the context of internationalism, a principle that lay behind the foundation of elite governmental organizations such as the League of Nations, the United Nations, the World Health Organization, the International Labour Organization and others. As the historians Glenda Sluga and Patricia Clavin have shown, the construction of objects of global governance by these organizations ran alongside a broader sweep of non-governmental groupings that forwarded the interests of indigenous, working-class, anti-colonialist, anti-slavery and feminist causes.2 What role or roles did music play in these contexts? The case studies that follow illustrate the far-reaching implications of internationalist policies for musical institutions, groups and individuals.

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23

Croucher, Richard, and Lilian Miles. "Ethnicity, popular democratic movements and labour in Malaysia." Economic and Industrial Democracy 39, no. 2 (January 21, 2016): 294–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0143831x15619237.

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This article uses framing theory to examine how activists and trade unions have framed labour’s political agenda in Malaysia. A polity grounded in ethnicity continues to hinder the formation of cross-ethnic collective worker identities and labour politics. However, inclusive popular democratising movements have strengthened in recent years, providing a favourable context for greater emphasis on non-ethnic political action by trade unions. The latter have shifted in this direction, adopting elements of the popular movement’s ‘human rights’ internationalism. Thus, the democratic movement’s frame has influenced that of the trade unions, with implications for framing theory.

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Steffek, Jens, and Leonie Holthaus. "The social-democratic roots of global governance: Welfare internationalism from the 19th century to the United Nations." European Journal of International Relations 24, no. 1 (April 28, 2017): 106–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066117703176.

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Welfare internationalism was and still is one of the most powerful justifications for establishing international organizations. It suggests that public international organizations should cater to the material needs of individuals, rather than solve conflicts among states. In this article, we trace the origins of welfare internationalism, challenging the dominant narrative that depicts it as a projection of the British welfare state or the American New Deal to the globe. We show that welfare internationalism emerged earlier and combined ideational elements of very different origins. Notions of professional colonial administration migrated to the international context and dovetailed with a cosmopolitan interpretation of 19th-century public unions as caretakers of citizen interests. Reform socialist approaches to the social question inspired domestic and international developments simultaneously, leading to the foundation of the International Labour Organization, which became a crucial venue for the promulgation of welfare internationalism. We thus document how international theorists and practitioners of the early 20th century established a new perspective on international affairs, emanating from individuals and their needs. That perspective came to rival the traditional conception of international politics as intergovernmentalism and delivered important building blocks for the (self-)legitimation of the League of Nations and the United Nations.

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25

Leonardi, Salvo, and Mimmo Carrieri. "Populism and trade union internationalism: the case of Italy." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 26, no. 3 (July 10, 2020): 273–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1024258920934329.

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Voting analyses have documented how, behind worldwide successes of populist parties, lies growing support from manual workers, even those who are unionised. This reflects changes in political supply and demand, with manual workers frustrated by high costs they have paid in past years and disenchanted by the political vacuum left by traditionally pro-labour parties that had long given voice to their needs. What role do unions play? Can they still influence the voting of their declining but still more or less substantial membership? What are their narratives and organisational strategies on epochal challenges like immigration and EU integration? How can their sense of solidarity, universalism and labour internationalism cope with the growing fears, chauvinism and nationalism of a significant proportion of the working class? This article examines these questions from the perspective of Italy, using empirical data and qualitative insights on the partial success of union action. We conclude that there remains substantial potential for unions, through appropriate political choices, discursive strategies and socialisation with their members, to stem xenophobic and nationalistic inclinations in the world of work.

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García, Magaly Rodríguez. "Constructing Labour Regionalism in Europe and the Americas, 1920s–1970s." International Review of Social History 58, no. 1 (December 18, 2012): 39–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859012000752.

