Journal articles: 'Labour – Great Britain'

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Wright, Robert E., John F. Ermisch, P. R. Andrew Hinde, and Heather E. Joshi. "The third birth in Great Britain." Journal of Biosocial Science 20, no. 4 (October 1988): 489–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021932000017612.

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SummaryThe relationship between female labour force participation, and other socioeconomic factors, and the probability of having a third birth is examined, using British data collected in the 1980 Women and Employment Survey, by hazard regression modelling with time-varying covariates. The results demonstrate the strong association between demographic factors, e.g. age at first birth and birth interval and subsequent fertility behaviour. Education appears to have little effect. Surprisingly, women who have spent a higher proportion of time as housewives have a lower risk of having a third birth. This finding is in sharp disagreement with the conventional expectation that cumulative labour force participation supports lower fertility. These findings are briefly compared with similar research carried out in Sweden.

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Guariglia, Alessandra. "Superstores and Labour Demand: Evidence from Great Britain." Journal of Applied Economics 5, no. 2 (November 2002): 233–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15140326.2002.12040578.

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Hepworth, M. E., A. E. Green, and A. E. Gillespie. "The Spatial Division of Information Labour in Great Britain." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 19, no. 6 (June 1987): 793–806. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a190793.

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In this paper the prevailing geography of the information economy in Great Britain is examined. Attention is focused on the 1981 labour-force share of information occupations at the level of standard regions. This occupation approach, as developed by Porat, is interrelated with Singlemann's sectoral classification in order to provide a new view of the information-based service economy in a regional context. The spatial division of information labour in Great Britain is identified and its theoretical and policy implications are discussed. It is shown that, despite regional differences in industrial specialisation, job prospects in all parts of the country are increasingly dependent on information-based services. There is, however, clear evidence of Greater London's dominance of the information economy, particularly in higher-order information occupations related to management and control functions and specialised producer-services activities. It is suggested that innovations in information technology (computer-communications networks) will reinforce this uneven geography of employment opportunities, particularly with the further integration of Britain into the global information economy. In this light, theoretical approaches to regional economic policy must embody an international dimension and address the transsectoral nature of information-based development in which the new technologies play a central role.

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Lever, W. F. "THE OPERATION OF LOCAL LABOUR MARKETS IN GREAT BRITAIN." Papers in Regional Science 44, no. 1 (January 14, 2005): 37–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1435-5597.1980.tb01088.x.

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Medineckiene, Milena, and Viktorija Kirdaite. "Evaluation of Influencing Factors on Great Britain‘S Export Values." Economics and Culture 18, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 59–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jec-2021-0005.

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Abstract Research purpose. The research aimed at identifying the main factors influencing export values in the region of Great Britain (GB) for the period of the last 30 years. Design / Methodology / Approach. In order to implement the investigation, the following tasks were intended: (1) To analyse scientific literature and mark out at least five non - dependent variables that impact export values of Great Britain. (2) Basing on findings, outlined in a scientific review, suggest or choose the methodology that is the most appropriate for this kind of tasks’ determination. (3) Collect the data for dependent and non-dependent variables (at least 30 samples). (4) Based on the presented methodology, determine the selected factors’ impact and make the statistical and economic analysis. The research was mainly done using quantitative analysis methods (descriptive, correlation, regressive analysis). Quantitative modelling and descriptive statistics methods are selected for investigation because they can suggest a different approach to analysing the factors influencing export values. Findings. Five non-dependent variables were marked out as factors influencing the export values in the selected region: gross domestic product (GDP); the number of employees in the region; amounts of cargo transportation; average salary in the region and labour costs. Calculation of the correlation coefficients showed that all independent variables were statistically significant. There is a very strong relationship between export values and GDP, employment, and labour costs. Originality / Value / Practical implications. The findings of this research can be applied in order to evaluate and determine the economic impact of the GB processes on the entire world, as Britain’s export values are among the top ten in the world. It is important to emphasise that the deeper analysis of the influencing factors of the volume of export in Great Britain showed an interrelation of these factors. So further investigation of this factor’s impact is essential.

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Gospel, Howard F. "The Management of Labour: Great Britain, the US, and Japan." Business History 30, no. 1 (January 1988): 104–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00076798800000006.

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Butcher, Tim, and Gill Hutchinson. "The changing pattern of labour market activity in Great Britain." International Journal of Manpower 17, no. 6/7 (September 1996): 66–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/01437729610149349.

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STANZIANI, ALESSANDRO. "Local Bondage in Global Economies: Servants, wage earners, and indentured migrants in nineteenth-century France, Great Britain, and the Mascarene Islands." Modern Asian Studies 47, no. 4 (February 28, 2013): 1218–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x12000698.

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AbstractThis paper compares the definitions, practices, and legal constraints on labour in Britain, France, Mauritius, and Reunion Island in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. It argues that the way in which indentured labour was defined and practised in the colonies was linked to the definition and practice of wage labour in Europe and that their development was interconnected. The types of bondage that existed in the colonies were extreme forms of the notion, practices, and rules of labour in Europe. It would have been impossible to develop the indenture contract in the British and French empires if wage earners in Britain and France had not been servants. The conceptions and practices of labour in Europe and its main colonies influenced each other and were part of a global dynamic.

