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0, 'Brien Mark. "Labour Internationalism and Revitalization: internationalist practice and strategic union choice." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.485847.
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XHAFA, EDLIRA. "LABOUR INTERNATIONALISM OF PUBLIC SECTOR UNIONS: "OLD" OR "NEW" INTERNATIONALISM?" Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/214237.
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This research focuses on the way national unions of public sector use the international space to cope with the challenges that the globalisation discourse and market-oriented reforms of public services, pose on public services and public sector workers. The analysis and comparative account of the labour internationalism of CUPE and Ver.di show that these reforms represent both a threat and an opportunity to labour internationalism of public sector unions. As a threat, these reforms may push public sector unions to engage in international work in a rather defensive and pragmatic fashion, expressed in “old” forms of labour internationalism. As an opportunity, they may provide the ground for a strategic vision of labour internationalism which aims at building a movement of resistance and alternatives to the neoliberal model of globalisation, expressed in “new” forms of labour internationalism.
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Ryland, Rebecca Amie. "Labour internationalism : an exploration of the grassroots' perspective." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.569164.
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Over recent decades UK trade unions have faced a period of uncertainty due to the ongoing political, economic and cultural shifts in the industrial relations landscape. Many have queried the contemporary role of trade unions arguing they are antiquated and superfluous organisations who have not engaged with new norms that hold that collective organisational principles of solidarity have been replaced by individualised thinking and practice. A variety of strategies have been employed to reverse declines in membership levels and bargaining power but with limited success. The outlook is not entirely bleak however with many turning to what is often referred to as the 'saviour of the labour movement' (Mazur, 2000): a 'new' labour internationalism. Trade unions have a long history of engagement in labour internationalism, however there has been limited investigation into how union initiatives encouraging internationalism and internationalist identifications are received, understood and interpreted at the grassroots, by union members whose subscriptions sustain union activity in the first place. By developing upon a growing expanse of literature within the field of labour geography which seeks to place the politics of labour at the forefront of its analysis, this thesis will explore a case study of UNISON North West, identifying how labour internationalism is understood, expressed and conducted in daily practice. Analyses will be based upon members' personal narratives thus reasserting the importance of worker agency.
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Milner, Susan. "The dilemnas of internationalism : French syndicalism and the international labour movement, 1900-1914 /." New York : Berg, 1990. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37596856b.
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Texte remanié de: Th. Ph. D.--Aston University, 1987. Titre de soutenance : The French Confédération Générale du Travail and the international secretariat of national trade union centres (1900-1914).
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Schmutte, Ian Michael. "International Union Activity: Politics of Scale in the Australian Labour Movement." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/719.
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In recent years, industrial relations scholars have begun to discuss the 'revitalisation strategies' unions are using to rebuild lost density, power, and political leverage. This thesis studies the role international activities play in the revitalisation of Australian unions. Rather than assert the importance of international activity, or emphasise the value of certain forms of international activity, the thesis seeks to understand why unions choose to engage in particular forms of international activity. International activity in Australian unions takes on a remarkable diversity of forms. The analysis of international activity therefore requires a theory that is capable of describing these different forms of international activity and then explaining why they exist. However most scholars have not examined the role of union agency in choosing international activity. Within industrial relations, there is very little existing theory or research on which to base the kind of analysis proposed for the thesis. Most theories are ideologically driven, prescriptive accounts that either promote or challenge particular institutions or ideas about international activity. The problem is that they deal with international activity as an abstract kind of response to universal pressures of globalisation. These kinds of arguments serve well to articulate the need for unions to 'think globally', but are ill suited to the task of the thesis, which is to explain particular forms of international activity in particular unions. The questions about international activity that the thesis intends to answer form a point of connection between industrial relations and the related discipline of labour geography. In making the connections between labour geography theory and the analysis of union international strategy, the thesis argues for labour geography as a political economic foundation for industrial relations in the tradition of Hyman's Marxist theory of industrial relations. This provides a critical theoretical perspective and conceptual vocabulary with which to criticise and extend industrial relations research on international activity. The result is a spatialised theory organised according to topics of interest in industrial relations research that can be applied to the study of Australian international activity. The thesis is evenly divided between developing this theory and research on international activity in the Australian union movement. Empirical analysis begins with a study of the international activities and policy of the ACTU, distinguishing different kinds of international activity. By treating the international activities of the ACTU as representative of the Australian union movement as a whole, the thesis identifies three functional levels of international activity: strategy-sharing, regional solidarity, and global regulation. The chapter also examines the material and discursive construction of the international scale within the ACTU. The thesis also analyses the international activities of three Australian unions,the TWU, LHMU and CFMEU. While all three unions engage in each level of international activity, the review of their activities shows differences in the focus of each union. The thesis suggests that the explanation for these different ratios depends in part on the spatial structure of the industries that the different unions organise. The kind of research undertaken in this thesis has little precedent. The work of the labour geographers on international activity does not deal with union revitalisation strategy, and the research from industrial relations on the strategic aspects of international activity have not latched on to labour geography. This thesis argues that unions scale their activities internationally for particular reasons, some of which are structural and can be specified up front, and others that are historically contingent and can only be explored on a case-by-case basis. In examining this 'politics of scale' the thesis redefines many of the issues in the discussion of international activity and proposes a new conceptual background for industrial relations generally.
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Schmutte, Ian Michael. "International Union Activity: Politics of Scale in the Australian Labour Movement." University of Sydney. Work and Organisation Studies, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/719.
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In recent years, industrial relations scholars have begun to discuss the �revitalisation strategies� unions are using to rebuild lost density, power, and political leverage. This thesis studies the role international activities play in the revitalisation of Australian unions. Rather than assert the importance of international activity, or emphasise the value of certain forms of international activity, the thesis seeks to understand why unions choose to engage in particular forms of international activity. International activity in Australian unions takes on a remarkable diversity of forms. The analysis of international activity therefore requires a theory that is capable of describing these different forms of international activity and then explaining why they exist. However most scholars have not examined the role of union agency in choosing international activity. Within industrial relations, there is very little existing theory or research on which to base the kind of analysis proposed for the thesis. Most theories are ideologically driven, prescriptive accounts that either promote or challenge particular institutions or ideas about international activity. The problem is that they deal with international activity as an abstract kind of response to universal pressures of globalisation. These kinds of arguments serve well to articulate the need for unions to �think globally�, but are ill suited to the task of the thesis, which is to explain particular forms of international activity in particular unions. The questions about international activity that the thesis intends to answer form a point of connection between industrial relations and the related discipline of labour geography. In making the connections between labour geography theory and the analysis of union international strategy, the thesis argues for labour geography as a political economic foundation for industrial relations in the tradition of Hyman�s Marxist theory of industrial relations. This provides a critical theoretical perspective and conceptual vocabulary with which to criticise and extend industrial relations research on international activity. The result is a spatialised theory organised according to topics of interest in industrial relations research that can be applied to the study of Australian international activity. The thesis is evenly divided between developing this theory and research on international activity in the Australian union movement. Empirical analysis begins with a study of the international activities and policy of the ACTU, distinguishing different kinds of international activity. By treating the international activities of theACTU as representative of the Australian union movement as a whole, the thesis identifies three functional levels of international activity: strategy-sharing, regional solidarity, and global regulation. The chapter also examines the material and discursive construction of the international scale within the ACTU. The thesis also analyses the international activities of three Australian unions,the TWU, LHMU and CFMEU. While all three unions engage in each level of international activity, the review of their activities shows differences in the focus of each union. The thesis suggests that the explanation for these different ratios depends in part on the spatial structure of the industries that the different unions organise. The kind of research undertaken in this thesis has little precedent. The work of the labour geographers on international activity does not deal with union revitalisation strategy, and the research from industrial relations on the strategic aspects of international activity have not latched on to labour geography. This thesis argues that unions scale their activities internationally for particular reasons, some of which are structural and can be specified up front, and others that are historically contingent and can only be explored on a case-by-case basis. In examining this �politics of scale� the thesis redefines many of the issues in the discussion of international activity and proposes a new conceptual background for industrial relations generally.
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Ross, Alexander Chloe. "James Connolly and the internationalism of the Scottish and Irish labour movements (1880-1916)." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2013. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=210752.
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Minion, Mark. "From a 'subtle magnet' to the Schuman Plan : The Labour Party and Europe, 1945-50." Thesis, London South Bank University, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.481525.
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Sweeney, Sean. "Labour imperialism or democratic internationalism? : U.S. trade unions and the conflict in El Salvador and Nicaragua, 1981-1989." Thesis, University of Bath, 1990. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.317349.
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Karambakhsh, Pooya. "Transnational Australia." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/20744.
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This thesis considers labour internationalism in relation to and from the vantage point of Australia’s retail workers. Labour internationalism has long been an ambition of the left, which has yet to be realised. One reason might be a lack of strong connection between workers. This thesis considers claims that the contemporary transnationalisation of production transforms the potential for labour internationalism. The thesis also questions whether workers actually benefit from internationalism. If transnational connections fail to improve workers’ material conditions, empathy alone cannot engender genuine solidarity. Informed by an evaluation of these general debates, the scope of the inquiry is narrowed-down and focused on the Australian retail trade. The generalisability of the findings might be limited because the characteristics of the Australian retail industry differ from other Australian industries or retail industries in other countries. Nevertheless, the results of this study highlight some trends and features of the current political-economic system that are experienced by many other workers. This research finds that the power of Australian retail workers in direct conflict with employers is quite limited. Their marketplace structural power is insignificant, and thus, they cannot easily withdraw from the labour market as a bargaining tactic. However, that retail workers have significant coalitional and workplace structural powers in the national and global contexts. Using these powers, they can even enhance their limited institutional power. By involving other, predominantly working-class, actors, not only can retail workers win current conflicts but also reform the way future conflicts are conceived and fought. In short, the results of this study reemphasise the critical role of class struggle and labour internationalism in improving the conditions of Australia’s retail workers.
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Hodkinson, Stuart Nigel. "Is there a new trade union internationalism? : the ICFTU and the campaign for core labour standards in the WTO." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.418940.
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Biyanwila, Janaka. "Trade unions in Sri Lanka under globalisation : reinventing worker solidarity." University of Western Australia. Faculty of Economics and Commerce, 2004. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2004.0045.
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This study examines trade union resistance to the post 1977 Export Oriented Industrialisation (EOI) strategies in Sri Lanka, and the possibilities of developing new strategic options. In contrast to perspectives that narrow unions to political economic dimensions, this study emphasises the cultural and the movement dimensions of unions. The purpose of the study is to understand the ways unions can regain their role as civil society actors on the basis of building worker solidarity. The study is divided into two main parts. The first part focuses on the features and tendencies of social movement unionism as advancing new possibilities towards revitalising unions. Under globalisation, unions are faced with an increasingly casualised labour force with more women absorbed as wage workers. The promotion of labour market deregulation and privatisation, endorsed by neo-liberal ideologies of competitive individualism, illustrates the narrowing of unions to the workplace while undermining worker solidarity. The first part of this research describes the impact of :neo-liberal globalisation on trade unions; conceptualisation of and resistance to globalisation; the essence of trade unions; social movement unionism and labour internationalism. According to social movement unionism perspectives, party independent union strategies, based on elements of internal democracy and structured alliances open the possibility of emphasising the movement dimension of unions. The second part explains the context of unions in Sri Lanka, focusing on three unions - the Nurses, Tea Plantation workers, and Free Trade Zone workers. In terms of the structural context, Sri Lankan unions faced a multi-faceted weakening under the post-1977 EOI policies. The assertion of an authoritarian state, promoting interests of capital, enhanced the fragmentation of unions along party differences that were further compounded by divisions along ethnic identity politics. Moreover, the increasing militarisation of the state, which maintains a protracted ethnic war, reinforced coercive state strategies restraining union resistance and shrinking the realm of civil society. In confronting state strategies of labour market deregulation and privatisation, the enduring party subordinated unions are increasingly inadequate. In contrast, the three unions in this study express forms of party-independent union strategies. By analysing their modes of resistance related to the articulation of worker interests, their organisational modes, and their engagement in representative and movement politics the study explores the possibility of developing a social movement unionism orientation in order to regain their role as civil society actors
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Milner, S. E. "The French Confederation Generale du Travail and the International Secretariat of National Trade Union Centres (1900-1914) : French syndicalist attitudes towards internationalism and the International Labour Movement." Thesis, Aston University, 1987. http://publications.aston.ac.uk/10269/.