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AbstractThis article provides an analysis of the construction of labour regionalism between the 1920s and 1970s. By means of a comparative examination of the supranational labour structures in Europe and the Americas prior to World War II and of the decentralized structure of the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU), I attempt to defend the argument that regionalism was a labour leaders' construct that responded to three issues: the quest for power among the largest trade-union organizations within the international trade-union movement; mutual distrust between labour leaders of large, middle-sized, and small unions from different regions; and (real or imaginary) common interests among labour leaders from the same region. These push-and-pull factors led to the construction of regional labour identifications that emphasized “otherness” in the world of international labour. A regional labour identity was intended to supplement, not undermine, national identity. As such, this study fills a lacuna in the scholarly literature on international relations and labour internationalism, which has given only scant attention to the regional level of international labour organization.

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Amin, Samir. "Die Außenansicht der europäischen Linken." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 23, no. 92 (September 1, 1993): 427–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v23i92.1029.

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In the framework of a world-system type of analysis, the perspectives of the European left after the decline of Soviel type socialism are described as a response to the polarization between the Third and the First World: In contrast to the capitalist mode of production in the centre, which operates as a market-based integration of the circulation of capital, of commodities and of labour power, labour in the periphery is blocked. In view of the contradiction between capital accumulation on a world-level and political and social governance on national levels, a socialist strategy should be based on a new internationalism, emphasizing regional alliances whose expansion is coupled to the increase in the unfettered mobility of labour.

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Diane Kirkby and Sean Scalmer. "Social Movements, Internationalism and the Cold War: Perspectives on Labour History." Labour History, no. 111 (2016): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5263/labourhistory.111.0001.

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29

Burgoon, Brian, and Wade Jacoby. "Patch-work solidarity: describing and explaining US and European labour internationalism." Review of International Political Economy 11, no. 5 (October 2004): 849–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0969229042000313055.

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Collette, Christine. "“Friendly Spirit, Comradeship, and Good-Natured Fun”: Adventures in Socialist Internationalism." International Review of Social History 48, no. 2 (August 2003): 225–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859003001020.

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This essay compares and contrasts two British organizations, the Workers' Travel Association (1921–1966) and the British Workers' Sports Association (1930–1957). It considers their motives, their relationships with the labour movement domestically and internationally, and how far they were able to maintain the international activities to which they aspired.

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Chanco, Christopher. "Refugees, Humanitarian Internationalism, and the Jewish Labour Committee of Canada 1945–1952." Canadian Jewish Studies / Études juives canadiennes 30 (April 26, 2021): 12–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/1916-0925.40182.

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This article examines the humanitarian internationalism of the Jewish Labour Committee of Canada (JLC) between 1938 and 1952. Throughout WWII, the JLC sent aid to European resistance movements, and in its aftermath participated in the “garment workers’ schemes,” a series of immigration projects that resettled thousands of displaced persons in Canada. Undertaken independently by the Jewish-Canadian community, with the assistance of trade unions, the projects worked to overcome tight border restrictions and early Cold War realpolitik. In doing so, the JLC united Jewish institutions, trade unionists, social democrats, and anti-fascists across Europe and North America. It also acted in a pivotal moment in the evolution of Canada’s refugee system and domestic attitudes toward racism. As such, the JLC’s history is a microcosm for the shifting nature of relations between Jews, Canada, and the left writ large. Cet article examine l’internationalisme humanitaire du Jewish Labour Committee du Canada (JLC) entre 1938 et 1952. Tout au long de la Deuxième Guerre mondiale, le JLC a envoyé de l’aide aux mouvements de résistance européens et a participé, après l’armistice, aux « garment workers’ schemes », une série de projets d’immigration qui ont permis de réinstaller des milliers de personnes déplacées au Canada. Entrepris indépendamment par la communauté juive canadienne et avec l’aide de syndicats, ces projets ont permis de surmonter les restrictions frontalières et la realpolitik du début de la guerre froide. Ce faisant, le JLC a réuni des institutions juives, des syndicalistes, des sociaux-démocrates et des antifascistes de toute l’Europe et de l’Amérique du Nord. Il a également agi à un moment charnière de l’évolution du système canadien d’octroi de l’asile et des attitudes de la population à l’égard du racisme. En tant que telle, l’histoire du JLC est un microcosme de la nature changeante des relations entre les Juifs, le Canada et la gauche au sens large.