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O'Leary, Nigel C., and Peter J. Sloane. "The Return to a University Education in Great Britain." National Institute Economic Review 193 (July 2005): 75–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0027950105058559.

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In this paper, we estimate the rate of return to first degrees, Masters degrees and PhDs in Britain using data from the Labour Force Survey. We estimate returns to broad subject groups and more narrowly defined disciplines, distinguishing returns by gender and controlling for variations in student quality across disciplines. The results reveal considerable heterogeneity in returns to particular degree programmes and by gender, which have important policy implications for charging students for the costs of their education.

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Thompson, James. "The Great Labour Unrest and Political Thought in Britain, 1911-1914." Labour History Review 79, no. 1 (January 2014): 37–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/lhr.2014.3.

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Fieldhouse, E. A., and M. I. Gould. "Ethnic Minority Unemployment and Local Labour Market Conditions in Great Britain." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 30, no. 5 (May 1998): 833–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a300833.

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British ethnic minority unemployment rates are considerably higher than those of the white population. In 1991 the ethnic minority unemployment rate was more than double that of the white majority. One possible explanation is that Britain's ethnic minorities are concentrated in areas of economic disadvantage. The authors use the 2% Individual Sample of Anonymised Records (SAR) in conjunction with area-based census data for pseudo travel-to-work areas, to explore the relative importance of individual characteristics and area characteristics on ethnic minority unemployment rates. Multilevel modelling techniques are employed to estimate simultaneously variations between individuals and between areas after allowing for variables measured at both levels of analysis. The most important differences in the propensity to unemployment are shown to be between individuals, and, compared with whites, ethnic minority groups are shown to be disadvantaged wherever they live. In general, there is also evidence of greater variation in ethnic minority unemployment between areas than there is for whites. However, there is the same underlying geography of unemployment for the black and white populations, but a slightly different pattern for Asian ethnic groups. These differences can be explained only partially by area-level characteristics. In all, it is argued that at the spatial scale which is identifiable in the Individual SAR, ethnic minority unemployment cannot be attributed to geographical distribution, though data at a finer geographical scale are needed to test this hypothesis more fully.

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Mallier, A. T., and M. J. Rosser. "Changes in the Industrial Distribution of Female Employment in Great Britain, 1951-1981." Work, Employment and Society 1, no. 4 (December 1987): 463–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0950017087001004004.

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Over each of the three decades between 1951 and 1981 the total female labour force grew both in absolute numbers and relative to the male labour force. However, there was a tremendous variation in the pattern of change across different industrial sectors, which this paper analyses using Census of Population employment data standardised to the 1968 Standard Industrial Classification. Although the cyclical and substitution theories of the demand for female labour offer a partial explanation for the different patterns of change observed, it is also necessary to take into account other relevant features of individual industries, for example the proportion of the female workforce in manufacturing industries which is employed in production related manual jobs.

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13

Devereux, David R. "State Versus Private Ownership: The Conservative Governments and British Civil Aviation 1951–62." Albion 27, no. 1 (1995): 65–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0095139000018536.

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Studies of post-1945 Britain have often concentrated upon political and foreign policy history and are only just now beginning to address the question of the restructuring of the British economy and domestic policy. Civil aviation, a subject of considerable interest to historians of interwar Britain, has not been given a similar degree of attention in the post-1945 era. Civil aviation policy was, however, given a very high priority by both the 1945-51 Labour government and its Conservative successors. Civil aviation represented part of the effort to return Britain to a peacetime economy by transferring resources from the military into the civil aircraft industry, while at the same time holding for Britain a position of pre-eminence in the postwar expansion of civil flying. As such, aviation was a matter of great interest to reconstruction planners during World War Two, and was an important part of the Attlee government's plans for nationalization.Civil aviation was expected to grow rapidly into a major global economic force, which accounted for the great attention paid it in the 1940s and 1950s. Its importance to Britain in the postwar era lay in the value of air connections to North America, Europe, and the Empire and Commonwealth, and also in the economic importance of Britain's aircraft industry. In a period when the United States was by far the largest producer of commercial aircraft, the task of Labour and Conservative governments was to maintain a viable British position against strong American competition. What is particularly interesting is the wide degree of consensus that existed in both parties on the role the state should play in the maintenance and enhancement of this position.

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Atapin, Evgenii. "Evolution of British Euroscepticism in the Second Half of the 20th Century." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 5 (December 2022): 171–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.5.13.

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Introduction. The United Kingdom is the most prominent example of a Eurosceptic country in the EU. For many years the United Kingdom did not feel a part of Europe. Great Britain was geographically separated from continental Europe and psychologically distant from the European integration movement established by the 1957 Treaty of Rome. The British Eurosceptic tradition rested on these geographic and psychological characteristics. Eurosceptic traditions included political, economic, linguistic, cultural and historical aspects that made it difficult for the United Kingdom to accept European integration. Methods and materials. The research methodology is based on narrative and comparative methods. The materials of the study incorporate statements of certain British politicians about attitudes towards European integration, works devoted to the analysis of Euroscepticism in the United Kingdom and manifestos of some far-right political parties. Analysis. A study of the attitude to European integration of the two main political forces of Great Britain, namely the Conservative and the Labour Parties, in the second half of the 20th century is carried out. Results. The study results in the creation of a periodization of British Euroscepticism in the second half of the 20th century. Three stages of evolution of British Euroscepticism in the period under study are distinguished: 1) the stage preceding the entry of Great Britain into the European Communities, conventionally called “Labour”; 2) the stage of the United Kingdom’s participation in the “common market”, conventionally called “Conservative”; 3) the stage of Britain’s participation in the European Union, conventionally called “Right-wing populist”. Their chronological framework is established and their main characteristics are given.