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This thesis examines relations between the French Confederation Generale du Travail (CGT) and the labour movements of other countries in the years leading up to the First World War. The aim of the study is to examine the CGT's policy of internationalism in practice, both in relations with other labour movements and in its membership of the International Secretariat of National Trade Union Centres (between 1900 and 1914). In particular, the relationship between the French and German labour movements is explored in the light of the events of August 1914. This study shows that the relationship was a reflection of the respective positions of the French and German labour movements in the international movement. It also subjects to close scrutiny the assumption, widely made before 1914, that workers had more in common with each other than with the ruling classes of their own country, by analysing the extent of, and the reasons for internationalism and international cooperation in the labour movement. As a study of the International Secretariat of National Trade Union Centres, an organisation about which very little has previously been written, this thesis complements existing work on the international labour movement prior to 1914. It also provides new insights into the French CGT by concentrating on the fundamental areas of internationalism and opposition to war, and offers fresh contributions to the continuing debate on the international labour movement and its response to the outbreak of war.
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Sjölander, Jonas. "Solidaritetens omvägar. : (LM) Ericsson, svenska Metall och Ericssonarbetarna i Colombia 1973-1993." Doctoral thesis, Växjö universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-528.
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This study deals with the historical compromise between Labour and Capital—the so-called “Swedish model”—and the abandonment of this compromise in connection with the third industrial revolution. The focus of the study lies in the transformations in working life and labour internationalism from 1973 to 1993. The strategies of the trade union regarding the protection of workers’ rights at local, national and international levels are of particular interest. The relations between the Company Union Group at LM Ericsson, the Swedish Metalworkers’ Federation and the local union at Ericsson’s work premises in Colombia (Sintraericsson) are examined in depth. The research is conducted through archive studies and interviews according to oral history theories. The theoretical perspectives in the dissertation are mainly inspired by postcolonial and materialist world system theories. The examined relations took place in a time that from the point of view of the trade union was characterized by uncertainty and anxiety about the future. The visible effects of the technological and industrial processes of transformation in Sweden as well as in Colombia had increased, and one of the main manifestations of the changes was the decreasing demand of manual labour. The introduction of the electronic AXE-system at LM Ericsson industries constituted a significant pass toward increasingly minimized and decreasing labour-intensive telecommunication systems. In Colombia, the local management took advantage of both the political unrest and instability and the absence of functional legislation praxis of work in order to set back and, finally, repudiate Sintraericsson. Many obstacles were mounted impeding the realization of collected and vigorous international labour actions which, had these been successful, would have constituted a response to the union-hostile actions initiated by the company. The Swedish Metalworkers’ Federation and the Company Union Group at LM Ericsson in Sweden were faced with several strategical and ideological issues resulting in their support of Sintraericsson appearing as obligatory or even absent. The study further shows that LM Ericsson as a company had advantages when compared with the Labour Organizations in Sweden and Colombia. The company early established business connections in Colombia and had knowledge about, and was an active part of, the Colombian society. The company was not driven by moral principles though it on the one hand could point at Colombian laws and norms, and on the other hand at overreaching economical “laws” when it came to motivating the politics vis-à-vis the employees, the local union and the frequent dismissals of union activists at Ericsson de Colombia.
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Kaufmann, Christine. "Globalisation and labour rights : the conflict between core labour rights and international economic law /." Oxford [u.a.] : Hart, 2007. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/fy0709/2007273640.html.
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Tougas, Ramona. "Performing Work: Internationalism and Theatre of Fact Between the U.S.A. and the U.S.S.R." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/20525.
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Title: Performing Work: Internationalism and Theatre of Fact between the U.S.A. and the U.S.S.R.
Theatre’s public, and yet intimate emotional ability to demarcate extraordinary occurrences and provoke communal escalation make it useful for internationalist organizing. “Performing Work: Internationalism and Theatre of Fact between the U.S. and the U.S.S.R.,” traces 1920s and 1930s leftist theatre through transnational circuits of political and aesthetic dialogue. I argue that these plays form a shared lexicon in response to regional economic and political challenges. Sergei Tretiakov’s Rychi, Kitai/Roar, China! (1926); Hallie Flanagan and Margaret Ellen Clifford’s Can You Hear Their Voices? (1931); Langston Hughes’s Scottsboro Limited (1931); and Hughes, Ella Winter, and Ann Hawkins’s Harvest (1933-34) constitute the dissertation’s primary texts. “Performing Work” begins by reading the Soviet play Roar, China! as a work of theatre of fact which performs conflicted internationalisms in plot, and in its politicized production history. The middle chapters track revisions to Soviet factography and internationalism by three American plays in light of the Depression, racism, feminism, and labor disputes. The study considers the reception of Russian and English translations, as well as figurative translations across cultural contexts. Performance theory and literary history support this analysis of dramatic forms—embodied, temporal, and textual. I narrow my study to four plays from the United States and Soviet Union to argue for the tangible impact of ephemeral contact and performance in order to resist polarizing simplification of relationships between these two countries. The three central figures of this study, Sergei Mikhailovich Tretiakov (1892-1937), Hallie Flanagan (1890-1969), and Langston Hughes (1909-1967) each had either direct or indirect contact with one another and with each other’s theatrical work. This study is primarily concerned with the transnational circulation of politically significant dramatic form and only secondarily occupied with verifying direct influence from one author to another. The four plays participate in transnational dialogue on working conditions, cultural imperialism, racist legal systems, and gender inequality.
This dissertation includes previously published material.10000-01-01
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Beaumier, Jean-François. "L'application extraterritoriale des lois nationales incorporant des normes internationales du travail." Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=80910.
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Globalization has favoured a new type of business: Multinational Enterprises (MNE). MNE distinguish themselves from national businesses in the sense that they continue to be governed, in their relationship with their employees, by the national law where they operate. This contradictory dualism is the source of great tensions and uncertainties with regard to the future of national and international labour law standards. In a first part of this thesis, we study the International Labour Organization (ILO), which is the international body competent to adopt international standards and apply them. In the second part, we examine the phenomenon of national labour laws extraterritoriality and its manifestation in some jurisdictions. Finally, we explore the justifications put forward for the extraterritorial application of national laws, in particular when these national laws incorporate "fundamental" international labour standards.
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Humbert, Franziska. "The challenge of child labour in international law /." Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 2009. http://opac.nebis.ch/cgi-bin/showAbstract.pl?u20=9780521764902.
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Caldwell, Marc Anthony. "Struggle in discourse the International's discourse against racism in the labour-movement in South Africa (1915-1919)." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002872.
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The International, as the weekly newspaper of the International Socialist League, articulated from 1915 to 1919 an ideology which stood opposed both to organised labour and nationalist movements in South Africa. This situation reflected significant historical struggles during this period, which constitutes essential background to the discourse of the International. The International's writers opposed the institution of trade unionism in the labour movement because it was fragmented on the lines of skill and race. They opposed both the National Party and the South African Native National Congress because they advocated racial (and national) rather than working class interests. Instead, these writers, according to their international socialist paradigm, advocated a working class united irrespective of race and skill at the level of industry. To analyse these ideological positions, discourse analysis provides a fruitful method for locating its dynamics in relation to other positions and extra-ideological (contextual) practices: The International's writers g~nerated a socialist position against racism by engaging in an ideological struggle in discourse. They articulated their anti-racist position from international socialism's critique of the 'languages' of both militarism and trade unionism in the discourse of labour. Within the discourse of militarism, the working class was signified as divided between hostile nations. These writers applied this as a metaphor to the division of the local labour movement and criticised the latter accordingly. In their view, just as workers were divided between the nations (nationalism), so they were divided within the nation (racism) in South Africa. One context cohered with the other, and both agreed with imperatives of international capitalism. This was fundamentally opposed to the principles of international socialism which characterised the International's discourse. Within the dominant discourse oflabour, workers were signified as divided between different trade unions on the basis of skills. Furthermore, in the South African context, trade unions organised only white workers, and ignored the far larger proportion of black labour. In this context, the International advocated industrial unionism, and criticised the narrow base of the white trade unions for fragmenting and weakening the working class in South African. The International's writers were thus led by the discourse of international socialism to a new discourse, whereby not white workers alone, but a racially-united working class movement would be the key to a socialist future in South Africa. Their struggle entailed a bid in and over discourse to rearticulate the sign of the 'native worker' within their own discourse as the dominant discourse type. Underpinning their struggle was a fundamental opposition to capitalist class relations.
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Ahmad, Muhammad Farooq. "Institutions et les fusions et acquisitions internationales." Thesis, Lille 2, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016LIL20003/document.
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Quels sont les effets des institutions du marché du travail et de la culture nationale sur l’activité en matière de fusions et acquisitions ? Cette thèse propose d’apporter des réponses à cette question tout au long de trois chapitres. Le premier chapitre s’intéresse aux effets des institutions du marché du travail, sous l’angle de la négociation collective, sur ces opérations. Il met en évidence que les fusions et acquisitions augmentent en nombre avec la force des syndicats et la capacité de négociation des employés des pays. La négociation collectiveaccroît l’activité en fusions et acquisitions parce que les acquéreurs potentiels peuvent retirer des gains d’opportunité plus élevés en s’appropriant les montants des « rentes » accaparées par les employés. Les chapitres deux et trois étudient comment les cultures nationales affectent les résultats des opérations de fusion et acquisition. Ils montrent que les firmes de pays fortement « orientés vers la quête de résultats » ont moins tendance à réaliser des fusions transfrontalières, à mener à terme les négociations annoncées et à devenir cibles. Quand ces opérations ont lieu, les cibles connaissent des rendements anormaux cumulés élevés à l’annonce de l’opération. Les firmes appartenant à des pays « orientés vers la tradition » ont moins tendance aussi à réaliser des fusions transfrontalières, à mener à terme les négociations annoncées et à devenir cibles. Quand ces opérations ont lieu, les cibles connaissent des rendements anormaux cumulés plus faibles à l’annonce de l’opération. Les firmes appartenant à des pays « orientés vers les personnes » ont plus tendance à réaliser des fusions transfrontalières et à mener à terme les négociations annoncéesWhat are the effects of labor market institutions and national culture on mergers and acquisitions activity? The thesis proceeds in answering this question along three chapters. The first chapter investigates the effects labor market institutions defined as collective bargaining on mergers and acquisitions (M&A) activity. It provides evidence that M&A activity increases in countries with strength of labor unions and high bargaining coverage. Collective bargaining increase M&A activity because potential acquirers have greater gains opportunities sourced from reappropriation of employee ‘rents’. Second and third chapters explore effects of national culture on different M&A outcomes. They show that firms from result-oriented countries are less likely to make cross-cultural acquisitions, to complete announced deals, to become targets, and target firms experience higher CAR around announcement date. Firms from people-oriented countries are less likely to make crosscultural acquisitions, to complete deals and are more likely to become targets and target firms experience lower CAR. Firms from people oriented countries are more likely to make crossculturalacquisitions and complete announced deals
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Keida, Mark Stephen. "Globalizing Solidarity: Explaining Differences in U.S Labor Union Transnationalism." Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1164963096.