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32

Sylvest, Casper. "Interwar Internationalism, the British Labour Party, and the Historiography of International Relations." International Studies Quarterly 48, no. 2 (June 2004): 409–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0020-8833.2004.00307.x.

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MOSCHONAS, GERASSIMOS. "The Labour Party, Nationalism and Internationalism 1939?1951 by R. M. Douglas." Nations and Nationalism 13, no. 3 (July 2007): 546–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1469-8129.2007.00301_5.x.

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Meren, David. "Safeguarding Settler Colonialism in Geneva: Canada, Indigenous Rights, and ilo Convention No. 107 on the Protection and Integration of Indigenous Peoples (1957)." Canadian Historical Review 102, no. 2 (June 2021): 205–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/chr-2020-0007.

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This article explores the intersecting of liberal internationalism and settler colonialism by tracing the Canadian governmental response to the emergence of International Labour Organisation (ilo) Convention 107 (1957) and Recommendation 104 (1957), the first international treaties regarding the rights of Indigenous Peoples in independent states. Drawing upon the archives of the ilo, Canada’s Department of External Affairs and Department of Citizenship and Immigration, notably the latter’s Indian Affairs Branch, the article investigates the convergence of mid-twentieth-century notions of Indigenous rights and the global phenomenon of “development.” It also explores how, amid anti-colonial resistance, decolonization, and an emerging international human rights regime, settler states responded, not least by seeking to blunt if not defeat the ilo initiative. In addition to yielding greater understanding of the origins and emergence of the ilo instruments, this analysis contributes to critical interrogations of Canadian liberal internationalism by revealing how Canadian settler preoccupations were projected abroad and shaped the international system’s evolving treatment of Indigenous Peoples. It also offers a different perspective on Canadian Indian policy by revealing the “global” dimension of an allegedly “domestic” question. Finally, the article highlights a parallel history of Indigenous internationalism speaking back to a world order constructed on Indigenous displacement and dispossession.

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Edmonds, Daniel, Evan Smith, and Oleska Drachewych. "Editorial: Transnational communism and anti-colonialism." Twentieth Century Communism 18, no. 18 (March 30, 2020): 5–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864320829334807.

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The relationship between international communism, the national communist parties, and anti-colonial political movements is a subject which has drawn heated debates both amongst activists and historians. This professed anti-imperialism attracted new recruits in the non-European world, enabling the organisation to begin to break out of the European and North American strongholds which had been basis of prior social-democratic internationalism. Within the metropoles, racialised outsiders entered party ranks determined to turn the propounded anti-colonial ideals into a political reality. Connections were forged between labour movement activists and anti-colonialists, and between different colonial nationalist campaigners. This issue of Twentieth Century Communism features a selection of papers presented at a symposium at the University of Manchester, UK in November 2018. The symposium considered considered new trends in the history of communist anti-colonialism and internationalism in the twentieth century. 'Within and Against the Metropole' drew together scholars and activists from the US, Europe and the UK.

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Howorth, Jolyon, and Susan Milner. "The Dilemmas of Internationalism: French Syndicalism and the International Labour Movement 1900-1914." Le Mouvement social, no. 171 (April 1995): 100. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3779543.

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Moss, Bernard H., and Susan Milner. "The Dilemmas of Internationalism: French Syndicalism and the International Labour Movement, 1900-1914." American Historical Review 97, no. 3 (June 1992): 860. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2164839.

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Magdahl, Jørgen Eiken, and David Jordhus-Lier. "Labour internationalism and the public sector: The case of the Public Services International." Political Geography 79 (May 2020): 102146. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2020.102146.

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Vincent, K. Steven. "The dilemmas of internationalism: French syndicalism and the international labour movement, 1900–1914." History of European Ideas 17, no. 5 (September 1993): 697–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0191-6599(93)90284-w.

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Merrifield, Andy. "Phantoms and Spectres: Capital and Labour at the Millennium." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 18, no. 1 (February 2000): 15–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/d180015.

