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1
Stubbs, Thomas Henry. "Labour Market Segmentation and the Reserve Army of Labour: Theory, History, Future." The University of Waikato, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10289/2782.
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This thesis begins by revisiting and building on themes of labour market segmentation, with particular reference given to Marx's seminal account of segmentation in Capital, Vol.1 (Chapter 25). Marx distinguishes between an active army - the stable full-time employed - and the relative surplus population - the precariously employed reserve army and the residual surplus - and suggests further fragmentation of these main groups into sub-strata. Marx's perspective of segmentation is grounded in fragments of a general theory of employment that, as a long-term tendency, identifies continual advances in constant capital that abolish work and proliferate the reserve army. This thesis builds on these themes by formulating a concept, the 'transference dynamic', which underpins a general theory of employment segmentation. A short history of segmentation under capitalism traces recent phases of development in both developed and lesser-developed nations. Stress is placed on the role of political configurations that regulate capitalism in ways that can either counter the general tendency, such is the case under the Fordist model of capitalism, or strengthen its logic. The theory of employment segmentation and the lessons drawn from the historical account are spliced together with an analysis of the contemporary phase of capitalism, labelled here as the neoliberal model of development. It is demonstrated that the coercive international regulatory dynamic of the neoliberal model reasserts and extends the competitive principle of the capitalist mode of production. Through this extension, nations are transformed into competition-states vying for scarce and globally mobile capital to operate on their shores - the primary source of national prosperity and employment - by implementing capital-friendly neoliberalized policy. This analysis of neoliberal global capitalism reveals an expanding surplus population within a context of deepening international segmentation. This employment crisis is expressed as a hierarchy of nations that is determined in part by their uneven development. Those at the bottom of the hierarchy, comprising a majority portion of the world's population, contain a massive reserve army and residual surplus population unincorporated into wage-based capitalism, without any obvious support of means of life and with little hope for the future. Finally, mainstream solutions are criticized for failing to address either long-run or contemporary drivers of the employment crisis. In response, this thesis pitches a project of multi-faceted radical reform that counter-regulates capitalism by adopting a combination of local, national, regional and global forms of democratic socialist governance.
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Griffiths, Clare Victoria Joanne. "Labour and the countryside : rural strands in the British Labour movement, 1900-1939." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.338949.
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Dalton, Raymond David. "Labour and the municipality : Labour politics in Leeds 1900-1914." Thesis, University of Huddersfield, 2000. http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/id/eprint/4872/.
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This thesis examines the emergence of the Labour Party in Leeds, from its establishment as the Leeds Labour Representation Committee in 1902 up to the outbreak of the First World War. This will include a description and analysis of the very different political features of the Labour Party in Leeds in the parliamentary and municipal elections in this period. While only able to have elected one member of parliament before 1914, the Labour Party was to obtain a presence on the City Council in 1903 and by 1914 became the second largest party. The success of the Labour Party in municipal politics was due to the willingness of most trade unions in Leeds to join with the Independent Labour Party in giving it political and financial support. This was achieved by the Party's advocacy of municipal government as a vehicle of social reform. In particular, they argued in favour of using the trading profits of municipally owned services for the financing of these reforms. A powerful voice in the Leeds Labour Party was provided by the unions organising municipal workers. As a result, the Labour group was to act as their defenders on the City Council in the face of a hostile Conservative-Liberal majority. However, the Party in Leeds was to establish a broad base of support from the trade union and socialist movements in the city, which enabled it to survive relatively unscathed the defeat of a general strike of municipal workers in 1913 and 1914.
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Harrison, Sharon Maree. "Belgian labour in Nazi Germany : a social history." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/17582.
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The Nazis' deployment of foreigners (Ausländereinsatz) between 1939 and 1945 established one of the largest forced labour programs since the abolition of slavery during the nineteenth century. Foreign civilians from across Europe were deployed in Germany's war economy. Between 350,000 and 400,000 Belgian civilians were deployed in Germany during the Second World War- roughly half of these workers went to Germany voluntarily, but under a degree of pressure due to the Military Administration's economic policies in occupied Belgium. This thesis examines the implementation of the Nazi forced labour program through the analysis of the lives of Belgians who worked in Germany in the period 1940-1945 and by using a variety of original sources, including the records of the German Military Administration in Belgium and German and Belgian labour officials and the accounts of those who lived and worked in Germany. This thesis proposes a social history of the Nazi foreign labour program with a strong focus on the history of everyday life, drawing extensively on records such as letters, diaries, photographs and personal accounts of Belgians who worked in Germany during the Second World War, as well as hospital, police and judicial records. The employment patterns and experiences of Belgians deployed in Germany are examined through detailed case studies of Berlin and Düsseldorf, industrialised cities where Belgians were deployed in significant numbers. The Nazi regime divided Belgium's population along linguistic lines: Belgians were officially subject to differentiated treatment based on whether they were Flemings or Walloons. Examining the treatment of Belgians by the Nazi regime and comparing Nazi racial policies and practice, this thesis emphasises the key role played by local authorities, employers and individual Germans in shaping the experiences of foreign workers. It is argued that an important distinction must be made in relation to the material advantages western European workers enjoyed due to their elevated position in the Nazi racial hierarchy and the benefits individual foreign workers were able to secure by virtue of their employment skills, linguistic skills and greater confidence. The experiences of Belgian workers are also compared and contrasted with those of other national groups and are related to the broader history of foreign labour in Nazi Germany. This study also examines the experiences of Belgian women. While Belgian women represented close to 15 percent of Belgians deployed in Germany, studies of Belgian labour in Germany have largely overlooked their experiences. Utilising the limited available sources, this thesis contributes to an understanding of women's experiences. By focussing on the social history of the Ausländereinsatz and the stories of individual Belgians, this thesis maps the varied experiences of Belgians in Germany during the Second World War, illustrating convergence and divergence from Nazi racial policy and the fundamental role ordinary Germans played. More importantly, however, this thesis shows that Belgian civilian workers were not just passive victims of the German occupation. The decision to go to Germany to work was a personal one for many Belgian volunteers, based on individual circumstances. In difficult economic times and with no end to the war in sight, Belgians sought to navigate the best course for themselves and their families. While conscripts were by definition not free, as western Europeans Belgians were afforded greater rights and legal protections, which ensured they had room for manoeuvre and were able to exercise a significant degree of control over their own destinies.