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Buturlimova, Olha. "Olha Buturlimova. British Labour Party in the 1920s: the electoral competition." European Historical Studies, no. 11 (2018): 113–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2018.11.113-128.

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The article examines the processes of growth of the British Labour Party in the early XXth century. The reasons of Labour Party’s success on parliamentary and municipal elections in the 1920s have been analyzed. The main attention is paid to the party’s activities in constituencies and analysis of Labour Party General Election Manifestos, General Elections Results and other statistic data. The relations between the Labour Party and churches in Great Britain have also been investigated. The support of the Anglican Church and denominations in Great Britain gave the Labour Party some votes but they lost some votes of believers in the next election in 1924 because of Labour government’s failure to acknowledge Bolshevik persecution of the Christians in the USSR. The Labour attempts to win the countryside were also not so fruitful. It is emphasized that 1918 was the turning point in the formation of the Labour Party as mass, widely represented and influential parliamentary party. The reorganization of the Labour party in 1918, Representation of the People Act (1918), adoption of the “Labour and the New Social Order” party constitution have proved to be favorable for its further evolution. But some difficulties such as conflicts between left and right views in the party, absence of convincing majority, black mass-media technologies from political opponents and problems in economics of the country, seriously influenced on its abilities to win success in 1920-s.

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Owen, David, and Anne Green. "Labour market experience and occupational change amongst ethnic groups in Great Britain." New Community 19, no. 1 (October 1992): 7–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1369183x.1992.9976339.

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Sutherland, John. "The workforce adjustment strategies used by workplaces in Britain during the Great Recession." Evidence-based HRM: a Global Forum for Empirical Scholarship 7, no. 2 (August 5, 2019): 114–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ebhrm-06-2018-0038.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to provide a human resource management perspective of the workforce adjustment strategies implemented at workplaces in Britain in response to the Great Recession. Design/methodology/approach The analysis uses an ordered probit and a series of binomial probits to examine a micro data set from the 2011 Workplace Employment Relations Study. Findings Not all workplaces were affected equally by the recession. Not all workplaces chose to implement workforce adjustment strategies consequential of the recession, although the probability of a workplace taking no action decreased the greater the adverse effect of the recession on the workplace. Most workplaces used a combination of workforce adjustment strategies. Workplaces implemented strategies more compatible with labour hoarding than labour shedding, i.e., cutting/freezing wages and halting recruitment to fill vacant posts rather than making employees redundant. Research limitations/implications What was examined was the incidence of the workforce adjustment strategies, not the number of employees affected by the implementation of a strategy. Further, what was examined were outcomes. What is not known are the processes by which these outcomes were arrived at. Originality/value This paper concurs with the findings of previous economic studies that workplaces hoarded labour, cut hours and lowered pay. In so doing, however, it provides a more detailed and more informed human resource management perspective of these adjustment strategies.

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Shaimardanova, N. A. "Key factors of the civil servants’ pay in Russia and Great Britain." Moscow University Economics Bulletin, no. 6 (November 8, 2022): 159–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.38050/01300105202268.

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The article compares civil servants’ payment systems and wage levels in the Russian Federation and the United Kingdom, and identifies the factors affecting the civil servants’ pay level in both countries. With comparable civil servants’ payment levels in terms of purchasing power in Russia and Great Britain, there are differences in structural elements of payment and the fields of activity that are highly paid. The study is based on data analysis of the RF Ministry of Labour and the UK Office for National Statistics concerning civil servants’ pay levels in central offices of federal executive bodies of the Russian Federation and central public bodies of the UK. The comparative analysis shows that civil servants’ payment in Russia is significantly higher than that in Great Britain in such fields as security, defense, justice, legal proceedings, construction, housing and utilities, and statistics. In Great Britain, by contrast, civil servants are paid more than in Russia in speres of education, science, culture, tourism, media, industry and economics. Based on theories and studies reviewed, the article provides an econometric analysis of factors affecting the civil servants’ pay level in Russia and Great Britain. Regression analysis identifies statistically significant institutional, gender and age factors which determine the high level of the civil servants’ pay in both countries, for example, activities in financial, tax and customs spheres in Russia or work in small-size public bodies in Great Britain.

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Prokopov, Alexander. "Communist International and Independent Labour Party of Great Britain in 1933 — Early 1934." ISTORIYA 12, no. 1 (99) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840013562-7.

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CLASEN, JOCHEN, and DANIEL CLEGG. "Unemployment Protection and Labour Market Reform in France and Great Britain in the 1990s: Solidarity Versus Activation?" Journal of Social Policy 32, no. 3 (July 2003): 361–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279403007049.