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As the financial system tailspins and ‘Asian Flu’ reverberates everywhere and as 950 million people in South-East Asia struggle to get by on less than one dollar a day, Marx's ideas continue to nourish radical critique and action. If anything, his vision is more economically meaningful and more politically viable today than ever before. In this paper I try to bring Marx's insights on the “laws of motion” of modern capitalism to bear on prevailing global political-economic disorder. I discuss, more specifically, his theory of crisis and the dialectics of accumulation and circulation of “real” and “fictitious” capital as sketched out in the Grundrisse and Capital (volumes 1 and 3). I end with an exploration of the famous political prognosis from The Communist Manifesto of mass collective class struggle and the development of a “world literature”, and set all this within the context of a newly emerging workers' internationalism and social-movement unionism.

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Beck, Vanessa, and Paul Brook. "Solidarities In and Through Work in an Age of Extremes." Work, Employment and Society 34, no. 1 (January 23, 2020): 3–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0950017019881566.

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This article introduces a special issue of Work, Employment and Society on solidarities in and through the experience of work in an age of austerity and political polarisation. It commences by discussing the renaissance of studies of solidarity in the workplace – and beyond. Debates on solidarity as a concept are reviewed in relation to moral economy, labour organising-mobilisation, emotional labour and public sociology. Each of the special issue articles assess the value of the solidarity concept under contemporary conditions. Between them they explore solidarity among gig economy delivery riders (Italy and UK), special needs teachers (England), volunteer lifeboat crews (UK and Ireland) and international ‘social factory’ activists. Two articles examine solidarity within organised labour: first, internationalism among dock workers and second, North American police unions’ construction of a divisive ‘blue solidarity’. The article concludes by calling for continued study of different forms of solidarity in and through work, especially among migrants and individualised workers.

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Adi, Hakim, and Mario Soares Neto. "Pan-Africanism and Internationalism in 1945: “Labour cannot emancipate itself in the white skin where in the black it is branded”." Revista Direito e Práxis 13, no. 2 (June 2022): 830–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/2179-8966/2020/49493.

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Resumo O presente artigo pretende analisar a relação entre Pan-Africanismo e Internacionalismo, visando delinear o importante papel desempenhado pelo trabalho Pan-Africano em 1945, particularmente nas conferências fundadoras da organização World Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU) [Federação Sindical Mundial], bem como em outros eventos e nos preparativos para o Congresso Pan-Africano de Manchester. Ponto ápice do movimento Pan-Africano este Congresso formulou uma política unitária de luta anti-imperialista, anti-colonialista e antirracista. Os representantes do trabalho Pan-Africano argumentaram que “o trabalhador de pele branca não pode emancipar-se onde o trabalhador de pele negra é marcado com ferro em brasa”.

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Hannington-Pinto, Daniel. "Australian Transnational Union Solidarity through Union-Building in Timor-Leste." Labour History 116, no. 1 (May 1, 2019): 145–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/jlh.2019.7.

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Australian union support for the development of an organised labour movement in independent Timor-Leste has received scant attention. Looking to address this gap in the literature, this article focuses on the contributions of two individual activists between 2002 and 2003: Didge McDonald, from the Liquor, Hospitality and Miscellaneous Union; and the Maritime Union of Australia’s Michael Killick. Their role in the development of Timorese unions was a crucial counterweight to the exploitation of domestic workers by foreign businesses – a phenomenon expedited by the macroeconomic implications of the broader United Nations state-building mission. Considered through the prism of nation-building at the civil society level, Australian union assistance to Timor-Leste is presented as a valuable example of how cross-border partnerships following the model of New Labour Internationalism can help workers challenge the growing reach of transnational capital.

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Fox-Hodess, Katy. "Building Labour Internationalism ‘from Below’: Lessons from the International Dockworkers Council’s European Working Group." Work, Employment and Society 34, no. 1 (January 23, 2020): 91–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0950017019862969.