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McCarry, Thomas John. "Labour and society in Swansea, 1887-1918." Thesis, Swansea University, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.278074.
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Myconos, George 1959. "The globalization(s) of organized labour, 1860-2003." Monash University, School of Political and Social Inquiry, 2003. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/9385.
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Leckcivilize, Attakrit. "Essays on labour economics." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2013. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/866/.
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Empirical studies in labour economics often suffer from endogeneity problems. Employing exogenous variations in policies and natural shock, this thesis investigates three topics. The �first two topics concern labour market phenomena in Thailand, whereas the third provides a case study of labour demand adjustment after an international supply chain shock. Chapter 2 assesses the impact of minimum wage policy on wage inequality in Thailand. The result is rather mixed. Although the minimum wage effectively reduces wage inequality among workers in formal sectors, it does not affect the wage distribution in the informal sector at all. The evidence suggests that such a result is mainly driven by weak law enforcement. Meanwhile, using changes in compulsory schooling law, chapter 3 provides consistent estimates of the rates of return to education in Thailand. Based on the IV method, only female employees experience a positive and significant return to (upper primary) education. Interestingly, the size and direction of bias of the estimator, especially for male sub-sample, are not consistent with the conventional result. The possible reasons underlying these �findings are elaborated. Chapter 4 relies on a different type of shock. The Great Tohoku Earthquake and Tsunami 2011 is treated as an external shock to the international supply chain of Auto industry. Then I estimate the impact of the supply chain disruption on labour inputs adjustment in the US auto industry. Despite the break down in supply chain of motor vehicle parts and accessories among Japanese auto companies, these �firms do not seem to reduce their labour inputs (used as a proxy for changes in production) significantly except for a small drop in average monthly earnings of workers in Japanese assembly plants. Also, their competitors make only slight adjustment to capitalize on the Japanese loss. Regarding other margins of adjustment, there is no evidence in support of the adjustment through import or price. Yet inventories and sales incentive appear to be major tools employed to mitigate either positive demand or negative supply shocks on both groups of companies.
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Sibly, Suzyrman. "Analyses of work absenteeism using event history models." Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.270174.
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Cushion, Stephen. "Organised labour and the Cuban revolution, 1952-1959." Thesis, School of Advanced Study, University of London, 2013. http://sas-space.sas.ac.uk/4901/.
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The standard historiography sees the working class as a passive bystander in the insurrectionary phase of the Cuban revolution, assuming that the real struggle was conducted by a rural guerrilla army. However, an examination of the archival evidence contradicts this view and shows that workers played a much more active role in the defeat of the Batista regime than they are normally given credit for. At the start of the 1950s, Cuba was suffering a crisis in profitability as the world price of sugar declined. This led the employers to conduct a productivity drive backed by the full repressive force of the Cuban state. Going on strike in a dictatorship is a life or death decision and workers need to feel some confidence in their chances of survival and in the possibility of successfully gaining a result that would be in their political and economic interests. Thus, following the defeat of a wave of militantly organised strikes in 1955, significant numbers of working class militants felt of the need for armed support to enable them defend their wages and conditions. Starting from the city of Guantánamo and spreading to cover most of the island, these activists constructed an impressive, clandestine, working class organisation in alliance with the rebel army which, after several failed attempts, proved capable of calling a successful general strike in January 1959. This strike was crucial to the rebel victory. This thesis, based on primary source material found in archives and private collections in Havana, Manzanillo, Guantánamo and Santiago de Cuba, will re-examine working class participation in the Cuban insurrection of the 1950s, concentrating on organised labour rather than the role of individual citizens.
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Bowden, Roy Edward. "The problems of boy labour and blind-alley occupations within the context of the labour markets of Brighton and Portsmouth, 1870-1939." Thesis, University of Southampton, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.242578.
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Smith, Angel. "Industry, labour and politics in Catalonia 1897-1914." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 1990. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/1721.