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Warner, Jonathan David. ""If anything else remains, let that also be for the negro"| Race, politics, labor, and the rise and fall of West Indian Black internationalism, 1914-1945." Thesis, Indiana University, 2017. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10248220.
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This dissertation examines how West Indians utilized the conception of black internationalism—the idea that blacks across the world were part larger global community regardless of country of origin—to inform and give meaning to their struggles in Panama. West Indians were active participants in Marcus Garvey's international Pan-African organization, the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA), and joined it in droves. Through participation in the UNIA and a strong belief in Garveyism, West Indians started schools and opened businesses to support the community, all the while envisioning themselves as part of a worldwide community of blacks. The dissertation also discusses how in the 1930s and 1940s black internationalism lost sway among West Indians due to shifting social and political contexts. As second generation West Indians—those born in Panama—came of age, they no longer embraced black internationalism. Second generation West Indians (or criollos) sought to integrate into Panamanian society by embracing Spanish and participating in national politics. The main tenets of black internationalism failed to resonant among criollos, who had a more internal and national focus than their parents. Still, race played a large role in criollo efforts to become part of Panamanian society. Criollos embraced their racial heritage and fought for consideration as both Panamanian and black.
This dissertation also offers the most in-depth look at the West Indian community in Panama to date, and foregrounds their history within the overall history of Panama. West Indians had a major influence on Panamanian history, most notably during the 1930s and 1940s when racist, anti-West Indian political parties and politicians rose to prominence. These politicians, most prominently Arnulfo Arias, pledged to expel West Indians from Panama. This dissertation offers a thorough overview of Panamanian history from 1920 to the 1940s, but it does so using the experience of West Indians as the jumping off point.
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Louis, Marieke. "La représentativité : une valeur pratique pour les organisations internationales : le cas de l'Organisation internationale du travail de 1919 à nos jours." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014IEPP0044.
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Depuis ces vingt dernières années, la représentativité des organisations internationales est au cœur du débat politique sur la réforme des institutions de la gouvernance mondiale. Considérée comme un enjeu clé de leur légitimité, la représentativité apparaît à la fois comme une qualité liée au fait de « bien représenter » mais aussi comme un objet dont se saisissent les institutions pour permettre à certains acteurs d’en représenter d’autres. À partir d’une recherche menée dans le cadre de l’Organisation internationale du travail (OIT) sur une période s’étendant de 1919 à 2014, nous proposons de recourir à la notion de « valeur pratique » pour aborder cette notion polysémique et ambivalente qu’est la représentativité dans le cadre d’une organisation internationale à la fois particulière et emblématique des enjeux soulevés aujourd’hui par le problème de la représentativité. Créée en 1919, l’OIT est en effet, à la différence de toutes les autres organisations internationales du système des Nations unies et de Bretton Woods, la seule à être composée non seulement des représentants des gouvernements mais aussi des représentants des organisations syndicales de travailleurs et d’employeurs (représentation tripartite). L’OIT constitue donc un cas particulièrement intéressant pour étudier la représentativité sur le long terme à la fois au niveau des États et des acteurs non étatiques. Sur le plan méthodologique, nous défendons l’intérêt d’une démarche socio-historique qui accorde une place importante aux représentations des acteurs, sans pour autant faire l’économie de l’analyse des pratiques de représentation objectivables à travers le tempsIn the past two decades, the representativeness of international organisations has been at the heart of political debates on the reform of world governance institutions. Representativeness is key to the legitimacy of international organizations. It entails the fact of "representing well" but also constitutes a tool which the institutions use in order to make certain actors represent others. Building on empirical research on the International Labour Organisation (ILO) from 1919 to 2014, this work develops the concept of "practical value" to address the polysemous and ambivalent notion of representativeness. The case of the ILO is both particular and emblematic of the problems that representativeness poses today. Indeed, unlike the United Nations or Bretton Woods systems, the ILO, created in 1919, is the sole international organisation composed of government representatives and representatives from workers’ and employers’ unions (tripartite representation). Hence, the ILO is a particularly interesting case to study representativeness over the long term at the level of states and non-state actors. Methodologically, this work defends a socio-historical approach that gives a central place to actors’ conceptions about representativeness, while also analysing the way representational practices are objectivised through time
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Abraham, Judson Charles. "Populist Just Transitions." Diss., Virginia Tech, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/104394.
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This dissertation argues that the just transition policy framework may not vivify labor internationalism or erode support for right-wing populists if just transitions are not part of left-wing populist projects. Labor internationalism, which involves labor unions cooperating across borders to pursue common goals, is increasingly important as unions strive to work with their foreign counterparts to influence the international community's urgent efforts to address climate change. Right-wing populism is a growing threat to organized labor and climate protection efforts. Some labor activists hope that advocacy for the just transition policy framework, a set of guidelines for compensating workers in polluting industries who are laid-off as a result of environmental protections, will unite labor organizations from around the world and improve their approaches to international solidarity. Progressives hope that just transition policies will discourage voters from supporting right-wing populist candidates, who are often climate skeptics, out of fear of the job losses that accompany environmentalist reforms. However, I question the assumption that just transition policies, in and of themselves, can serve as solutions to the challenges posed by right-wing populism or overcome divisions within the global labor movement. It is possible for economic nationalism at the expense of global solidarity to continue and for right-wing populists to maintain support in decarbonizing areas where policy makers have indemnified laid-off fossil fuel workers.
Integrating just transition policies into left-wing populist politics could potentially make just transitions more useful for countering the far-right and promoting labor internationalism. This dissertation looks to the political theorist Antonio Gramsci's thoughts regarding the "national popular," which Gramsci's readers often associate with left-wing populism. The national popular entails intellectuals from different fields (such as the academy, journalism, and manufacturing) coming together to modernize patriotism and strip it of chauvinistic nationalism. I point out that the original proposals for just transitions prioritized providing free higher education for the workers laid-off from polluting industries. The just transition framework's stress on higher education has populistic implications. Educators, particularly members of teachers' unions, may practice populism throughout the implementation of a just transition for laid-off coal workers by encouraging the displaced workers to cooperate with knowledge workers to rethink nationalism. If workers displaced from polluting industries rethink nationalism in university settings while maintaining their connections to the labor movement, then these workers may in turn reject far-right politicians and discourage organized labor from supporting trade nationalism.Doctor of Philosophy
This dissertation argues that the just transition policy framework may not vivify labor internationalism or erode support for right-wing populists if just transitions are not part of left-wing populist projects. Labor internationalism, which involves labor unions cooperating across borders to pursue common goals, is increasingly important as unions strive to work with their foreign counterparts to influence the international community's urgent efforts to address climate change. Right-wing populism is a growing threat to organized labor and climate protection efforts. Some labor activists hope that advocacy for the just transition policy framework, a set of guidelines for compensating workers in polluting industries who are laid-off as a result of environmental protections, will unite labor organizations from around the world and improve their approaches to international solidarity. Progressives hope that just transition policies will discourage voters from supporting right-wing populist candidates, who are often climate skeptics, out of fear of the job losses that accompany environmentalist reforms. However, I question the assumption that just transition policies, in and of themselves, can serve as solutions to the challenges posed by right-wing populism or overcome divisions within the global labor movement. It is possible for economic nationalism at the expense of global solidarity to continue and for right-wing populists to maintain support in decarbonizing areas where policy makers have indemnified laid-off fossil fuel workers. Integrating just transition policies into left-wing populist politics could potentially make just transitions more useful for countering the far-right and promoting labor internationalism. This dissertation looks to the political theorist Antonio Gramsci's thoughts regarding the "national popular," which Gramsci's readers often associate with left-wing populism. The national popular entails intellectuals from different fields (such as the academy, journalism, and manufacturing) coming together to modernize patriotism and strip it of chauvinistic nationalism. I point out that the original proposals for just transitions prioritized providing free higher education for the workers laid-off from polluting industries. The just transition framework's stress on higher education has populistic implications. Educators, particularly members of teachers' unions, may practice populism throughout the implementation of a just transition for laid-off coal workers by encouraging the displaced workers to cooperate with knowledge workers to rethink nationalism. If workers displaced from polluting industries rethink nationalism in university settings while maintaining their connections to the labor movement, then these workers may in turn reject far-right politicians and discourage organized labor from supporting trade nationalism.
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Ramos, Sergio Motejunas. "A economia política e os contratos coletivos de trabalho nos EUA, México e Brasil: aspectos comparativos." Universidade de São Paulo, 2008. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8137/tde-11092008-161454/.
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A presente pesquisa pretende ser útil nos esclarecimentos da maneira pela qual a experiência advinda do processo de industrialização na Inglaterra, e aperfeiçoada pelos estadunidenses, denominada contrato coletivo de trabalho, poderia servir de parâmetro para o Brasil e México, em termos da contribuição que este instrumento tem dado ao bem-estar social dos trabalhadores. As relações históricas de trabalho no contexto da economia política e na contemporaneidade destes relacionamentos com blocos econômicos diversos são analisadas, bem como as implicações para as relações de trabalho, em especial para os contratos coletivos. As análises feitas visam contribuir para uma melhor compreensão histórica do conflito do capital versus trabalho para elucidar a maneira pela qual seria conveniente atentar para uma melhor compreensão do equilíbrio necessário para valorizar estas relações. Propõe analisar a situação econômica básica versus o processo político e a dinâmica do relacionamento das classes sociais trabalhadoras tendo em vista a influência da doutrina monetarista-liberal de Milton Friedman, chamada de neoliberal, incluindo-se aspectos do peso secundário que a América Latina tem no cenário estratégico dos grandes países capitalistas, por isso as análises foram realizadas tendo em vista preliminarmente uma distinção metodológica fundamental entre direito objetivo e direito não objetivado para que se compreendesse sob a luz dessa distinção as influências recíprocas da economia e da política sobre o homem no horizonte das indefinições da práxis social. Procurou-se, também, o espírito da investigação histórico-estrutural, imiscuir-se nas influências externas comuns, questionando as facetas do internacionalismo trabalhista e suas ramificações, e a maneira como se desenvolveram comparativamente.The present study should be of interest for the understanding how the experience of labor collective bargain contract, allowed by the industrialization process in England and improved by the North Americans, should be used as parameter for Brazil and Mexico, in terms of the contribution that this instrument has been giving to the workers\' social welfare. It analyzes also the history of the political economy and its contemporariness and the relationships with several capitalist blocks and the implications for the collective bargain contracts. It seeks for a best understanding the conflicts between capital versus labor, trying to elucidate the way should be better to comprehend the necessity of equilibrium, to promote the best value to the workers. It analyzes moroever the basic economy status versus the political process and the dynamics of the relationship of the working classes, considering the influence of the monetarist-liberal doctrine of Milton Friedman, called as neoliberal, included aspects of the secondary influence that Latin America has in the great capitalists\' strategic scenery. The analyses were done in terms of the fundamental methodological distinction between the objective law and nonobjectified law as a way to comprehend, under the focus of this distinction, the reciprocal influences from economics and politics concerning the man in the indefinite horizon of social praxis. The spirit of the historical-structural investigations also attempts for a critical look of the external influences, questioning about labor internationalism faces and their ramifications that has been developed comparatively
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Dubin, Laurence. "La protection des normes sociales dans les échanges internationaux /." Aix-en-Provence : Presses Univ. d'Aix-Marseille, 2003. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sbb-berlin/470253444.pdf.
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Cholewinski, Ryszard. "Migrant workers in international human rights law : their protection in countries of employment /." Oxford : Clarendon Press, 1997. http://www.gbv.de/dms/spk/sbb/recht/toc/279985177.pdf.