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Standard accounts of unemployment protection and labour market policy reform tend to put France and the UK at opposing ends of the spectrum of values and policy directions in Europe. British efforts in the 1990s of switching emphasis from ‘passive’ benefit payment towards promoting participation in ‘active’ programmes of labour market integration are widely understood as a product of liberalism, individualism and increasing labour market flexibility, introducing a degree of workfare into the overall structure of unemployment support. By contrast, in France the resistance of traditional values and a ‘social treatment of unemployment’ are often portrayed as having put a brake on labour market reform and retrenchment of unemployment protection. After a reflection on the respective national discourses, the article challenges this view and points to a more complex reality that includes not only acknowledgement of labour market differences but also trends of convergence and counterintuitive developments. Secondly, it claims that in the 1990s Britain and France have both moved increasingly towards an unemployment policy based on activation, but in forms which reflect, to a great extent, different political incentive structures. The political implications of differentially institutionalised interests have in this way driven unemployment policy in different, but not opposing, directions. Recognition of this more nuanced reality should enable a better theoretical understanding of the social and political conditions for successful activation policies.

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Hardill, Irene. "Trading Places." Local Economy: The Journal of the Local Economy Policy Unit 13, no. 2 (August 1998): 102–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02690949808726432.

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This paper reports on some of the findings of a recent study on the employment impact of moving to a rural area. A case study approach is used to elucidate the choices/constraints/compromises encountered by women in in-migrant households to rural and semi-rural parts of the East Midlands, Great Britain. Rural labour markets are quantitatively and qualitatively different from urban labour markets and, while some of the surveyed in-migrant women managed to find jobs following their move, they often experienced downward occupational mobility; others withdrew from the labour market. A number of policy recommendations are also made to improve labour market access.

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Präg, Patrick, and Lindsay Richards. "Intergenerational social mobility and allostatic load in Great Britain." Journal of Epidemiology and Community Health 73, no. 2 (November 1, 2018): 100–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/jech-2017-210171.

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BackgroundIntergenerational social mobility is hypothesised to be a stressful process that has a negative effect on health. By examining the relationship between own socioeconomic position, parental socioeconomic position and allostatic load (AL) in a representative sample of the British population, we test this hypothesis.MethodsOur study uses cross-sectional data from 9851 adult participants of waves 2 and 3 of Understanding Society. The relationship between parental occupational class at age 14 years, respondents’ social class at the time of the interview and AL is explored by means of diagonal reference models, which allow us to disentangle the effects of parental social class, own social class and the mobility process. The AL score comprises the following biomarkers: (1) total cholesterol, (2) high-density lipoprotein cholesterol, (3) triglycerides, (4) glycated haemoglobin, (5) C-reactive protein, (6) fibrinogen, (7) systolic blood pressure, (8) diastolic blood pressure, (9) resting heart rate, (10) body mass index and (11) waist circumference.ResultsAL is particularly high among the stable working class and low among the stable upper class. On average, current class and origin class exert about equal weight on current AL. However, social mobility—regardless of whether upwards or downwards—is not detrimental for AL. Furthermore, we find evidence that class of origin may be less important among those outside the labour market for reasons other than retirement.ConclusionBoth own social class and parental social class influence AL to a similar extent. However, we find no evidence that mobility trajectories exert any effects, good or bad, on AL.

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Lash, S., and P. Bagguley. "Labour Relations in Disorganized Capitalism: A Five-Nation Comparison." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 6, no. 3 (September 1988): 321–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/d060321.

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A critique of the ‘Regulation School's' account of the development of ‘post-Fordist’ patterns of industrial relations is presented. An alternative account of the ‘disorganization’ of capitalist social relations is presented with particular emphasis on the role of agents of disorganization of labour relations, It is shown through a comparative analysis of recent developments in industrial relations in Sweden, West Germany, France, Great Britain, and the United States of America that the particular patterns of disorganization will vary depending on whether capital, labour, or the state has most influence over the process of restructuring.

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Lyddon, Dave. "Postscript: The Labour Unrest in Great Britain and Ireland, 1910-1914 - Still Uncharted Territory?" Historical Studies in Industrial Relations, no. 33 (September 2012): 241–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/hsir.2012.33.13.

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Weiler, Peter. "Labour History and the Labour Movement in Britain, and: Thomas Burt, Miners' MP, 1837-1922: The Great Conciliator (review)." Victorian Studies 43, no. 4 (2001): 625–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/vic.2001.0123.

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Prokopov, A. Y. "Communist International in 1920-s: British direction of activity." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 6(9) (December 28, 2009): 54–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2009-6-9-54-64.

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In this article the main attention of the author is devoted to the problem of the decisive influence of the Communist International and its tactic “the united workers front” (1921—1928) on the policy of the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) towards the Labour Party, the British Congress of Trade-Unions and the first Labour Government (1924). The author also examines the influence of Comintern on the activity of the CPGB before parliament elections of 1922, 1923, 1924 and during the General Strike of 1926.

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Latysh, Yurii. "Jeremy Corbin and the left turn of the Labour Party." European Historical Studies, no. 11 (2018): 148–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2018.11.148-169.