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This thesis analyses the development of trade unionism and working class political organisations in Catalonia between 1897 and 1914. Our study of the labour movement has been put within the context of both the structure of Catalan industry, and the response of the state and employer associations to the challenge of labour. The beginnings of the industrial revolution in Catalonia can be traced to the first half of the nineteenth century, when there grew up an important factory -based cotton textile industry. However, Catalan industry was faced with a serious difficulty. Outside Catalonia the Spanish economy remained backward and agrarian based. Demand for capital goods and manufactures was, therefore, low. This handicap slowed the rate of growth, and held up the technological transformation of Catalan industry. None the less, Catalan workers were not unaffected by the advance of capitalist relations of production. In order to cut costs and increase productivity cotton textile industrialists tried to replace male by female labour. Furthermore, in metallurgy and the artisanal trades new machinery was introduced piecemeal, and efforts were made to transform apprenticeship into cheap labour. Strong working class opposition was mobilised against such schemes. However, Catalan unions were faced with state repression and employer intransigence. This made it difficult for the workers to form stable bureaucratic unions which could enter into collective bargaining with employers. This fact had important political implications. It has been argued that the trade union practice of the Socialists was geared to the existence of such federations. The difficulties faced in organising them, therefore, hindered Socialist penetration. Unions in Catalonia were often unstable, and social conflict in much of Catalan industry was severe. This, together with the unwillingness of the state to carry through a serious programme of social reforms, increased working class support for the anarchists and syndicalists, for both anarchists and syndicalists rejected conciliatory wage negotiations and state intervention, and instead favoured the use of direct action and the revolutionary General Strike. By 1914 the Catalan working class was still poorly organised. However, within the unions, it was the supporters of direct action who were in the strongest position. This provided a springboard for the rapid growth of the anarcho-syndicalist labour federation, the CNT, between 1916 and 1919. On the other hand, the inability of the Socialists to gain a strong union base in Catalonia also prevented them from becoming an important political force. As a result, left wing politics remained dominated by middle class led republican parties.
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Wilcox, Martin Howard. "Apprenticed labour in the English fishing industry, 1850-1914." Thesis, University of Hull, 2005. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:10511.
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This thesis assesses the role of apprenticed labour in the growth and development of the English fishing industry between 1850 and 1914. Although apprenticeship is a well-known facet of the fisheries, writing on the subject has focused largely on the port of Grimsby, and on the abuses of the system that were widely publicised in the 1880s and 1890s. This study provides a national perspective, examining the institution of apprenticeship as a means of labour recruitment, training and control, and comparing apprenticeship in the fishing industry with the merchant shipping industry - where, despite the undoubted importance of apprenticed labour, very little research on the subject exists - and land-based industries, where apprenticeship offered similar advantages of training and control. It applies theories of apprenticeship developed with reference to industry ashore to explain the transformation of a classically paternalistic apprenticeship system into a means of recruiting, controlling and exploiting a large number of cheap labourers. A wide range of primary sources are used, including the Board of Trade archive and registers of apprentices, fishing vessel crew agreements, numerous Parliamentary enquiries and reports on the fishing industry and contemporary writings. Apprenticeship was an established facet of the fishing industry in the ports of Devon, the Thames and Essex. Migrants from these ports established apprenticeship in places such as Hull, Lowestoft and Great Yarmouth between the 1850s and 1870s. However, rapid growth in some of these new ports, especially on the Humber, led to a concentration of cheap labour. The resultant social problems gained the system a bad reputation and resulted in legislation to bring the system under control, which also increased the costs. However, by this time demographic shifts leading to greater availability of casual labour and technological change were beginning to undermine apprenticeship, which had all but died out by 1914.
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Tichelar, Michael. "The Labour Party's policy towards land reform, 1900-1945." Thesis, University of the West of England, Bristol, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.322024.
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By the outbreak of the Second World War the 'Land Question' was not as politically controversial as it had been before 1914. It had fragmented into a series of separate but related political issues. Radical interest had moved away from attacking the landed aristocracy as a class and focused on the development and control of land-use, particularly in urban areas, and the protection of agriculture and the countryside from urban despoliation. The thesis concentrates on Labour Party policy at a national and a local level in the period 1939-45. There was a plethora of Government white papers and reports published on land-use control (physical planning's equivalent to the welfare state's Beveridge Report), plus controversial legislation on town and country planning to deal with the problem of reconstructing towns badly damaged by the blitz. Much more could be said about the importance of post 1945 developments, but there is not sufficient space to do adequate justice to this period. However, a number of ~ initial and preliminary comments are made in the conclusion about the record of the 1945 Labour Government. The thesis makes a contribution in three areas of historical debate. First it traces in detail the way Labour Party policy on land reform developed in the period from 1900 to 1945. This is a neglected area particularly after 1939. Four strands of policy made up Labour's changing position on the Land Question: - agriculture and smallholdings; land nationalisation and taxation of land values; town and country planning; and National Parks and access to the countryside. Second it contributes to the historical debate on the nature of the post-war consensus. It questions the extent to which wartime debates on land reform could be said to form part of the origins of postwar legislation. Third the thesis identifies some broader themes that influenced the direction and nature of the Party's land reform policies. The tension between land nationalistion and taxation of land values will be discussed, and its influence on the development of Party ideology on public ownership in general. In addition the influence of such important factors as agrarianism, pastoralism and central-local government relationships will be discussed and assessed.
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Gillespie, Emmet. "Vanguard State: Labour, radicalism, and third-party politics in Minnesota, 1934-1944." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/20708.