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Tapsoba, Elsa Eléonore Marie Christiane. "Les potentialités et voies d'interaction positives entre intégration économique et réception des normes internationales du travail dans l'espace UEMOA." Thesis, Bordeaux, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019BORD0323.
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L’intégration des États est une question d’actualité dont les contours et contenus sont ignorés des peuples africains et insuffisamment appréhendés par les juristes. Les États Africains ont créé au sortir des indépendances des organisations continentales, régionales et sous régionales à but essentiellement économique. Toutefois si l’intégration économique est avant tout prônée, la dimension sociale n’est pas totalement absente. Ainsi on constate au sein de ces organisations et surtout au sein de l’UEMOA, une potentielle évolution de la conception de l’intégration. La présente thèse identifie deux situations d’une potentielle influence de l’intégration économique sur la réception des normes internationales du travail et réciproquement. D’une part l’intégration économique a un effet limité sur la réception des normes internationales du travail au sein des États membres de l’UEMOA. La question des normes internationales du travail est largement marginalisée même s’il est indéniable que l’union constitue une opportunité pour une meilleure réception. D’autre part, les normes internationales du travail s’ils sont bien reçues peuvent améliorer l’intégration économique. Mêmes si les organisations restent dépendantes de leurs objectifs initiaux, certaines normes internationales du travail peuvent être considérées comme piliers de l’intégration économiqueThe integration of States is a topical question whose outlines and contents are ignored by the African peoples and insufficiently understood by the lawyers. At the end of the independences, African Countries have created continental, regional and sub regional organizations with essentially an economic purpose. However, if the economic integration is advocated above all, the social dimension is not entirely absent. Thus, within these organizations and especially within the WAEMU, we notice a potential evolution of the conception of integration. The present thesis identifies two situations of a potential influence of economic integration on the reception of the international labor standards and reciprocally. Firstly, economic integration has a limited effect on the reception of international labor standards within the member states of WAEMU. The question of the international labor standards is widely marginalized even if it is undeniable that the union provides an opportunity for a better reception. On the other hand, the international labor standards if well received, can improve economic integration. Even if organizations remain dependent on their initial objectives, some international labor standards can be considered as the pillars of economic integration
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Fontana, Yann. "La Chine et l’Inde dans les négociations internationales sur le climat : une analyse comparée à partir de facteurs environnementaux, énergétiques et économiques." Thesis, Université Grenoble Alpes (ComUE), 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019GREAE006.
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La Chine et l’Inde sont deux pays en développement qui possèdent une capacité d’influence significative sur les processus internationaux, en particulier celui mis en place pour gérer le problème d’action collective constitué par le changement climatique. Étant donnée cette capacité d’influence, cette thèse s’interroge sur la formation des positions de ces deux pays au sein des négociations internationales sur le combat contre le changement climatique. Elle examine pour cela des facteurs nationaux appartenant à trois types (environnementaux, énergétiques et économiques), afin d’établir lesquels apparaissent comme les plus déterminants dans l’évolution de ces positions, depuis la création de la CCNUCC en 1992 jusqu’à l’adoption de l’Accord de Paris en 2015. Cet examen est réalisé en mobilisant une approche comparative, inscrite dans un cadre général d’Economie Politique Internationale. Il permet de mettre en avant le caractère défensif des positions des deux pays jusqu’en 2009, avant qu’une divergence n’apparaisse, la Chine cherchant à adopter une forme de leadership directionnel. Par l’application d’un triangle d’incompatibilité des secteurs d’activité entre faible intensité carbone, gains de productivité sociale importants et création massive d’emplois, la thèse montre que ces évolutions apparaissent cohérentes avec une domination des facteurs économiques, notamment de l’absorption du surplus de travail agricole, dans la formation des positions de négociation. Ces facteurs économiques conditionnent le degré possible de prise en compte des facteurs environnementaux et énergétiquesChina and India are two developing countries with the capacity to significantly affect international processes. This includes the process that manages the collective action problem posed by climate change. Given this capacity, this thesis studies the formation of Indian and Chinese positions in international climate negotiations. Three types of national factors (environmental, energy and economic) are considered, in order to determine which ones play the most decisive role in the evolution of these negotiating position, from the creation of UNFCCC in 1992 to the adoption of the Paris Agreement in 2015. This study is done using a comparative approach, within a broad International Political Economy analytical framework. It shows that both countries held defensive positions until 2009, after which a divergence can be observed, with China attempting to adopt a form of directional leadership. Using an incompatibility triangle of economic sectors between low carbon intensity, high social productivity gains and massive job creation, the thesis shows that the evolution of positions is coherent with a domination of economic factors, particularly the absorption of surplus labor, in the formation of negotiating positions. These economic factors determine how much environmental and energy factors can affect position formation
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Ruşitoru, Mihaela-Viorica. "L’éducation tout au long de la vie et le développement intégral de la personne à l’ère de la globalisation : au carrefour des politiques internationales, européennes et nationales." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013STRAG033.
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Cette thèse approfondit le concept d’éducation tout au long de la vie ainsi que le développement intégral de la personne à l’ère de la globalisation. Pourquoi s’interroger sur cette question évidente mais vitale de nos jours face aux mutations sociétales ? Premièrement, il s’agit de confronter les différentes politiques éducatives menées par les grandes organisations internationales (UNESCO, OIT, OCDE, Conseil de l’Europe), l’Union européenne et la Roumanie, à titre d’exemple d’application des réformes au niveau national. Deuxièmement, l’étude est basée scientifiquement sur de nombreuses et longues enquêtes sur le terrain, auprès de hauts fonctionnaires internationaux et européens et de responsables nationaux. Cette étude montre que l’éducation tout au long de la vie est une réalité incontournable : même en l’absence d’une définition unique et unifiée du concept au niveau international. L’Union européenne tend vers une politique commune d’éducation et les politiques éducatives en Roumanie se heurtent à des difficultés liées à l’instabilité politico-économique et au conformisme européenThis PhD proposes an analysis of lifelong learning and the integral development of the human being in the era of globalization. We are currently asking ourselves where lifelong learning policies come from? In order to answer this question, we proceeded in two stages. Firstly, the theoretical elements linked to educational policies were developed on three levels: international organizations (UNESCO, ILO, OECD, Council of Europe), the European Union and the Romanian national authorities.Secondly, 63 semi-structured interviews with officials were analyzed on three levels: international, European and national. The thematic analysis of the content revealed that lifelong learning is an inescapable reality, but there is no unified definition at international level. We are moving towards a common education policy at the European Union level and major difficulties linked to political and economic instability and european conformity are being encountered in Romania
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Patry, Pénélope. ""Drømmen om Europas forente stater" ("Le rêve des Etats-Unis d'Europe"). Entre internationalisme et européisme, l'autre Europe du jeune Willy Brandt en exil (1933-1947)." Thesis, Lyon, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019LYSEN047/document.
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Le fait que dès ses années d'exil scandinave, entre 1933 et 1947, le jeune Willy Brandt se lance dans le débat sur l'avenir d'une Europe unifiée et en propose des conditions concrètes de réalisation est encore très largement méconnu. Pourtant, la question de l'Europe jalonne les écrits d'exil du jeune socialiste réfugié en Norvège. Cette thèse de doctorat met en lumière ces primes idées européennes, le « rêve des Etats-Unis d’Europe », que Willy Brandt développe en exil. Elle interroge non seulement le rôle de l’exil scandinave dans l’émergence d’une pensée fédérale européenne chez Brandt, mais également la teneur de son projet et son éventuelle originalité. Cette étude repose sur un corpus de textes écrits de la main de Willy Brandt en Scandinavie entre 1933 et 1947. Dans ses ouvrages consacrés à la politique internationale, dans ses articles rédigés pour la presse ouvrière mais aussi, parfois, dans sa correspondance personnelle, l’objectif est d’identifier, dans une perspective d’analyse du discours, le motif de l’Europe unie et de l’analyser en contexte afin de le comprendre et de discerner ses potentielles évolutions. Cette étude se base sur des sources originales et pour partie non exploitées, ce qui a nécessité un travail conséquent de recherches en archives mais aussi, dans la mesure où Brandt publie à cette époque en norvégien et en suédois, l’apprentissage des langues scandinaves. Cette thèse de doctorat montre que par son influence contextuelle et culturelle, l’exil scandinave a marqué la pensée européenne de Brandt et que son modèle d’Europe sociale et démocratique porte indéniablement l’empreinte du socialisme scandinaveThe fact that during his Scandinavian exile between 1933 and 1947, the young Willy Brandt has been engaged in the debate about the future Europe and even proposed concrete conditions for its realization is still largely unknown. Still, the question of Europe marked out his exile writings and was as such the focus of particular attention from the young socialist refugee in Norway as early as 1939. This doctoral thesis aims to highlight these early European ideas, the “dream of the United States of Europe”, that Willy Brandt developed during his exile. It shall question not only the role of his Scandinavian exile on the emergence of a European federal thought in Brandt’s exile writings, but also the content of his project, its particularities and furthermore its possible originality. At a time when resistance groups were massively discussing the idea of the European unification, what may characterize Brandt's proposal for Europe? And how did these first European ideas evolve during the Second World War as the contexts of conception and communication also changed. To answer these questions, this PhD thesis is based on the analysis of texts written by Willy Brandt in Scandinavia between 1933 and 1947. The corpus consists of three types of documents: books or monographs about the war and the global international context, journalistic writings (newspaper articles, brochures, pamphlets, conference manuscripts all signed by Brandt between 1933 and 1947) and personal correspondence. The objective has been to identify in all these exile writings the motive of Europe as well as any other element relating to the theme of a united Europe or likely to be part of a more general reflection on international politics and the new post-war European order. This thesis has the particularity of being based essentially on original documents and hitherto largely unexploited sources, which has required a considerable amount of archival research. Moreover, since the sources used in this PhD thesis were written in Norwegian, Swedish and German, learning two Scandinavian languages, namely Norwegian and Swedish, was necessary. This study shows that through its contextual and cultural influence, the Scandinavian exile marked the emergence and evolution of Brandt’s European ideas between 1933 and 1947. The model of a social and democratic Europe the young Brandt dreamed of and developed during the Second World War undeniably bears the imprint of Scandinavia, and in particular Scandinavian socialism. By doing so, the thesis sheds new light on Willy Brandt’s political foothold and shows the importance of his exile years in the formation of a statesman and his foreign and European policy
Die Tatsache, dass Willy Brandt während seines Exils in Skandinavien zurinternationalen Diskussion über die Zukunft eines vereinten Europas beigetragen, und sogarkonkrete Bedingungen für eine künftige Einigung des Kontinents vorgeschlagen hat, ist nochkaum beachtet worden. In seinen Exilschriften tauchte das Thema „Europa“ allerdings immerwieder auf. Vor allem ab 1939 schenkte der junge Flüchtling dem Projekt einer künftigeneuropäischen Einigung besondere Aufmerksamkeit. Zum ersten Mal wird in der vorliegendenForschungsarbeit ein eingehender Überblick über Willy Brandts Europavorstellungen im Exil,deren Ursprung und deren Entwicklung, angeboten, und zwar im Rückgriff auf ursprüngliche,zum Teil bisher unbenutzte Quellen aus deutschem und skandinavischem Archivmaterial.Die Dissertation setzt sich zum Ziel, die Entstehung und die Entwicklung von WillyBrandts frühen Europavorstellungen im besonderen Kontext des skandinavischen Exilszwischen 1933 und 1947 zu analysieren, und fragt folgendes: Inwiefern hat das Exil inSkandinavien die Entstehung und die Ausformung von Brandts außenpolitischenKonzeptionen dauerhaft geprägt? Willy Brandts journalistische und literarische Schriften aus der Exilzeit zwischen 1933und 1947, die ein umfangsreiches Archiv aus Zeitungs-, bzw. Zeitschriftenartikeln, Büchern,Broschüren und gemeinsamen Veröffentlichungen bilden, liegen der vorliegendenForschungsarbeit zugrunde. Ziel ist es gewesen, in diesen Exilschriften das Motiv „Europa“sowie jedes andere Element zu identifizieren und zu erörtern, das sich auf das Thema einesvereinten Europas beziehen oder Teil einer allgemeineren Reflexion über die internationalePolitik und die neue europäische Nachkriegsordnung sein dürfte.Die Besonderheit dieses Forschungskorpus besteht in seiner Mehrsprachigkeit. Die imRahmen des vorliegenden Forschungsprojekts benutzten Texte und Manuskripte wurdennämlich auf Deutsch aber auch auf Norwegisch und auf Schwedisch verfasst. Wichtig war esin dieser Hinsicht, die Originalfassungen heranzuziehen, und damit der gesamtenForschungsarbeit nicht nur Authentizität sondern auch Originalität zu verleihen. In diesemZusammenhang gehörte das Erlernen von zwei skandinavischen Sprachen, nämlichNorwegisch und Schwedisch, natürlich auch zu den Grundlagen des Projekts.Diese Studie hat gezeigt, dass das skandinavische Exil die Entstehung und dieAusformung von Brandts frühen Europavorstellungen zwischen 1933 und 1947 kontextuellund inhaltlich geprägt hat. Im Modell des sozialistischen und demokratischen Europa, wovoner im Exil träumte und das er im Laufe des Zweiten Weltkrieges weiter entwickelte, lassensich nämlich etliche programmatische, kulturelle und politische Einflüsse der skandinavischen– und insbesondere der norwegischen – Sozialdemokratie erkennen. Dabei hat die vorliegendeDissertation die Bedeutung des skandinavischen Exils für die menschliche und politischeEntwicklung des Willy Brandt sowie für die Entstehung eigener außenpolitischer, ja sogareuropäischer Konzepte beim späteren Staatsmann nachvollziehen können
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Crochemore, Kevin. "Syndicalisme international et régionalisation du monde: l'ITF face à la construction de l'Europe, 1943-2013." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209079.