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The article touches upon the ideological and political transformation of the Labor Party of Great Britain after the defeat in the 2015 parliamentary elections. The struggle between the supporters of Anthony Blair’s policy (“New Labour”) and “hard left” ended with an unexpected victory by veteran of Labour, Leftist Socialist Jeremy Corbin, despite the resistance of the Blairist establishment and media criticism. No less unexpected was the relative success of the Labour Party in the early 2017 parliamentary elections. The importance of the conceptual and the theoretical understanding of the “Left turn” of the Labor Party and the West in general, where the left-wing representatives (B. Sanders, J. Corbin, J.-L. Mélenchon) had achieved remarkable success in the elections, has been underlined. The article deals with the political biography of the leader of the Labour Party, his views on domestic and foreign policy. The course of the election campaign, the peculiarities of its coverage in the media, the reasons for the fall of conservative popularity and the rise of the Labour ratings have been highlighted. The Labour Party Manifesto 2017 “For the many, not the few”, which became the most left program since 1983, has been analyzed. As a result of the election, the Conservative and Unionist Party lost the majority in the House of Commons. It was a moral triumph of Jeremy Corbin over the “New Labour” which increased his chances of becoming Prime Minister in the future.

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Gaus, Gerald F. "BACKWARDS INTO THE FUTURE: NEOREPUBLICANISM AS A POSTSOCIALIST CRITIQUE OF MARKET SOCIETY." Social Philosophy and Policy 20, no. 1 (December 18, 2002): 59–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052503201047.

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Socialism, understood as the rejection of markets based on private property in favor of comprehensive centralized economic planning, is no longer a serious political option. If the core of capitalism is the organization of the economy primarily through market competition based on private property, then capitalism has certainly defeated socialism. Markets have been accepted—and central planning abandoned—throughout most of the Third World and in most of the formerly Communist states. In the advanced industrial states of the West, Labor and “democratic socialist” parties have rejected socialism, by deregulating markets and privatizing industries, utilities, and transport. The U.K. Labour Party's 1945 manifesto declared the party to be a “Socialist Party, and proud of it. Its ultimate aim is the establishment of the Socialist Commonwealth of Great Britain.” Today the Labour Party insists that markets are a given.

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Shafer, Byron E., and Marc D. Stears. "From Social Welfare to Cultural Values: The Puzzle of Postwar Change in Britain and the United States." Journal of Policy History 11, no. 4 (October 1999): 331–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030600003377.

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On Thursday, 5 July 1945, the British electorate appeared to draw a line under the prewar political world. This electorate turned the wartime government, led by the Conservative party, out of office. Moreover, it dismissed the Conservatives in favor of a party that still harbored doubts about its proper governing role, namely, British Labour. The scale of this reversal was additionally unprecedented. Labour had only ever formed minority, shortlived governments before; its last such venture, in 1929, had seen the party take power just in time to acquire responsibility for the Great Depression. The Tories had thus returned to effective leadership in 1931, such that Tory electoral and governmental dominance was still the context for the 1945 election. Now, however, Labour had returned with not just an absolute but an enormous majority in Parliament: it gained more seats than the Tories were left holding. And this over a party that had arguably weathered the Great Depression and saved the nation in a world war.

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Johnston, R. J., and C. J. Pattie. "Tactical Voting in Great Britain in 1983 and 1987: An Alternative Approach." British Journal of Political Science 21, no. 1 (January 1991): 95–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400006049.

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The analyses presented in this note have extended earlier work on tactical voting in Great Britain by looking at variations between constituencies in the flow-of-the-vote matrix that are consistent with hypotheses of tactical voting. They have suggested that about 4 per cent of the British electorate voted tactically in 1983, as did nearly 6 per cent in 1987. The volume of tactical voting was greater in Conservative-held than in Labour-held seats, and in both was greater the more marginal the seat. In general, the opposition party with the greatest chance of unseating the incumbent, as suggested by the result of the previous election, gained from the tactical voting process, and there is evidence that greater campaign effort, as indexed by constituency spending, helped them in this.

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Ryan, Liam. "Citizen Strike Breakers: Volunteers, Strikes, and the State in Britain, 1911-1926." Labour History Review: Volume 87, Issue 2 87, no. 2 (July 1, 2022): 109–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/lhr.2022.5.

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This article provides the first systematic historical study of volunteer strike-breaking across a relatively broad time frame, focusing specifically on the period between 1911 and 1926. These years bore witness to the largest industrial conflict in British history, encompassing the Great Labour Unrest of 1911-14, the post-war strike wave of 1919-23, and the General Strike of 1926. The sheer size and scale of these strikes, which involved millions of workers and engulfed entire cities, towns, and communities, instigated a shift away from traditional strikebreaking agencies and actors and towards civilian volunteers. This article challenges prevailing interpretations of the General Strike, interwar political culture, and the implications of voluntary activism in early twentieth-century Britain. It sheds light on the hitherto unexplored role of volunteers during the Great Labour Unrest and highlights how this activity often provoked considerable violence on the part of strikers. Contrary to dominant interpretations centred on the General Strike, which often highlight the good spirits of the volunteers, this article pays more attention to the hostility, arrogance, and sense of social hierarchy that underpinned the volunteer world view.

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Lebo, Matthew J., and Everett Young. "The Comparative Dynamics of Party Support in Great Britain: Conservatives, Labour and the Liberal Democrats." Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties 19, no. 1 (January 22, 2009): 73–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17457280802587261.