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This thesis examines the rise of industrial unions in Minnesota in the late 1930s and early 1940s by placing this within the broader context of state and local politics. In the 1930s, the influence of left-wing politics was at its nationwide peak in Minnesota. The state had elected two governors from the radical Farmer-Labor Party, while the 1934 Teamsters Strike had broken the power of employer’s organisations and paved the way for industrial unionisation nationwide. Minnesota also had one of the nation’s most influential Communist parties, while the Congress of Industrial Organisations successfully organised the resource-extraction areas surrounding Duluth. Though historians have tended to treat these groups separately, and have emphasised conflict rather than cooperation between them, this thesis argues that these groups worked together enough that they essentially formed a left movement. This movement enabled Minnesota’s version of the nationwide process in which the working class emerged as a political and economic actor, formed unions, and demanded better wages, fairer conditions, and access to the mainstream of American political and economic life. By incorporating Minnesota into the broader story of the emergence of America’s working class as a political and industrial actor, this thesis asserts that this process was shaped by regional and local political and economic contexts as much as it was by national forces. Moreover, this thesis also argues that ending casual and seasonal work was central to the process of securing a better standard of living for workers. While previous historians have tended to assume that seasonal work ended naturally in the 1920s, I find that it was a common feature of working-class life cycles throughout the 1930s. Unions and political actors explicitly made seasonal and casual work an issue and developed various strategies to end or mitigate job loss.
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Kerr, Melissa. "New South Wales Public Employment Services 1887-1942." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/8645.
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Australian historical scholarship has traditionally neglected public employment services as an area of research. However, in recent years as the State has repositioned itself in the labour market the role of public employment services has become a popular area of debate. While contemporary scholars have contributed to these debates, their historical counterparts have been slower to follow suit. In overcoming this neglect, this thesis provides an historical examination of one of the earliest forms of state intervention into the Australian labour market: public employment services. This study examined the establishment and operations of public employment services in NSW from 1887 until 1942, when they were transferred across to the Federal Department of Labour and National Service, to comply with Commonwealth Wartime legislation. Within the Australian contemporary scholarship, public employment services have been conceptualised according to three dominant economic traditions: neo-classical economics, Keynesian economics and the writings of W.H. Beveridge. However, these traditions are predicated on inherent assumptions and predetermined outcomes, all of which fail to identify the origins and development of public employment services in Australia. Neo-classical economists have been the most critical arguing that the public provision of employments services is both inefficient and ineffective. Within the historical literature, Institutional economists in the United States have been influential in identifying the socio-economic factors that led to the development of the public employment services: asymmetrical labour market information and fraudulent acts perpetrated by private employment registries, all of which distorted the functioning of the labour market. By adopting the institutional economic approach, this thesis found that it was these socio-economic concerns that led to the introduction of the public employment service in NSW. This thesis disputes the claims of the neo-classical economists that the public employment services were both inefficient and ineffective, instead it argues that the public employment service played a pivotal role in the development of the NSW economy performing the role of labour market intermediary: channelling information and bringing together those wishing to buy and sell labour; while safeguarding those vulnerable in the labour market: the unemployed.
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Taylor, Peter Forbes. "Popular politics and labour-capital relations in Bolton, 1825-1850." Thesis, Lancaster University, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.315543.
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Swift, John. "Clement Attlee and the Labour Party in opposition, 1931-1940." Thesis, Lancaster University, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.390321.
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Knox, E. "Between capital and labour : The petite bourgeoisie in Victorian Edinburgh." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.372969.
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Shirahase, Sawako. "Women in the labour market : mobility and work history of Japanese women." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.385677.
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Gay, Morgan K. "Organized labour and the Quebec state, neo-corporatism, nationalism and trade union consensus, 1988-1998." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ48574.pdf.
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Morton, Bess. "Making diamonds from dust : a working class history of British Labour Party women, 1906-1956 /." Title page, contents and abstract only, 1991. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09ARM/09armm889.pdf.
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Spalding, Roger. "Revolutionary socialism to radical patriotism : the British Labour Left 1931-1945." Thesis, University of East Anglia, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.246118.
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Beach, Abigail Louisa. "The Labour Party and the idea of citizenship, c.1931-1951." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1996. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1349491/.
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This thesis examines the development and articulation of ideas of citizenship by the Labour Party and its sympathizers in academia and the professions. Setting this analysis within the context of key policy debates the study explores how ideas of citizenship shaped critiques of the relationships between central government and local government, voluntary groups and the individual. Present historiographical orthodoxy has skewed our understanding of Labour's attitude to society and the state, overemphasising the collectivist nature and centralising intentions of the Labour party, while underplaying other important ideological trends within the party. In particular, historical analyses which stress the party's commitment from the 1930s to achieving the transition to socialism through a strategy of planning, (of industrial development, production, investment, and so on), have generally concluded that the party based its programme on a centralised, expert-driven state, with control removed from the grasp of the ordinary people. The re-evaluation developed here questions this analysis and, fundamentally, seeks to loosen the almost overwhelming concentration on the mechanisms chosen by the Labour for the implementation of policy. It focuses instead on the discussion of ideas that lay behind these policies and points to the variety of opinions on the meaning and implications of social and economic planning that surfaced in the mid-twentieth century Labour party. In particular, it reveals considerable interest in the development of an active and participatory citizenship among socialist thinkers and politicians, themes which have hitherto largely been seen as missing elements in the ideas of the interwar and immediate postwar Labour party. The chief problem for the interwar and postwar Labour party, the thesis argues, was not blindness to the issue of participation in an age characterised by increasingly complex and large-scale social organisation: on the contrary, this feature of modern living was recognised and policies were framed to address its consequences. The difficulty in achieving the participatory ideal lay more in the complicated interplay of interests in society, in the established structures of government, and in the fact that citizens showed themselves to be more interested in affluence and consumption than in active participation in the civic process, than in a straightforward ideological indifference or antipathy towards wide and decentralised social participation.