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La Fédération internationale des travailleurs des transports figure parmi les syndicats internationaux les plus anciens et les plus puissants. Aussi, lors des étapes de la reconstruction de l'Europe, elle envisage d'y prendre part activement afin de s'imposer comme un interlocuteur incontournable dans l'Europe à venir. Toutefois, les inflexions géopolitiques, le développement d'une Europe sociale de plus en plus institutionnalisée et la mises en place d'organisations d'experts dans le domaine des transports la contraint à repenser ses plans ainsi que son rapport à l'Europe. Par ailleurs, tiraillée entre son appartenance au mouvement syndical international et le développement de l'Eurosyndicalisme, elle doit articuler l'échelle internationale et l'échelle européenne sans oublier qu'elle reste avant tout l'émanation de l'ensemble des volontés nationales. Sur une période longue de soixante-dix années, nous avons étudié les relations entre représentations sociales et répertoires d'actions syndicaux, en les insérant dans une trame historique reprenant les grandes évolutions de l'histoire des relations internationales. Ce travail met en avant l'articulation de deux échelons syndicaux, international et européen, encore très faiblement étudié, dans une perspective historique se réclamant de l'histoire sociale et politique. Il permets de comprendre le rôle singulier des transports dans le mouvement syndical international et de rendre compte des nouvelles stratégies de celui-ci à l'oeuvre aujourd'hui
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Bouachour, Adnan. "Tony Blair, l’Europe et les relations anglo-américaines à travers The Economist (mai 1997-mai 2005)." Thesis, Rennes 2, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012REN20056/document.
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Depuis des décennies. The Economist est considéré comme une référence incontournable pour tous ceux qui s'intéressent à l'actualité politique et économique internationale. The Economist apparaît comme un journal d'opinion qui vise à renforcer l'influence d'une élite possédant un pouvoir économique et culturel dans le monde. L'hebdomadaire vante souvent son objectivité, son indépendance ainsi que sa vocation internationale ; cependant, le lecteur averti perçoit The Economist comme un magazine qui n'est pas si différent des autres dans la mesure où il cherche à défendre sa cause, sa doctrine et à faire valoir sa propagande. Cette thèse tente d'analyser l'image d'une personnalité politique, le Premier ministre britannique, Tony Blair, et de mettre en relief sa politique européenne et sa relation anglo-américaine à travers unelecture critique de The Economist de mai 1997 à mai 2005. Cette étude, qui se base sur l'approche de l'analyse critique du discours, envisage de souligner l'absence de partialité de The Economist, qui défend des valeurs néolibérales et tente ainsi de répondre aux attentes des lecteurs et de défendre sa vision du mondeFor decades. The Economist has been considered as an indispensable reference for those who are interested in international, political and economic news. The Economist has established itself as a journal which aims to reinforce the elite's influence on decision-making in economics, politics and culture in the world. The weekly magazine frequently proclaims its objectivity and its independence as well as its international appeal; nevertheless, the alert reader perceives The Economist as a magazine which is not so different from the others in that it defends its own cause, advocates its own doctrine and promotes its chosen propaganda.This thesis tries to analyze the image of a political figure, the British Prime Minister Tony Blair, and to focus on his European policies and Anglo-American relations through the study of The Economist between May 1997 and May 2005. The methodology of critical discourse analysis will help to demonstrate the partiality of The Economist, which vehicles neoliberal ideas, thus fulfilling readers' expectations while defending its own vision of the world
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Bibert, Alexandre. "Les relations syndicales franco-allemandes (France, RFA, RDA) de 1945 à 1973." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015STRAG048.
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La Seconde Guerre mondiale a profondément perturbé les sociétés européennes. À son issue, le champ est laissé libre à des dynamiques de recomposition passant par des rapprochements ou, au contraire, par des clivages puissants. Les populations françaises et allemandes ont été affectées au premier chef par ces évolutions. Or, comme les organisations syndicales de travailleurs constituent les principales organisations de masses, elles offrent un angle d’approche particulièrement intéressant pour appréhender le dialogue développé dans un contexte marqué par la partition de l’Allemagne, par la Guerre Froide, et par la construction européenne dont l’interpénétration des économies est un des principaux aspects. Cette thèse considère, à la croisée de la question de la réconciliation et de celle d’une coopération à venir, la mise en place des échanges syndicaux entre la France et les deux Allemagnes, examine la pratique des échanges et éclaire les phénomènes de convergence et de crispationThe Second World War profoundly disrupted European societies. When the war came to an end, a dynamic of recomposition, based either on reconciliation or on sharp divisions, took hold of the continent. The French and German populations were the first to bear the brunt of these evolutions. Because of their numerous adherents, trade unions constituted the most important mass organizations of their time, and consequently offer a particularly interesting perspective on the Franco-German dialogue, especially against the backdrop of the division of Germany into two states, the Cold War, and the construction of Europe, of which economic interpenetration was a main aspect. This thesis considers, at the crossroads of a process of reconciliation and of future cooperation, the establishment and structuring of trade unions exchanges between France and Germany, examines exchange practices, and highlights adjoining convergence and tension phenomena
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Oliveira, Vitor Wagner Neto de. "Entre o Prata e Mato Grosso : uma viagem pelo mundo do trabalho maritimo de 1910 a 1930 (Buenos Aires, Montevideu,Assunção e Corumba)." [s.n.], 2006. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279830.
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Orientador: Claudio Henrique de Moraes BatalhaTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-05T18:02:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Oliveira_VitorWagnerNetode_D.pdf: 2338095 bytes, checksum: 1e63842d6d0e92e71452fff58be97054 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006
Resumo: Tendo o navio, o rio e o porto como espaços privilegiados e os tripulantes como personagens principais, a pesquisa aborda os ¿mundos do trabalho¿ no caminho fluído dos rios da Prata e Paraguai, passando pelas cidades portos de Buenos Aires, Montevidéu, Assunção e Corumbá, ligadas fisicamente pelas águas da Bacia Platina e, numa perspectiva social, pelas relações de trabalho e de resistência operária, no início do século XX. A narrativa pretende apresentar as experiências dos trabalhadores marítimos que delineiam proximidades para além fronteiras nacionais, contribuindo para romper com barreiras historiográficas que se desenham conforme os limites geo-econômicos nacionais. Apresentam-se, de início, os ambientes naturais apreendidos como espaços que se formam ao sofrerem a ação do homem, portanto, espaços dinâmicos que estabelecem fronteiras que podem não coincidir com as linhas demarcadas pelos Estados. A mobilidade da fronteira possibilita o emprego de mão-de-obra precarizada em Mato Grosso, arregimentada no Paraguai e no norte Argentino. Da mesma forma, a urbanização de cidades do antigo Sul de Mato Grosso é explicada a partir dessa percepção de transnacionalização da região. No interior dos navios que faziam a ligação entre o Mato Grosso e o Prata, visualiza-se a conjugação do tempo da natureza, do tempo da máquina a vapor e das relações que os homens estabeleciam com esses elementos e entre si no cotidiano do trabalho. Nos bairros portuários, local de moradia e de convivência desses trabalhadores, tenta-se identificar as diferenças e semelhanças dos marítimos com os outros em terra. Na seqüência prioriza-se o estudo das organizações operárias de Assunção, para entender as inter-relações dos movimentos operários no Cone-Sul americano, especialmente dos marítimos. Os momentos de greves e boicotes são privilegiados na apreensão da solidariedade internacional de classe. Finaliza-se a tese apontando para a existência, no Cone-Sul, de duas faces do movimento operário: a luta organizada e a repressão coordenada, ambas internacionalmente
Abstract: Having the ship, the river and the port as priviledged spaces and the crew as main characters, this research is an approach to ¿words of work¿ that flowed through river Plate and Paraguai river, passing by Buenos Aires, Montevideo, Assunción and Corumbá ports, geographically connected by Platina Basin waters and, in a social perspective, by working relations and working class resistence (at the beginning of the XX century). This narrative intends to present maritime workers experiences that outline proximities beyond national borders, this way contributing to break historiographic barriers outlined according to natural geo-economic limits. At the beginning we present two natural surroundings seized as spaces formed by man¿s action, so, dinamic spaces that have established limits that can ou cannot agree with limits marked out by the States: this frontier mobility permits the use of precarious labor workmanship in Mato Grosso, employed in Paraguay and North of Argentina. In a similar way, cities urbanization at the South of Mato Grosso can be explained from this perception of regional transnationalization. Aboard the ships that sail from Mato Grosso to Plata rivers, we can have a joint view of nature time. Stean machine time and the relations men establish with these elements and among themselves in their daily work. In port neighbourhoods (barrios), living and social places of these workers, we try to identify differences and similarities of these meritime workers with others in land. Then, we try to give priority to a study on labour organizations from Assunción, to understand interlations among Cone-Sul american labour movements, particularly sea workers. Strike and boycott moments are priviledged places to understand international class solidarity. At last, this thesis points out to the existence at Cone-Sul of two faces in this labour movement: organized struggle and coordinated repression, both happening internacionally
Doutorado
Historia Social
Doutor em História
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Bret, Julien. "Travail global et production d’un individu servile : activités économiques et migrations de travailleurs non arabes au Liban." Thesis, Lyon 2, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011LYO20136/document.