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Wright, Robert E., and P. R. Andrew Hinde. "The dynamics of full-time and part-time female labour force participation in Great Britain." European Journal of Population 7, no. 3 (September 1991): 201–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01796839.

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Ba’, Stefano. "Precarity and family life in Italy and Great Britain. Job insecurity as commodification of labour." Journal of Contemporary European Studies 28, no. 4 (August 1, 2020): 544–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14782804.2020.1801393.

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PALMER, HARVEY D. "Effects of authoritarian and libertarian values on Conservative and Labour party support in Great Britain." European Journal of Political Research 27, no. 3 (April 1995): 273–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.1995.tb00471.x.

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Steinberg, Marc W. "“The Great End of All Government…”: Working People's Construction of Citizenship Claims in Early Nineteenth-Century England and the Matter of Class." International Review of Social History 40, S3 (December 1995): 19–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000113598.

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In the heat of the battle for parliamentary reform William Cobbett preached to the working people of England in his inimitable blustery dictums. “[I]f you labour honestly,” he counselled, “you have a right to have, in exchange for your labour, a sufficiency out of the produce of the earth, to maintain yourself and your family as well; and, if you are unable to labour, or if you cannot obtain labour, you have a right to maintenance out of the produce of the land […]”. For honest working men this was part of the legacy of constitutional Britain, which bequeathed to them not only sustenance but, “The greatest right […] of every man, the right of rights, […] the right of having a share in the making of the laws, to which the good of the whole makes it his duty to submit”. Nonetheless, he warned, such rights could not legitimately negate the toiling lot that was the laborer's fate: “Remember that poverty is decreed by the very nature of man […]. It is necessary to the existence of mankind, that a very large proportion of every people should live by manual labour […]”.

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Yerokhin, Vladimir. "CELTIC FRINGES AND CENTRAL POWER IN GREAT BRITAIN: HISTORY AND MODERNITY." Izvestia of Smolensk State University, no. 1 (49) (May 26, 2020): 226–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.35785/2072-9464-2020-49-1-226-244.

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The article deals with history of interrelations between political centre and Celtic fringes of Great Britain in modern and contemporary times. As soon as nationalist movements in Celtic fringes became more active from the mid 1960s, the need appeared to analyze the history of interrelations between central power and Celtic regions in order to understand causes of Celtic people’s striving for obtaining more rights and even state independence. The article ascertains that attitude of central power to Celtic fringes was complicated by ethno-cultural differences between Englishmen and Celtic people, which resulted in discrimination of Scotland, Wales and Ireland by London's policy towards Celtic regions. Since British industrialization evolved the central power in Great Britain, it created conditions for balanced comprehensive development of industrial economy only in English counties, whereas Celtic regions were permitted to develop only branches of economic activity which were non-competitive to English business. The level of people’s income in Celtic fringes was always lower than in English parts of Great Britain. There was an established practice that English business dominated in Celtic regions and determined the economic development of Celtic regions. The English as distinct from Celts had prior opportunities to be engaged on more prestigious and highly paid positions. Celtic population’s devotion to preservation of their culture and ethno-cultural identity found expression in religious sphere so that Nonconformity and Presbyterianism accordingly dominated among Welshmen and Scotsmen. Political movements in Celtic fringes put forward ethno-cultural demands rather than social class ones in their activities. During the first half of the XX century the opposition between Celtic fringes and central power in Great Britain showed that in parliamentary elections Celtic population gave their votes mainly for the members of Labour Party. From the mid-1960s nationalist movements in Celtic fringes became more active. They began to make slogans of political independence. The author of the article comes to conclusion that interrelations of central power in Great Britain towards Celtic fringes can be adequately described by notions of I. Wallerstein’s world-system analysis and M. Hechter's model of internal colonialism.

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Hanagan, Michael. "Family, Work and Wages: The Stéphanois Region of France, 1840–1914." International Review of Social History 42, S5 (September 1997): 129–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000114816.

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Exploring issues of the family wage, this paper examines labour markets, family employment patterns and political conflict in France. Up to now, the debate over the family wage has centred mainly on analysing British trade unions and the development of an ideal of domesticity among the British working classes, more or less taking for granted the declining women's labour force participation rate and the configuration of state/trade union relations prevailing in Great Britain. Shifting the debate across the Channel, scholars such as Laura Frader and Susan Pedersen have suggested that different attitudes to the family wage prevailed. In France, demands for the exclusion of women from industry were extremely rare because women's participation in industry was taken for granted. But a gendered division of labour and ideals of domesticity remained and made themselves felt in both workforce and labour movement.

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Susloparova, Elena. "Antiwar campaign of the British Labour Party in the early World War I." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, no. 1 (January 2021): 98–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2021.1.31944.