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Grant, Linda May. "Women workers and the sexual division of labour : Liverpool 1890 - 1939." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.280313.
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Carter, M. R. "The struggle for reconstruction : coalition and the Labour Movement 1916-1925." Thesis, University of East Anglia, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.338094.
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Anson, Michael John. "Management and labour relations at Swindon railway locomotive works, 1947-1967." Thesis, University of Exeter, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.267218.
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Diez, Minguela Alfonso Maria. "Essays on marriage and female labour." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2010. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/2749/.
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Along the process of economic development, marriage patterns have gradually changed. Nonetheless, we still observe contrasting differences across regions. This thesis first examines those differences, and questions what determines those marriage patterns. The answer to this will be the economic role of women within a society. In this regard, we explore the relationship between gender differences in labour participation and marital outcomes across regions and over time. To do so, we use ethnographic evidence and country-decade data. Moreover, we reconcile distinctive literatures in an attempt to answer our main research question. The focus of the thesis lies within two specific issues regarding marriage patterns: (i) marital systems, namely polygyny and monogamy, and (ii) the spousal age gap. First, we examine the relationship between female labour participation and polygynous unions. Then, we concentrate on monogamy to explore the spousal age gap. In addition, we discuss our main findings and its implications for the long run. Whether societies have followed a similar path but at different speeds throughout history is our last topic of discussion.
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Lues, Liezel. "The history of professional African women : a South African perspective." Interim : Interdisciplinary Journal, Vol 4, Issue 1: Central University of Technology, Free State, Bloemfontein, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/11462/428.
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Published ArticleThis article reviews the perspectives on the rights, roles and endeavours of women in the South African work environment. In an attempt to achieve this objective, the article commences with a holistic approach on the evolution of women's rights and roles. The remainder gives perspectives on the South African labour force and finally outlines the importance of South African legislation on the advancement of women. The situation of African women is, in particular referred to, as it was evident during 1995 and earlier that African females were considerably under-represented in various sectors of the workforce. African women were, for example, introduced into the management environment as recently as the 1980s, while supportive legislation only came into place in the 1990s.
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Hendricks, David J. "Culturae Africae: Rural Labour and the Organization of Agriculture during the Principate." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/22508.
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Davis, Jonathan Shaw. "Altered images : the Labour Party and the Soviet Union in the 1930s." Thesis, De Montfort University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2086/4074.
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Ewar, R. F. "Working conditions and labour relations in Southampton's port industries between the wars." Thesis, University of Southampton, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.375950.
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Stammers, Richard. "The British labour party and the emergence of bipolarity : 1943 to 1949." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.270917.
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Abrams, M. "Ikitchini : the hidden side of women's labour." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/15856.
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Bibliography: pages 233-248.This dissertation seeks to examine an area of South African historiography which has largely been ignored, that is, domestic labour. It posits a relationship between working class women, domestic labour paid and unpaid. The material has been arranged around the primary objective of examining the silence around domestic labour and highlighting the gender content of domestic work. It is divided into two parts. The first part examines the conceptualization of class and gender struggles, while the second part examines aspects of working class women's experience of this. Chapter One deals with why women have been ignored in recorded history; Chapter Two examines Marxist approaches to the Woman Question. Chapter Three examines the silence arourid women's experience in South African historiography, while Chapter Four is a critical examination of the recorded history of domestic workers. Chapter Five examines aspects of black working class women's experience of domestic labour in their own families, while Chapter Six documents the experience of a group of organized workers in Cape Town. The study concludes that the way forward is to develop a gender sensitive class analysis as outlined in the work of Lise Vogel. This will open up new areas for research, for example, the rise of the public and private dichotomy, the separation of productive and reproductive labour, the ideology of motherhood and sexuality as well as the changing nature of the social construction of gender identity.
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Gordon, Eleanor J. "Women and the labour movement in Scotland, 1850-1914." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1985. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/4883/.
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In recent years there has been a concerted effort by feminist historians to retrieve women from historical obscurity and reinsert them into the historical landscape. Early research concentrated on this task of reclamation and produced a number of self-contained monographs and studies of women's lives. However, the emphasis has shifted towards viewing the sexual divison of labour as a central object of study and as a tool of analysis and evaluating its impact on the historical process. It is argued that in this way feminist history can transform our knowledge of the past and contribute to a greater understanding of the process of historical change. The present study seeks to contribute to this project by examining the lives of working women in Scotland between 1850 and 1914. It takes issue with standard accounts which assume that women's paid labour and women's organisation at the point of production will take male forms and argues that gender ideologies had a significant impact on women's experience of work. The pattern of women's employment 1S examined and it is illustrated that because work has been defined according to the male norm of full-time permanent work, outside the home, the extent of women's paid labour has been seriously underestimated. It is also argued that in order to account for the characteristics of female employment it is necessary to take ideological factors into consideration and that notions of what constitutes women's 'proper' role in society had a pattern of women's employment. important role played by trade powerful influence on the The study identifies the unions in maintaining occupational segregation and confirming women's work as unskilled and low paid. It is also suggested that the model of labour organisations was influenced inter-alia by an ideology of gender which limited its ability to relate to the experience of women workers. It is argued that women's experience of work was mediated by their subordination as a gender and that this generated particular forms of resistance and organisation which did not necessarily conform to the standard male forms. The study concludes that we have to reappraise the received view of women workers as apathetic and difficult to organise and suggests that alternative forms of labour organisations which do not reflect but challenge gender divisions are required.