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La thèse présentée ici propose la figure de l’individu servile pour analyser l’expérience migratoire qui est faite au Liban par des migrants non arabes sri lankais et philippins, dont 95% sont des femmes. L’idéal-type de cet individu servile est la femme domestiquée, occupation très largement majoritaire parmi ces migrants dans le cadre d’une délégation du travail reproductif, dont la gradation concerne aussi les hommes. Après une première partie, qui consiste en la présentation de la problématique et des hypothèses de recherche (entre sociologie des migrations internationales, sociologie économique et sociologie de l’individu) et du dispositif méthodologique (successivement s’institutionalisant et se désinstitutionalisant), une seconde partie consiste à mettre en évidence le statut migratoire du Liban, ainsi que le dispositif transnational de production de l’individu servile, en référence à ces nouvelles migrations non arabes dans l’espace migratoire moyen-oriental – et les normes socio-économiques (la kafala et sa pratique au Liban) qui organisent les filières migratoires, distribuent l’occupation et induisent un contrôle par le travail dont le résultat est une négativité généralisée des rapports sociaux ; nous montrons le mécanisme de la fausse reconnaissance sur le site stratégique de la globalisation qu’est le ménage employeur. Enfin, dans une troisième partie, on s’intéresse à la gradation de la délégation du travail reproductif dans la société urbaine libanaise, ainsi qu’aux aspects communautaires de la segmentation des groupes migrants ; et nous proposons une lecture des ruptures biographiques et des recompositions identitaires auxquelles donnent lieu les carrières de migrants, entre les formes de la linéarité, de la discontinuité et de l’erranceThis work tries to set the figure of the individu servile to analyze the migration in Lebanon of non-Arab workers, Sri Lankan and Filipinos; 95% of these workers are women; the very figure of this individu servile is the female live-in domestic worker which is the major occupation in the context of a delegation of reproductive labor that includes also male workers. The first part is to clarify the theoretical framework and the hypothesis that structure this research (between the goals of a sociology of international migrations and those of a sociology of labor markets), and its methodological framework. In a second part, we set the migratory status of Lebanon and the transnational context of the fabrication of the individu servile, with reference to the new migrations in the Middle-East region. The social and economical rules - the kafala system at first - that organize the migration flux, the occupation of workers and their control through the labor process, result in a so-called nŽgativitŽ des rapports sociaux, which lies in an ideological or false process of recognition. In a third part, we show the gradual delegation of reproductive labor in urban Lebanese society, and the aspects of communities social segmentation; and we propose a vision of biographical splitting and subjective or self reconstruction in the process of careers to be distinguished between linearity, discontinuity and errance
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Leterme, Cédric. "Hégémonie et recontextualisation discursives du néolibéralisme :Analyse lexicométrique de 40 ans de rapports annuels de l’OCDE, de la Banque mondiale et de l’OIT." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/244588.
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Le « tournant néolibéral » des années 1970 a fait l’objet d’analyses diverses et parfois contradictoires. Notre thèse se propose d’en enrichir la compréhension à travers une analyse discursive comparée de trois organisations internationales étroitement concernées par ces évolutions :la Banque mondiale, l’OCDE et l’OIT. Nous partons en effet du principe que le « tournant néolibéral » fut aussi un tournant discursif et que les organisations internationales en furent des acteurs et relais clés. Des relais parce que les tenants de la stratégie néolibérale ont cherché à la déployer dans et à travers ces institutions, mais des acteurs aussi parce que pour ce faire, les « néolibéraux » ont dû tenir compte des pratiques discursives et extra-discursives pré-instituées qui caractérisaient ces organisations internationales jusque-là. C’est ainsi que selon nous, mêmes des institutions hégémoniques comme la Banque mondiale et l’OCDE n’ont pas seulement reproduit la stratégie et le discours néolibéraux, elles l’ont aussi (et surtout) co-produit et co-déterminé selon leurs propres caractéristiques historiques et institutionnelles, avec des conséquences potentiellement diverses (voire conflictuelles). Et c’est encore plus le cas d’une institution comme l’OIT, dont le mandat et la structure la rendent structurellement incompatible avec le projet néolibéral. Sans véritable possibilité de s’y opposer de front, mais sans pouvoir également s’y conformer totalement sauf à renier jusqu’à sa propre raison d’être, il nous semble que la seule solution qu’il lui restait consistait dès lors à y « répondre stratégiquement », notamment d’un point de vue discursif. Pour le démontrer nous avons donc entrepris de réaliser une analyse lexicométrique de trois corpus de textes composés respectivement de tout ou parties des rapports sur le développement dans le monde de la Banque mondiale, des rapports d’activités de l’OCDE et des rapports annuels du Directeur Général de l’OIT publiés entre 1970 et 2015. À travers elle, nous avons cherché à comprendre les logiques de recontextualisation discursive qui ont accompagné le déploiement hégémonique néolibéral.Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Percher, Camille. "Le concept de travail décent à l'épreuve du droit de l'Union européenne." Thesis, Lyon, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017LYSE2110.
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Le concept de travail décent a été présenté par le Directeur général du Bureau international du travail, en 1999, comme l’objectif prioritaire de l’Organisation internationale du travail permettant à chaque femme et chaque homme d’exercer une activité dans des conditions de liberté, d’équité, de sécurité et de dignité. Il regroupe quatre piliers interdépendants que sont l’emploi, la protection sociale, le dialogue social et la promotion des droits au travail. De manière inédite, l’OIT impose un cadre d’action pour tous les États membres. Evoluant en fonction des conditions socio-économiques de chaque État membre, le concept de travail décent est susceptible d’être défini localement tout en ayant un contour universel. La traduction du concept est facilitée par le biais des programmes par pays de travail décent (PPTD), relevant de la coopération technique du BIT, et des indicateurs mesurant le travail décent. Le concept apparaît alors comme un objectif de portée universelle et non comme une norme juridique. Si la coopération technique de l’OIT facilite la réalisation du travail décent, son action normative est également essentielle. L’action normative doit aussi s’orienter vers le concept de travail décent, comme le montrent la Convention du travail maritime adoptée par la Conférence internationale du travail en 2006 et la Convention n°189 concernant le travail décent des travailleurs domestiques adoptée en 2011. Toutefois, perçu comme un slogan politique pour redonner une visibilité à l’OIT, fragilisée par le contexte de la mondialisation, le concept de travail décent a été critiqué pour son caractère minimaliste et ignoré au sein de l’UE. La confrontation entre le concept de travail décent et le droit de l’Union révèle alors un paradoxe entre l’accroissement des conditions de vie et de travail indécentes au profit d’un renforcement du droit du marché du travail ainsi que du droit du marché intérieur et l’engagement de tous les États membres de l’UE d’être liés à la Déclaration de l’OIT de 1998. Pourtant, la situation économique et sociale actuelle au sein de l’Union européenne interroge sur la nécessité et la possibilité d’intégrer le concept de travail décent, qui révèle une approche particulière du travail, en droit de l’Union européenne. En effet, la réflexion sur un régime de travail réellement humain centrée sur les valeurs de justice sociale et de dignité humaine trouve tout son sens dans le contexte actuel de la gouvernance économique au sein de l’Union européenne et des mesures d’austérité envisageant le travail sous l’angle du marché et des échanges. La justice sociale dans le sens que lui a donné la Déclaration de Philadelphie de 1944 puis le concept de travail décent, c’est-à-dire celui de l’action, est aujourd’hui indispensable pour la protection des personnes et de l’environnement. La situation actuelle au sein de l’UE constitue donc un enjeu pour l’OIT dans sa capacité à imposer la traduction du concept de travail décent en droit social européen et pour l’UE elle-même. Le concept de travail décent propose des solutions pour l’action normative, il implique des exigences pour le législateur et le juge de l’UE. A l’instar de l’OIT, l’UE doit orienter son action normative vers le concept de travail décent pour renforcer la place des droits sociaux fondamentaux face aux libertés économiques. Cette nouvelle orientation nécessite alors pour l’UE de prendre appui sur les instruments de l’OIT, en particulier sur ses conventions et déclarations ainsi que sur la coopération technique prenant en compte ses spécificitésThe concept of decent work has been presented by the Director-General of the International Labour Office, in 1999, as an International Labour Organisation’s priority objective enabling every woman and man to exercise an activity in conditions of freedom, equity, security and dignity. This concept brings together four independent pillars that are employment, social protection, social dialogue, respecting, promoting and realizing the fundamental principles and rights at work. In a new way, the ILO imposes a framework of action for all Member States. Depending on the socio-economic conditions in each Member State, the concept of decent work is likely to be defined locally while having a universal outline. The translation of the concept is facilitated through Decent Work Country Programs (DWCPs) under ILO technical cooperation, and indicators measuring decent work. The concept of decent work therefore appears as an objectif of universal scope and not as a legal norm. If ILO’s technical cooperation facilitates the achievement of decent work, its normative action is also essential. Normative action must also be directed towards the concept of decent work, as reflected in the Maritime Labour Convention adopted, in 2006, by the International Labour Conference and in the Convention n° 189 concerning decent work for domestic workers adopted in 2011. The concept of decent work, seen as a political slogan to give visibility to the ILO, weakened by the contexte of globalization, was criticized for its minimalist nature and ignored within the European Union. The confrontation between the concept of decent work and the law of the European Union reveals a paradox between the increase in indecent living and working conditions in favor of a strengthening of labor market law and market law and the commitment of all EU member states to be linked to the ILO Declaration of 1998. Yet, the current economic and social situation in the European Union raises the question of the need and possibility of integrating the concept of decent work, which reveals a particular approach to work, in European Union law. Reflection on humane conditions of labour centered on the values of social justice and human dignity makes sense in the current context of economic governance in the European Union and the austerity measures considering the work from the perspective of the market and trade. Social justice in the sense given to it by the Declaration of Philadelphia of 1944 and then the concept of decent work, that is to say the principle of action, is today indispensable for the protection of people and the environment. The current situation in the EU is therefore an issue for the ILO in its own ability to impose the translation of the concept of decent work into European social law and for the EU itself. The concept of decent work proposes solutions for normative action and thus it implies requirements for the legislator and the judge of the EU. Like the ILO, the EU must direct its normative action towards the concept of decent work to strengthen the place of fundamental social rights in the face of economic freedoms. This new approach requires the EU to build on ILO’ instruments, in particular on its conventions and declarations and on technical cooperation taking into account its specificities
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Yeganeh, Cary Niaz. "La politique étrangère britannique au début de la guerre froide : le cas de la crise de Berlin 1948-49." Thesis, Montpellier 3, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017MON30039.