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This article is dedicated to the protest campaign of Labour Party of Great Britain, which unfolded in the early World War I. Based on the range of sources, such as socialist workers’ press of Great Britain, party documents, parliamentary debated, the author sets a goal to examine the key arguments of the opponents, namely activists of the Independent Workers’ Party, which became a stronghold of antiwar sentiment of the Labours. Special attention is given to such publicists as R. MacDonald and K. Hardy. The article also traces the evolution of antiwar campaign and reveals the reasons. Research methodology is based on the systematic approach towards analysis of public speeches of British activists printed in the workers' socialist publications of antiwar orientation. It is demonstrated how in the space of a few days, in August 1914, the moods of majority of the British workers changed dramatically, from unreserved condemnation of the war expressed in the slogans of the Second International towards support of the government in the fight against militaristic Germany. The conclusion is drawn that in the initial months of war, the antiwar campaign has experienced significant transformation. If in the early period it was characterized mostly by the emotional and somewhat sarcastic rhetoric, then later on the background of tremendous human losses, the campaign adopted a rather moderate tone. Attempts of the publicists to grasp on causes of war and focus the need to rebuild society after its completion comes to the forefront.

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Androshchuk, Iryna, and Ihor Androshchuk. "Specificity of Students’ Technological Training in Finland and Great Britain." Comparative Professional Pedagogy 8, no. 3 (September 1, 2018): 20–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/rpp-2018-0036.

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Abstract The specificity of students’ technological training in Finland and Great Britain has been considered. It has been found that the state policy of foreign countries is aimed at providing students with professional knowledge, work skills and combining comprehensive and professional training. Specific attention has been paid to the subjects and courses in foreign countries, which are equivalent to the course on technological training. It has been indicated that establishing connections between school, industry and production is one of the important conditions for improving technological training. The specificity of students’ technological training in Finnish schools at different levels of education has been characterized. Indeed, the level of education defines the character of technological operations differentiation based on the materials of manufactured products; gradual introduction of professional and polytechnical optional and specialized courses, whose volume corresponds to regional conditions; organization of visits to production, agricultural and forestry enterprises; active participation of students in professional production, which contributes to acquiring practical experience in the chosen production area. It has been revealed that Finnish schools pay particular attention to the importance of proper facilities and resources and fully equipped workshops, namely joiner’s shops, locksmith shops, tailor’s shops, fully equipped teaching kitchens and canteens. It has been revealed that technological training of students in Great Britain is characterized by their active involvement into field experience; establishment of mini-enterprises based on comprehensive schools; centralization in solving the main objectives in the field of students’ technological training. It has been stated that the mini-enterprises in schools contribute to strengthening the relations between school and the labour market. The common form of students’ technological training is industrial placement and the main method is project-based learning.

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Hendley, Matthew. "Anti-Alienism and the Primrose League: The Externalization of the Postwar Crisis in Great Britain 1918-32." Albion 33, no. 02 (2001): 243–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0095139000067120.

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Anti-alienism has frequently been the dark underside of organized patriotic movements in twentieth-century Britain. Love of nation has all too frequently been accompanied by an abstract fear of foreigners or a concrete dislike of alien immigrants residing in Britain. Numerous patriotic leagues have used xenophobia and the supposed threat posed by aliens to define themselves and their Conservative creed. Aliens symbolized “the other,” which held values antithetical to members of the patriotic leagues. These currents have usually become even more pronounced in times of tension and crisis. From the end of the First World War through the 1920s, Britain suffered an enormous economic, social, and political crisis. British unemployment never fell below one million as traditional industries such as coal, iron and steel, shipbuilding, and textiles declined. Electoral reform in 1918 and 1928 quadrupled the size of the electorate, and the British party system fractured with the Liberals divided and Labour becoming the alternative party of government. Industrial unrest was rampant, culminating in the General Strike of 1926. The example of the Russian Revolution inspired many on the Left and appalled their opponents on the Right, while many British Conservatives felt that fundamental aspects of the existing system of capitalism and parliamentary democracy were under challenge.

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Linne, Karsten. "The “New Labour Policy” in Nazi Colonial Planning for Africa." International Review of Social History 49, no. 2 (August 2004): 197–224. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002085900400149x.

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The National Socialist planning for a recolonization of Africa was based on a new social and labour policy and focused chiefly on the “labour question”. In designing their schemes, planners strove to mobilize wage labour and circumvent the much-feared “proletarianization” of the workers. The key problem in exploiting the African colonies had two main aspects: a shortage of manpower and migrant labour. Therefore, planners designed complex systems of organized, state-controlled labour recruitment, and formulated rules for labour contracts and compensation. An expanded labour administration was to ensure that the “deployment of labour” ran smoothly and that workers were registered, evaluated, and supervised. Furthermore, “white labour guardians” were to be assigned the responsibility of overseeing the social wellbeing of the African workers. As was evident not only in Germany but in the colonial powers, France and Great Britain, as well, these concepts all fit into the general trend of the times, a trend characterized by the application of scientific methods in solving social issues, by the increased emphasis on state intervention, and by the introduction of sociopolitical measures. Nazi planning was based on Germany's prewar politics but also reflected the changes occurring in German work life after 1933.

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Luzardo-Luna, Ivan. "Labour frictions in interwar Britain: industrial reshuffling and the origin of mass unemployment." European Review of Economic History 24, no. 2 (February 26, 2019): 243–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ereh/hez001.