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Ivings, Steven Edward. "Colonial settlement and migratory labour in Karafuto 1905-1941." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2014. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1072/.
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Following the Russo-Japanese War Japan acquired its second formal colony, Karafuto (southern Sakhalin), which became thoroughly integrated with mainland Japan, developing into an important supplier of marine products, lumber, paper and pulp, and coal. This sparsely populated colony offered the prospect of large scale settlement and over the course of the Japanese colonial period the population of the Karafuto increased to over 400,000 before the Pacific War. This thesis traces the course of migration to Karafuto and assesses the role of settlement policy, and migratory labour in colonial settlement. Utilizing colonial media, government reports and local documents, as well as the recollections of former settlers, this study argues that the phenomenon of migratory labour acted as an indirect means for establishing a permanent settler community in Karafuto. This study stresses that the colonial government of Karafuto’s efforts towards the establishment of permanent settlements based on agriculture largely failed. Instead, it was industries that involved the utilization of migratory labour which acted as base-industries for economic life in the colony, and helped support Karafuto’s more enduring communities. Indeed, even in the few cases of successfully established government sponsored agricultural communities in Karafuto, seasonal migratory labour and nonagricultural activity were a persistently crucial component of the community’s economic life. A further implication of this study relates to the comprehensive integration of Karafuto with migratory labour markets in northern mainland Japan and Hokkaido. Evidence presented in this study allows us to question the prevalent notions that northern Japan was an isolated, or poorly connected, region. Instead, it is found that the prefectures of Japan’s northeast were actively engaged in northward bound settlement and migratory labour circuits.
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Lamounier, Lucia. "Between slavery and free labour : experiments with free labour and patterns of slave emancipation in Brazil and Cuba c.1830-1888." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1993. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/108/.
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This thesis is divided in two main parts. The first part compares and contrasts early experiments with non-slave labour in Cuba and Sao Paulo. The second part considers projects for the gradual abolition of slavery and the transition to free labour. The objective is to examine how Cuban and Brazilian planters solved the problem of labour supply triggered by a rapid growth of plantation exports during the nineteenth century. At this time sugar and coffee plantations came to characterize economic development in the two areas. Continued expansion was threatened by international pressures to end the trans- Atlantic slave trade. Challenged by international demands to terminate the "African trade" Cuba and Brazil sought to solve the labour problem by means of immigration. From the mid-century until the end of slavery in the 1880s, planters would experiment with several labour systems, involving a variety of labour relations. Besides slaves, Europeans, Chinese, Mexican Indians, Canary Islanders, and free domestic workers (white and coloured) would be employed on the plantations. Substituting "free" labour for slave labour was not simply a matter of labour supply. For Cuba there was the question of the relationship with Spain and its consequences for the defense of slavery and the impact on immigration. For Brazil there was the question of forging a national identity. What would be the place of slaves, freedmen and immigrants in the new nation. In both regions these considerations had a racial dimension. Also planters were anxious to secure a cheap disciplined workforce. What labour system would best meet these requirements? As this thesis demonstrates this was a time of experimentation. From the first, in Brazil alternative supplies of labour were regarded as a means of transition to free labour. In Cuba new supplies of workers were viewed as complementing slavery. But the first experiments with non-slave labour affected the processes of the abolition of slavery and the transition to free labour while the meaning of "free labour” and “transition” also changed over time.
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Ikebe, Shannon. "In Place of Liberation : Failure of Labour Politics in Britain, 1964-79." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1308072968.
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Horn, Geoff. "Crosland's socialism : a history of the British Labour Party's revisionist tradition, 1951-81." Thesis, London Metropolitan University, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.435593.
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On leaving office in 1951, the Labour Party entered an unstable period of transition, in which future political direction was contested. The elevation of Hugh Gaitskell to the party leadership enhanced the influence of a new generation of revisionist intellectuals, who set out to redefine Labour's socialist commitment and rethink its policies. The most influential thesis was provided by Anthony Crosland's The Future of Socialism (1956), which became the 'bible' for a generation of committed revisionists and helped equip the Party with a programme of radical reforms. By 1981 Labour's revisionist tradition had been marginalised, as the Party moved to the left and many of the inheritors of Crosland's ideas broke away to form the Social Democratic Party (SDP). This dissertation sets out to understand the causes of this political decline. This is a work of contemporary British history that provides a comprehensive study of the British Labour Party's post-war revisionist tradition, tracing the political experience of its central advocates. The revisionists were an identifiable political group as a result of their associations and beliefs. Intellectually armed with Crosland's thesis, the social democratic Right were able to dominate the Parliamentary Labour Party (PLP) into the 1970s. But the difficulties of implementing and renewing the Croslandite revisionist strategy undermined this dominance. By examining the historical experience it is possible to shed light upon the practical difficulties involved in translating Crosland's ideas into action, and therefore gain a greater understanding of the central political and intellectual weaknesses that afflicted Labour revisionism.