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Si la gestion de la crise de Berlin 1948-1949 est d’emblée une affaire anglo-américaine pouvant déboucher sur un affrontement avec les Soviétiques, l’observateur est très rapidement confronté à une littérature qui traite du sujet massivement du point de vue états-unien. Le point de départ de ce travail consiste à dissocier le front anglo-américain contre l’URSS en explorant la voix du Royaume-Uni dans la résolution de la crise de Berlin alors qu’un gouvernement travailliste, ayant obtenu pour la première fois une majorité confortable aux élections en juillet 1945, est au pouvoir. Pour ce faire, nous interrogeons ce cas d’étude selon deux axes. Le premier concerne la signification particulière des micro-débats dans les instances gouvernementales en charge de la gestion de la crise berlinoise. Ce cadre spécifique ne peut éluder un deuxième niveau d’analyse qui relève du contexte général dans lequel le processus décisionnel s’opère, renvoyant à la politique étrangère des années Attlee et à la politique d’occupation du Royaume-Uni en Allemagne après 1945. La thèse défendue est que l’étude micro-historique de la gestion britannique de la crise berlinoise prend tout son sens si celle-ci est appréhendée dans sa dimension duale, c’est-à-dire spécifique et globale. En effet, le problème berlinois est géré par une multitude d’instances gouvernementales, situées à Londres ou dans la zone d’occupation allemande, avec des acteurs qui ne sont pas tous au Parti travailliste. Dès lors, comment peut-on caractériser leur style décisionnel à l’aune des débats qui sont considérés comme des micro-récits d’un événement de la guerre froide naissante ? En outre, cette analyse micro-historique témoigne d’une politique britannique élaborée vis-à-vis de l’Allemagne depuis la Deuxième Guerre mondiale avec la participation active de certaines figures travaillistes issues d’un parti qui a longuement œuvré pour des relations harmonieuses dans les affaires internationales. Dans ce cas, comment peut-on distinguer la perception britannique du problème allemand à partir de 1940 ? Ces deux niveaux de contextualisation globale permettent ainsi de comprendre les catégories notionnelles autour desquelles s’organisent les micro-récits de la gestion britannique de la crise de Berlin. Le cadre analytique de ce travail qui utilise l’approche interprétative de Mark Bevir donne également à voir des caractéristiques d’une conception et d’une pratique de la politique étrangère par le Parti travailliste qui héberge plusieurs courants en son seinThe Berlin crisis 1948-1949 has received some attention in scholary literature on the origins of the Cold War. But the British part has been poorly served compared to the American. This thesis examines the British decision-making process during the Berlin crisis considering that the Labour Party formed its majority government for the first time in July 1945. It offers a detailed examination of the Berlin crisis tackled as a specific case study through which it becomes possible to analyse the debates in a variety of governmental structures dealing with an issue which also pertained to the general context of the Attlee years’ foreign policy as well as to the British occupation policy in Germany after 1945. This thesis argues that the Berlin crisis can be properly understood if it is contextualised in its twofold dimension i.e. at specific and global levels. Firstly, the British decision-making process involved a variety of actors in London or in the occupied zone of Germany who were not all from the Labour Party. Thus, how can the decision-making process be characterised by studying the multi-faceted debates during this prominent 11-month event of the early Cold War? Secondly, the Berlin case also refers to the British policy towards Germany outlined during the Second World War with key Labour politicians’ active contribution. Considering that the Labour Party had long advocated harmonious international relations, what has the British perception of the German problem since 1940 highlighted? The dual contextualisation of the Berlin crisis within Labour foreign policy, on the one hand, and within the framework of British occupation policy in Germany, on the other hand, offers a better understanding of the story-telling of its decision-making process. Besides, using Mark Bevir’s interpretive method, this thesis helps evaluate British role during the Berlin crisis as well as the Labour Party’s approach to foreign policy in the early Cold War
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Sandoz-Dit-Bragard, Charlotte. "Essays in international economics : firm heterogeneity, aggregate productivity and misallocation." Thesis, Paris 1, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PA01E039/document.
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La présente thèse contribue à la littérature en économie internationale en s'intéressant à l'impact des lieux commerciaux et des réformes structurelles sur la croissance de la productivité agrégée dans le secteur manufacturier en Europe et en Inde. Dans le premier chapitre co-écrit avec Antoine Berthou, Jong-Chung Chung et Kalina Manova, nous montrons que l'expansion des exportations et des importations stimule la productivité du travail, mais seule la demande à l’exportation réalloue l'activité vers les entreprises plus productives en présence de distorsions de prix. De plus, les frictions liées aux imperfections de marché et la mauvaise qualité des institutions freinent la capacité des économies à réagir aux chocs de commerce subis par les entreprises nationales. Dans le second chapitre, je trouve que l'augmentation des importations d'intrants intermédiaires depuis la Chine contribue de manière significative à la croissance agrégée de la PTF en France grâce à une plus grande efficacité de répartition des parts de marché entre les entreprises. En effet, permettre à un plus grand nombre d'entreprises d'avoir accès à des biens intermédiaires au meilleur rapport qualité-prix stimule la croissance de la productivité agrégée. Dans le troisième chapitre co-écrit avec Adil Mohommad et Piyaporn Sodsriwiboon, nous montrons que des réformes favorisant davantage de flexibilité sur le marché du travail et une meilleure allocation des crédits entre entreprises réduisent les distorsions de marché payées par les entreprises et génèrent des gains de productivité et une croissance économique plus forte à long terme en IndeIn this dissertation, I contribute to the literature on international economics by drawing attention to the impact of trade flows and structural reforms on productivity growth in the manufacturing sector in Europe and India. ln the first chapter co-authored, with Antoine Berthou, Jong-Chung Chung and Kalina Manova, we demonstrate that growth in exports and imports boosts labor productivity, but only export demand reallocates activity toward more productive firms in presence of price distortions. Moreover, market and institutional frictions dampen the ability of economies to react and gain from trade shocks. ln the second chapter, I show that the increase in Chinese imports of intermediate inputs is a significant driver of aggregate TFP growth in France as it increases efficiency in sharing market shares between firms. Allowing more firms to access intermediate goods at the best price-quality ratio stimulates aggregate productivity growth. ln the third chapter, co-written with Adil Mohommad and Piyapom Sodsriwiboon, our finding suggests that removing structural rigidities in the labor market and improving credit allocation would reduce distortions and contribute to productivity gains and long term growth in India
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Steinebach, Mario, Christine Häckel-Riffler, Caroline Pollmer, Antje Brabandt, Janine Mahler, Michael Chlebusch, Thomas Doriath, Rico Hinkel, and Anett Kretzer. "TU-Spektrum 1/2006, Magazin der Technischen Universität Chemnitz." Universitätsbibliothek Chemnitz, 2006. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:swb:ch1-200600234.
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Van, der Walt Lucien Jacobus Wheatley. "Anarchism and syndicalism in South Africa, 1904-1921: Rethinking the history of labour and the left." Thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10539/4506.
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Abstract:
This is a study of the influence of anarchism and syndicalism (a variant of anarchism) on the left and labour
movements in South Africa between the 1890s and the 1920s, but with a focus on the first two decades of the twentieth
century. Internationally, this was a period of widespread working class unrest and radicalism, and the apogee, the
“glorious period”, of anarchist and syndicalist influence from the 1890s to the 1920s. The rising influence of anarchism
and syndicalism was reflected in South Africa, where it widely influenced the left, as well as significant sections of the
local labour movement, as well as layers of the nationalist movements. This influence also spilled into neighbouring
countries, fostering a movement that was multi-racial in composition, as well as internationalist and interracial in outlook.
These developments are today almost entirely forgotten, and have been largely excised from the literature: this thesis is,
above all, a work of recovering the history of a significant tradition, a history that has significant implications for
understanding the history of left and labour movements in South Africa and southern Africa.
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Jones, Ann. "No truck with the Chilean Junta! : direct and indirect trade union internationalist actions, Australia and Britain, 1973-1980." Phd thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150377.
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When lorry drivers in Northampton slapped the stickers on their cabs declaring "No truck with the Chilean Junta!" they were participating in more than an isolated threat to boycott. They were expressing their identity as internationalists; upholding union traditions of internationalism; and showing support for union policy. Still, there was more: they were taking part in a symbiotic relationship with a social movement. Union action on extra-industrial campaigns is both a longstanding ideological imperative and a practice that predates the resurgence of social movements in the 1960s. Yet since its inception, the Chile solidarity movement had encouraged, planned for, enabled and used trade unions. This thesis compares two such movements in Australia and Britain from 1973-1980. Drawing upon a wide array of archival material and other sources in conjunction with extensive interviewing, this thesis places trade unions at the centre of the solidarity story. It records the actions that unions took for political gain external to their organisation and nation. Social movements, in this case Chile Solidarity Campaigns, were connected to unions by a range of social and institutional ties and organised their activities in an attempt to harness and maximise union support and power.
This thesis provides a series of previously unrecorded or under-recorded case studies of trade union political action. It attempts to define those actions in terms of direct and indirect actions, as characterising social movement or industrial national unionism and as stemming from the ideology of the old or new left. The case studies suggest five main findings. Firstly, that individuals, unions and the Chile Campaigns were locked together in a mutually supportive and legitimating cycle of action. In addition the relationship between unions, social movements and political structures was mediated by 'faddists' and other strategic individuals. Thirdly, that the threat to union core aims and use of union resources were inversely related to the likelihood of internationalist action. Furthermore, sometimes 'Chile' was embraced as a forum in which internal union struggle could be played out separate from industrial issues, and finally, that existing heuristic models and definitions of the relationship between trade unions and social movements need to be refined. Quite aside from these conclusions, this thesis has restored trade union international action to its rightful place in the history of the labour movement in the turbulent years from the fall of Allende to the rise of Thatcher. Important though they were, high profile strategic individuals and committed 'faddists' were a minority in the movement. The majority of those who expressed solidarity were trade unionists. These pages record some of their stories.
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Gomes, Sónia Piedade Apolinário Ribeiro. "O esperanto em Portugal: língua internacional e movimentos sociais." Doctoral thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/15819.
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Esta tese faz a análise do fenómeno constituído a partir da criação da língua internacional Esperanto em 1887. A problematização é iniciada com a questão de uma língua internacional quer por referência às nacionalidades e suas realidades linguísticas, quer no contexto das esferas globalizadas e suas contingências multilingues; faz-se depois uma breve incursão pela história das línguas internacionais auxiliares, e por fim discutem-se os fenómenos dos movimentos sociais, também globais e com princípios de justiça e igualdade partilhados com a maioria das organizações esperantistas. A análise do percurso histórico do movimento do Esperanto, em diálogo com os princípios de progresso social, os ideais de pacifismo, os contextos nacionalistas, os fenómenos operários e libertários, as guerras mundiais, a construção de organizações transnacionais como a ONU e a UE, e a defesa dos direitos humanos em que se incluem os linguísticos, permitiu a ilustração da sua identidade com os movimentos sociais. Por fim, um trabalho exaustivo para o caso português reconstituiu o seu percurso histórico desde 1892 até à actualidade, rastreando protagonistas, grupos e associações, e o diálogo com os regimes políticos republicano, ditatorial e democrático.This thesis analyses the phenomenon initiated with the creation of the international language Esperanto in 1887. The theoretical discussion introduces the problem of an international language, either relatively the nationalities and their linguistic realities, either in the context of globalized scenarios and its multilingual contingencies; it follows with a brief perspective of international auxiliary languages, and finally a view of social movements, which are also global phenomena and have principles of justice and social equality that are shared with most of the esperantist organizations. The historic analysis of the Esperanto movement, in dialogue with social progress principles, pacifist ideals, nationalistic contexts, labour movement and libertarian phenomena, the world wars, the construction of transnational organizations such as UN and EU, and the defense of human rights which include linguistic ones, all these allowed the illustration of Esperanto movement identity with social movements. At last, an exhaustive historical reconstitution of the portuguese Esperanto movement since its dawn in 1892 till present days, tracked back protagonists, groups and associations, and its dialogue with the republican, dictatorship and democratic political regimes.
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Amiot, Laëtitia. "L'incorporation des normes internationales de droits humains dans la législation bolivienne : lorsque les mouvements d'enfants et d'adolescents travailleurs s'en mêlent." Thèse, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/22749.
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Barrault, Marion. "L'évolution de la réponse normative de l'OIT en situation de crise économique et financière." Thèse, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/9093.
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De l’avis de nombreux observateurs, le monde a connu en 2008 une crise économique sans précédent depuis la Grande dépression des années trente. Au premier chef des victimes de ces dérives de l’économie globale figurent les travailleurs du monde entier. Investie depuis 1919 d’un mandat de protection à l’égard de ces derniers, l’Organisation internationale du Travail (OIT) se doit d’être une force de propositions en ces périodes difficiles. La présente étude se propose d’analyser l’évolution des réponses normatives produites par l’OIT au lendemain des crises économiques et financières mondiales depuis sa création. Il s’agira également de mettre en corrélation le degré d’audace de l’Organisation et la composition de la scène internationale qui préside à chacune des époques considérées.