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This article considers whether the efficacy of transnational unionism, a strategy for trade union movement revitalisation, might be increased by a second revitalisation strategy: rank-and-file trade union democracy. This question is examined through a study of the International Dockworkers Council (IDC), an exceptional case of institutionalised rank-and-file union democracy at the transnational level. A shadow comparison examines the work of the International Transport Workers Federation, a bureaucratic trade union organisation active in the same sector. The IDC’s structure is found to increase the efficacy of transnational unionism by removing layers of bureaucratic mediation that slow down action, fostering a culture of militant solidarity among participants. Nevertheless, participants noted the heavy personal burdens placed on activists under this model and some difficulties of operating without the assistance of paid professionals. Additionally, differing national legal and political contexts for unionism remain significant barriers to effective internationalism.

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Reader, Luke. "‘An Alternative to Imperialism’: Leonard Woolf, The Labour Party and Imperial Internationalism, 1915–1922." International History Review 41, no. 1 (August 29, 2017): 157–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07075332.2017.1367706.

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Bruce Robinson. "Solidarity across cyberspace: Internet campaigning, labour activism and the remaking of trade union internationalism." Work Organisation, Labour & Globalisation 2, no. 1 (2008): 152. http://dx.doi.org/10.13169/workorgalaboglob.2.1.0152.

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Ghigliani, Pablo. "International Trade Unionism in a Globalizing World: A Case Study of New Labour Internationalism." Economic and Industrial Democracy 26, no. 3 (August 2005): 359–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0143831x05054740.

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Weiss, Holger. "Framing Black Communist Labour Union Activism in the Atlantic World: James W. Ford and the Establishment of the International Trade Union Committee of Negro Workers, 1928–1931." International Review of Social History 64, no. 2 (July 2, 2019): 249–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002085901900035x.

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AbstractThe International Trade Union Committee of Negro Workers (ITUCNW) was a radical trans-Atlantic network for the propagation of black proletarian internationalism, established by the Red International of Labour Unions in 1928. Its key mastermind was James W. Ford, an African American communist labour union activist who was in charge of the organization and its operations until the autumn of 1931. This article critically highlights Ford's ambitions as well as the early phase of the organization. Both in terms of its agenda and objective as well as in its outreach among black workers in the Black Atlantic, the ITUCNW and its main propagators stressed the “class-before-race” argument of the Comintern rather than the pan-Africanist “race-before-class” approach. This is not surprising as the ITUCNW was one of the organizations that had been established when the Comintern and the RILU had started to apply the “class-against-class” doctrine, which left no room for cooperation between communists and radical pan-Africanists.

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Dawson, Andrew. ""Bring Hollywood Home! " Studio Labour, Nationalism and Internationalism, and Opposition to 'Runaway Production', 1948-2003." Revue belge de philologie et d'histoire 84, no. 4 (2006): 1101–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rbph.2006.5062.

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GARNER, JASON. "Separated by an ‘Ideological Chasm’: The Spanish National Labour Confederation and Bolshevik Internationalism, 1917–1922." Contemporary European History 15, no. 3 (July 19, 2006): 293–326. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777306003341.

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This article covers the relationship between the National Labour Confederation of Spain and the Comintern and its union adjunct the Profintern, from the Confederation's initial support for the October Revolution to its subsequent outright rejection of communist politics, with reference to the positions adopted by revolutionary syndicalist movements in other countries. During this period a small number of individuals attempted to tie the Confederation to the Communist International, but failed. The article covers an important period in Spanish labour history, and helps to explain the mistrust that would bedevil the Spanish revolutionary working-class movement until the Civil War. Previous research has presented the battle for control of the CNT as a straightforward battle between anarchists and communists. This was not the case. The pro-communists were a miniscule faction, led by men recently affiliated to the CNT and who had no understanding of the depth of rejection of politics by Confederal militants. They only managed to take control of the national committee by chance. Aware of their weakness they were forced to act in a secretive and often underhand manner. Using material not consulted in previous studies this article shows the extent of their subterfuge and of the opposition this created in the Confederation, as well as demonstrating that the CNT was not the only revolutionary organisation to reject the Bolshevik International.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Labour internationalism'

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