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Maloka, Edward Tshidiso. "Basotho and the mines : towards a history of labour migrancy, c.1890-1940." Doctoral thesis, University of Cape Town, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/22471.
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Bibliography: pages 368-396.This thesis examines how Lesotho came to depend on the export of its men to South African mines; what the experiences of these men were; and how all this impacted on Basotho society during the years between c.1890 and 1940. The thesis is divided into three parts. Part I focuses on the context and dynamics of labour migration and recruitment in Lesotho during the late 1880s to the late 1930s. This Part lays the basis for subsequent sections by showing which sections of Basotho opted for labour migrancy; and why it was men and not women who, initially at least, became migrants. In discussing the decline of the Basotho economy in the 1920s and 1930s, this section also shows how this was characterised not only by dependence on migrants' earnings, but also by the orientation to and concentration of Basotho labour on the Witwatersrand gold mines. Part II discusses various themes relating to life and conditions on the mines and in the compounds during the period up to c.1940. While specific note is taken of the African miners' death and accident rate, most attention is devoted to the various ways which Basotho miners developed for dealing with the sickness, death and destitution befalling their compatriots in the compounds and on the mines. Conversion to Christianity was an important part of some miners experience, as church forums and the bible could be used for recreational purposes, while literacy classes imparted many with essential skills which could lead to promotion on the mine. But competition for promotion and favours, as well as conflicting survival strategies, often resulted in violent conflict among African miners. Although some scholars have mistakenly attributed such conflict to ethnic factors alone, this thesis argues for an approach which is simultaneously historically and materially grounded. Part III, by using the case of infectious and occupational diseases, and prostitution and commercial beer-brewing, traces and analyses the impact of the migrant labour system on Lesotho. The thesis shows how the spread to Lesotho of such diseases as syphilis and tuberculosis was directly linked to contact with South African towns and mining centres through wage labour. Beer canteens and brothels emerged and flourished in colonial Lesotho not only because of the decline of the country's economy and the breakdown of Basotho social structures, but also because these establishments serviced the migrant labour traffic itself. The significance of this study lies in two areas. Historiographically, this study seeks to contribute to migrant labour studies in Lesotho in particular and Southern Africa in general. Its approach stands between economism which attributes the causes of labour migrancy solely to economic factors, and those paradigms which privilege ideas and culture over material factors. There is a dialectical interplay between material factors and ideas, although the former ultimately determines the latter. Secondly, the significance of this study lies in the fact that many of the issues raised, especially those in Part III, continue to pose serious problems for Basotho people and their government to this day. Knowing something about the origins and history of these problems may contribute to finding lasting solutions. This study, therefore, is about Lesotho, Basotho, and the mines.
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Lunn, J. R. "Capital and labour on the Rhodesian railway system, 1890-1939." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.234440.
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Manderson, Kate. "Fabian socialism and the struggle for Independent Labour Representation, 1884-1900." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape11/PQDD_0003/MQ43910.pdf.
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Curthoys, Mark. "Trade union legislation 1871-6 : government responses to the development of organised labour." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.302855.
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Gamarnikow, Eva Helena Aniela Zofia. "Women's employment and sexual division of labour : the case of nursing, 1860-1923." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.318095.
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Famiglietti, Antonio. "The theory of social movements and the British Labour Movement, circa 1790-1920." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.369424.
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Catterall, Peter Paul. "The free churches and the Labour Party in England and Wales 1918-1939." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 1989. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/1367.
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This thesis has two principal objectives. Firstly it seeks to examine the response of the traditionally Liberal Free Churches to the inter-war decline of that party, the rise of Labour and the changing economic, social and political developments and issues which accompanied this process. This response is considered both in terms of the Free Church leadership and, with the aid of local case studies in Bolton, Bradford, Liverpool and Norfolk, of chapel society. It is therefore examined not only in terms of the changing theological and political attitudes of the Free Church leadership, that leadership's contribution to Christian Socialism in the period and its enthusiasm for particular issues like temperance. The financial problems, political witness and changing nature of the chapel community, its communication of ideals and distinctive way of looking at the world, has also been fully considered. Secondly the thesis seeks to establish the extent to which Free Churchmen were representative of a working class party in a country where the working class was not usually noted for its religiosity, how substantial the Free Church presence in the party was and why, and what contribution they made to it. This involves not only an examination of the relationship between the Free Churches and the working classes but also of the composition of the party, both at national level and in the local areas researched. Consideration has also been given to the extent to which Nonconformist Socialists have proved willing to take over from their Liberal counterparts as the bearers of the "Nonconformist Conscience" (involving close scrutiny of the development of and the labour party's response to typical Free Church concerns like temperance, gambling, Sabbatarianism, peace, education and disestablishment) and to the contribution their Christianity made to the objectives and ideals of the Labour party.
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Hayter, Dianne. "The fightback of the traditional Right in the Labour Party 1979 to 1987." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2004. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/1841.