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Abstract This article estimates the matching function of the British labour market for the period of 1921–1934. Changes in matching efficiency can explain both employment resilience during the Great Depression and the high structural unemployment throughout the interwar period. Early in the 1920s, matching efficiency improved due to the development of the retail industry. However, the econometric results show a structural break in March 1927, related to a major industrial reshuffling that reduced the demand for workers in staple industries. Since these industries were geographically concentrated, there was an increase in the average distance between the unemployed and vacancies, and matching efficiency declined.

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Smith, Darren P., and Adrian J. Bailey. "International Family Migration and Differential Labour-Market Participation in Great Britain: Is There a ‘Gender Gap’?" Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 38, no. 7 (July 2006): 1327–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a36295.

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Drydakis, Nick. "The effect of university attended on graduates’ labour market prospects: A field study of Great Britain." Economics of Education Review 52 (June 2016): 192–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.econedurev.2016.03.001.

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Johnes, Geraint. "Supply‐side Stimuli in the Labour Market: Estimating Important Variables for the Regions of Great Britain." International Journal of Manpower 14, no. 5 (May 1993): 38–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/01437729310033313.

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TULLOCH, J. S. P., L. MCGINLEY, F. SÁNCHEZ-VIZCAÍNO, J. M. MEDLOCK, and A. D. RADFORD. "The passive surveillance of ticks using companion animal electronic health records." Epidemiology and Infection 145, no. 10 (May 2, 2017): 2020–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0950268817000826.

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SUMMARYTicks represent a large global reservoir of zoonotic disease. Current surveillance systems can be time and labour intensive. We propose that the passive surveillance of companion animal electronic health records (EHRs) could provide a novel methodology for describing temporal and spatial tick activity. A total of 16 58 857 EHRs were collected over a 2-year period (31 March 2014 and 29 May 2016) from companion animals attending a large sentinel network of 192 veterinary clinics across Great Britain (the Small Animal Veterinary Surveillance Network – SAVSNET). In total, 2180 EHRs were identified where a tick was recorded on an animal. The relative risk of dogs presenting with a tick compared with cats was 0·73 (95% confidence intervals 0·67–0·80). The highest number of tick records were in the south central regions of England. The presence of ticks showed marked seasonality with summer peaks, and a secondary smaller peak in autumn for cats; ticks were still being found throughout most of Great Britain during the winter. This suggests that passive surveillance of companion animal EHRs can describe tick activity temporally and spatially in a large cohort of veterinary clinics across Great Britain. These results and methodology could help inform veterinary and public health messages as well as increase awareness of ticks and tick-borne diseases in the general population.

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Casey, Bernard, and Stephen Creigh. "Self-Employment in Great Britain: Its Definition in the Labour Force Survey, in Tax and Social Security Law and in Labour Law." Work, Employment and Society 2, no. 3 (September 1988): 381–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0950017088002003007.

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Johnston, R. J., and C. J. Pattie. "Is the Seesaw Tipping Back? The End of Thatcherism and Changing Voting Patterns in Great Britain 1979–92." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 24, no. 10 (October 1992): 1491–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a241491.

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Accounts of British voting behaviour in the 1980s stressed the development of growing spatial divides within the country, especially a north-south divide which reflected economic success in the increasingly Conservative-dominated south and depression in the Labour-supporting north. A new geography of recession was emerging in the early 1990s, however, and the first general election since (in April 1992) suggests that the period of divergence has ended, to be replaced by convergence in the electoral geography of Britain though at spatially varying rates and at a pace insufficient to close the political divides entirely and lead to the government's demise.

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Buturlimova, O. "EVOLUTION AND ACTIVITIES OF THE BRITISH LABOR PARTY (1893-1931): A HISTORIOGRAPHY." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 145 (2020): 21–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2020.145.4.

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The article is devoted to the analysis of the historiography of the British Labour Party in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The author tries to systematize an array of scientific literature on this theme based on the problem-chronological approach. The works were divided into four main groups: 1) the works of theorists and the Labour movement activists, 2) the studies devoted to the general history of the formation and activities of the Labour Party of this period, 3) the works devoted to the history of the relationship between church organizations and British Labour Party 4) Ukrainian researches in the field of British Labour history. The author proposes to outline 3 chronological periods in the scientific study of the history of the British Labour Party when a great amount of works has appeared. As we can see, the first period was 1930-1940’s, when the vast amount of the works of prominent leaders and active members of the Labour movement and the Labour Party were published. The second period, as we can outline, was in the 1950’s – the beginning of the 1960’s when the Labour Party lost its positions in the political sphere of Great Britain. And the third period is nowadays when in the early 2000’s Labour Party’s 100th anniversary was celebrated and besides it, the Party achieved the greatest success - it won parliamentary election three times in a row (1997, 2001 and 2005). The author concluded that the history of the British labor movement of the second half of the 19th – the first third of the 20th centuries and the theme of the party struggle for the electorate among the workers still needed to be reconsidered and re-evaluated. Although there are many works devoted to the British Labour Party history, the reasons for its strengthening, the factors of its rapid growth at the beginning of the 20th century, the causes and consequences of the crisis of 1931, etc. still remain debatable. Therefore, it is not a quiet time to talk about the completeness of the research topic. The author also noted that despite the number of historical researches of modern Ukrainian scholars, Ukrainian British studies still lack investigations with the analysis of the organizational structure of the British Labour party and its leadership.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Labour – Great Britain'

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