Le premier chapitre sera pour nous l’occasion de montrer comment l’OIT, née dans un contexte de crise économique dans les années vingt puis confrontée en 1930 à une autre crise majeure, a su tirer profit de ces situations qui confirment sa raison d’être et la pousse à s’enquérir de nouvelles compétences (chapitre I).
Nous ferons ensuite étape dans une époque marquée par la prolifération de nouvelles organisations internationales avec lesquelles l’OIT entre en concurrence : l’ère onusienne. Nous verrons comment la position de l’Organisation sur la scène internationale influe sur sa réactivité face aux crises économiques et politiques du moment (chapitre II).
Forts de ces considérations historiques, nous serons enfin à même de comprendre la souplesse normative caractérisant la réaction de l’OIT face à la crise de 2008. Nous serons également en mesure de comprendre comment cette crise historique a modifié l’ordre mondial et influé sur la position de l’Organisation dans l’agencement international (chapitre III).In the opinion of many observers, the world witnessed in 2008 an unprecedented economic crisis since the Great Depression of the thirties. The primary victims of these gobal economic breakdowns are the workers of the world. Invested since 1919 to a term of protection with respect to the latter, the International Labour Organization (ILO) has to be a vector for proposals in these difficult times. This study aims to analyze the evolution of the normative responses produced by the ILO in the wake of global economic and financial crises since its inception. It will also correlate the Organization's degree of boldness and the composition of the international picture in place over each period considered. The first chapter will give us the opportunity to show how the ILO, born in a context of economic crisis in the twenties and then facing another major crisis in 1930, has taken advantage of these situations to confirm its raison d'être and has been driven to inquire about new competencies (chapter I). We will then step in an era marked by the proliferation of new international organizations with which the ILO is in competition: the UN era. We will see how the Organization's position on the international scene affects its responsiveness to economic and political crises of the moment (chapter II). Instructed on these historical considerations, we will finally be able to understand the normative flexibility characterizing the ILO's response to the 2008 crisis. We will also be able to understand how this historic crisis has changed the world order and has affected the Organization's position in the international layout (chapter III).
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Dumont, Robillard Myriam. "Garantir un réel accès à la justice efficace aux travailleuses domestiques migrantes : obstacles systémiques et conceptualisation du droit - perspectives canadiennes et internationales." Thèse, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/10365.
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Malgré une demande croissante dans le secteur du travail domestique et un poids économique mondial considérable, les travailleuses domestiques migrantes demeurent parmi les plus précaires et les plus exploitées de la planète. Invisibles, isolées et travaillant pour des particuliers dans des résidences privées, elles échappent aux catégories traditionnelles d’emploi. Ces travailleuses se retrouvent alors à évoluer en marge du cadre légal ou encore, elles peinent à faire appliquer correctement les lois conçues pour les protéger.
Ce mémoire cherche donc à analyser les manières d’envisager le droit afin de garantir un réel accès à la justice pour les travailleuses domestiques migrantes. En abordant d’abord les obstacles systémiques qui font échec à la réglementation du secteur domestique à travers le monde, cette recherche démontre une inadéquation du droit traditionnel à la réalité des travailleuses par l’analyse des effets de la réglementation canadienne qui leur est applicable.
À la lumière de la récente Convention concernant le travail décent pour les travailleuses et travailleurs domestiques, ce mémoire démontre qu’une conceptualisation du droit basée sur le pluralisme juridique fournit des alternatives aux travailleuses domestiques migrantes pour accéder à la justice. Ultimement, l’empowerment de ces travailleuses par leur inclusion dans le dialogue social couplé à une réglementation adaptée à leur réalité permettra d’assurer une protection efficace de leurs droits.In spite of an ever increasing demand in the domestic work sector and a considerable worldwide economic weight, migrant domestic workers are among the most precarious and exploited globally. Invisible, isolated and working for individuals in private residences, they fall outside the traditional work categorizations. Therefore, these women find themselves operating in margin of the legal system or, when they are protected by laws, they struggle to have those laws applied efficiently. This research will try to analyze the different ways we can consider law in order to guarantee a real and efficient access to justice to migrant domestic workers. After addressing the systemic obstacles to domestic work regulation worldwide, this research explores the inconsistency between traditional law and the reality of migrant domestic workers by analyzing the effects of the applicable Canadian regulation. In light of the recent Convention concerning decent work for domestic workers, this essay shows that a conceptualization of law based on legal pluralism offers domestic workers an alternative access to justice. Ultimately, including these workers in the social dialogue and implementing specific regulation adapted to their reality will provide them with an empowerment that will insure an effective protection of their rights.
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Dupuis, Mathieu. "Les stratégies syndicales face aux restructurations d’entreprises : une étude comparative des contre-pouvoirs syndicaux dans le secteur des équipementiers automobiles en France et au Canada." Thèse, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/16056.
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Cette thèse tente de comprendre l’impact des restructurations des entreprises multinationales sur les stratégies syndicales. Les acteurs syndicaux locaux sont-ils déterminés par l’appartenance à des régimes nationaux et à des contingences organisationnelles ou peuvent-ils influencer des décisions objectives comme les restructurations ? Cette recherche s’insère dans une problématique large qui fait la jonction entre la mondialisation économique sur une base continentale, la réorganisation productive des entreprises multinationales et l’action syndicale. Au plan théorique, nous confrontons trois grandes approches analytiques, à savoir : le néo-institutionnalisme et les structures d’opportunités ; l’économie politique critique et la question du pouvoir syndical ; la géographie économique critique mettant de l’avant les contingences, l’encastrement et l’espace concurrentiel. Sur la base de ces trois familles, nous présentons un modèle d’analyse multidisciplinaire.
Au plan méthodologique, cette thèse est structurée autour de quatre études de cas locales qui ont subi des menaces de restructurations. Cette collecte a été effectuée dans deux pays (la France et le Canada) et dans un secteur particulier (les équipementiers automobiles). Trois sources qualitatives forment le cœur empirique de cette thèse : des statistiques descriptives, des documents de sources secondaires et des entretiens semi-dirigés (44), principalement avec des acteurs syndicaux.
L’analyse intra et inter régime national éclaire plusieurs aspects de la question des stratégies syndicales en contexte de restructurations. Les principales contributions de cette thèse touchent : 1. l’impact des facteurs relationnels et des ressources de pouvoir développées par les syndicats locaux sur les structures d’opportunités institutionnelles; 2. l’importance des aspects « cognitifs » et d’envisager le pouvoir de manière multi-niveaux; 3. l’importance de l’encastrement social et des dynamiques relationnelles entre syndicats et patronats; 4. l’influence de la concurrence internationale/nationale/régionale/locale dans le secteur des équipementiers automobiles; et 5. l’importance des arbitrages et des relations entre les acteurs de l’entreprise par rapport à la théorie de la contingence pour comprendre les marges structurelles des syndicats locaux.
Notre recherche invite les acteurs sociaux à repenser leur action dans le cadre des restructurations. En particulier, les syndicats locaux se doivent d’explorer de nouveaux répertoires stratégiques pour répondre aux nombreux défis que posent le changement économique et les restructurations.This thesis examines the impacts of the restructuring of multinational enterprises on trade union strategies. Are local union strategies an outcome of national institutional embeddedness and organizational contingencies, or can unions in fact influence core elements of corporate decision-making vis-à-vis restructuring? This research speaks to major scholarly debates concerning economic globalization, corporate restructuring, and union organization. In terms of theory, this thesis addresses three large analytical approaches, these being: neo-institutionalism and opportunity structures; critical political economy and the question of union power; and critical economic geography in relation to contingencies, embeddedness, and competition across borders. Drawing from these three theories, this research proposes a new multidisciplinary model of analysis for research on union strategies. In terms of methodology, this thesis is structured around four case studies of local unions in two countries (Canada and France) and a specific sector (automobile equipment manufacturers). Three qualitative sources are at the heart of this thesis: descriptive statistics, documentation from secondary sources, and semi-structured interviews (44), primarily focused union actors. This thesis analyzes union strategies within and across jurisdictions to elucidate their ramifications for firms and workers, particularly in the context of restructuring. The principal contributions of this thesis touch on: 1. the impacts of power resources developed by local unions on institutional opportunity structures; 2. the importance of cognitive aspects of strategy and its implications for power in a multi-level context; and 3. the importance of social embeddedness and social relations between unions and employers; 4. the omnipresence of international/national/regional/local competition in the automobile equipment manufacturing sector; and 5. the importance of trade-offs and relationships between business players from the vantage point of contingency theory to understand the structural facets of local union action. This research invites social actors to rethink their strategies concerning corporate restructuring. In particular, local unions should explore new strategic repertoires of action for responding the new challenges pertaining to economic change and restructuring.
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Dehaibi, Laura. "L'évolution de la protection de la liberté d'association des travailleurs agricoles salariés en droit international et en droit canadien." Thèse, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/8346.
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Cette étude traite des difficultés que rencontrent les travailleurs agricoles salariés dans l’exercice de leur droit à la liberté d’association et à la négociation collective. Ils sont souvent exclus des régimes législatifs nationaux de protection des droits syndicaux ou restreints dans leur capacité de les exercer en dépit du fait qu’ils sont parmi les plus pauvres et mal nourris de la planète et donc requerraient une protection accrue. Quelles sont les causes historiques de ce traitement discriminatoire (première partie) ? Comment le droit international du travail contribue-t-il à remédier à cette situation (deuxième partie) ? En quoi est-ce que le droit international du travail a-t-il influencé le droit interne canadien pour la protection des travailleurs agricoles salariés (troisième partie) ? Les causes du traitement singulier accordé à ces travailleurs remontent aux origines mêmes de l’agriculture. Consciente des caractéristiques particulières de cette activité, l’Organisation internationale du travail affirmera dès le début du 20e siècle qu’il est injustifié d’empêcher les travailleurs agricoles salariés de se syndiquer. Elle insiste sur la valeur fondamentale des droits syndicaux devant différents forums onusiens et favorise leur promotion à travers l’élaboration de normes du travail mais également d’instruments de soft law, considérés mieux adaptés dans un contexte contemporain de mondialisation. Ce droit international du travail influencera ensuite l’interprétation de la Charte canadienne des droits et libertés par les tribunaux canadiens dans leur analyse de la constitutionnalité de l’exclusion totale ou partielle des travailleurs agricoles salariés des régimes législatifs de protection des droits syndicaux.This study analyses the difficulties faced by agricultural workers exercising their rights to freedom of association and collective bargaining. These workers often find themselves excluded from national legislation providing for the protection of union rights, and when these rights are provided to them, their ability to exercise them is limited. Being amongst the poorest human beings on earth, agricultural workers would instead require stronger protection. What are the historical causes of this discriminatory treatment (part one) ? How has international labour law helped to correct this situation (part two) ? In what way did international labour law influence canadian domestic law in regard of the protection of wage earning agricultural workers (part three) ? The reasons for the singular treatment of this class of workers go back to agriculture’s very roots. Conscious of the particular characteristics of this activity, the International Labour Organisation asserted, at the very beginning of the 20th century, that no justification stood to limit the rights of agricultural workers to unionize. It later insisted on the fundamental value of union rights in front of diverse UN forums and favoured their promotion for agricultural workers through the elaboration of labour standards as well as extensive use of soft law tools, considered more suited to the globalised world. International labour law also contributed to the interpretation of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedom by Canadian courts in their analysis of the constitutionality of total or partial exclusion of agricultural workers from legislation protecting union rights.
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Noël, Michel. "Les travailleurs blessés et les droits de la personne : les socles de sécurité sociale et le système ontarien d’indemnisation du travail." Thèse, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/22238.
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