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The Labour Party, having lost the General Election in 1979 after the Winter of Discontent,d escendedin to internalt urmoil, ast he Left-dominatedN ational Executive Committee( NEC) and conferences oughtr evengeo n the centre-rightP arliamentary Labour Party (PLP) for its alleged failures in government. In 1981, the Social Democratic Party (SDP) split from Labour, leaving the Labour Party facing possible electoral extinction. However, the trade unions - founders of the Labour Party - came to its rescue,le d by a small groupo f dedicatedg enerals ecretariesa nd staff, who set out to regaint he NEC for the moderatesa, ndt o return the Labour Partyt o what they termed "sanity" and electability,b y expellingM ilitant, safeguardingth e position of Deputy LeaderD enis HealeyM P whenc hallengedb y Tony Benn MP, andd eliveringf or Neil Kinnock MP (the Leader they helped install after the 1983 election) an NEC committed to supporting him in changing the party. The thesis documents the organisation of the Right within the PLP before 1981 (the Manifesto Group and Labour First). It then covers the internal party groupings which organised the Fightback of the party's traditional right (the St Ermins Group of trade union leaders, Labour Solidarity Campaign and Forward Labour). It details their role in the leadership and deputy leadership elections, in changing the NEC's political composition and its workings, in the expulsion of Militant, in campaigning for One Member One Vote, and in helping keep Moderate members within the party. Contrary to some academic writings, this thesis shows how this was initially undertaken without the supporto f the Leader,a nd it detailst he amounto f organisationawl ork neededto achievec hangea nd assisti n Labour's re-emergencea s an electablep arty. The researchd rawso n extensivep rivatep apersa nd archives,t ogetherw ith over 70 interviews with key players.
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Van, den Bergh Edda-Nathalie. "Farm labour relations and the regional economy of the Western Cape, 1917-1939." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1995. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/271951.
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Smyth, James J. "Labour and socialism in Glasgow, 1880-1914 : the electoral challenge prior to democracy." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/26951.
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From the emergence of the 'modern' Socialist movement in the 1880s through to the First World War, the majority of socialists in Britain regarded the achievement of particular reforms and the ultimate goal of Socialism itself, as being realisable only through the ballot box. The subject of this thesis is how that movement, i.e. for independent labour representation, was conducted and with what success in Glasgow prior to the First World War. The whole basis of this electoral strategy, however, is called into question by the sex and class biases inherent in the franchise system, as defined by the Reform Acts of the nineteenth century. The focus of the study falls upon local, municipal politics and particular attention is paid to the Independent Labour Party (ILP), as the largest socialist organisation and the body most associated with the movement of independent labour representation. Glasgow was chosen because of its working class complexion, the militant reputation it receive during and immediately after the First World War, and its emergence as an electoral stronghold of the Labour Party in the post-war period. To achieve its aim of securing elected representation, the ILP sought to promote alliances with other democratic' forces which were regarded as part of the working class movement: the trade unions, the co-operators, and the Irish. An alliance of this group was achieved in the 1890s and secured a level of Labour representation on Glasgow Town Council. The elements of this alliance, however, were fissiparious and the coalition eventually collapsed and with it Labour representation, until a more structured Labour Party was established in Glasgow in 1910-12. Even at its most successful, this electoral challenge was limited. This limitation is examined in relation to the franchise system. The class bias of the system operated most forcefully against the poorer working class, and the failure of British Socialism, and particularly the ILP, to campaign for complete democracy is seen as emanating from respectable' fears of the residuum or 'slum dwellers'. The limited impact made by Labour prior to 1914 is thrown into sharper relief by the massively expanded support it enjoyed post-1918 amongst the new mass electorate, which meant that Britain, for the first time, at least approximated to being a full democracy. That the forces of Labour had signally failed to make adult suffrage an important plank of its platform is seen as indicative of a Labour movement and politics unable to transcend the divisions within the working class, and posing only a limited and self-limiting challenge to the established order.
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Woodiwiss, A. "Rights v. conspiracy : A Marxist essay on the history of labour law in the United States." Thesis, University of Essex, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.370496.
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Susan, Brett Andre. "Overcoming the Penrose Stairs of history: the legislated treatment of the 'designated groups' within a hierarchy of discrimination approach." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/19912.
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A Penrose Staircase- an impossible object always ending ascending yet constantly descending and ending as an illusion. This is Employment Equity legislation in South Africa with its purported aim of redressing the disadvantages of its designated groups. It is legislation that aims to promote equal opportunity, fair treatment and eliminate unfair discrimination yet cannot unshackle itself from the very types of racial identifiers that it wishes to have eliminated. This paper is an attempt to give greater content and context to the purpose of Employment Equity than the few sentences provided in the preamble of the Act. In particular, I have focused on the Act's own racial differentiator - 'Blacks' - as a seemingly convenient catch-all rubric which is drenched with the very abhorrent salience of race and thickening of racial classifications which it wishes to escape from. 'Blacks', as Africans, Indians and Coloureds, as I will conclude, have intertwined yet different experiences of apartheid and their emergence from Apartheid and projected future can be so vastly contrasted that Employment Equity measures based on its current simplified Verwoerd an racial descriptors will perpetuate inequality and racial disunity. This paper is a study some of the more than three hundred years of policies, practices, laws and the might of the sophisticated government machinery which aimed at placing Whites at the apex of control over the country's resources and contrast how each of the designated groups have (1) experienced legislated discrimination aimed against them; (2) as a snapshot of 1994, how they have emerged from this history and(3) the predicted trajectory that each group can expect in their share of resources in the future.