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Academic literature on the topic 'Labot Zionists'

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Published: 26 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Labot Zionists"

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Pappe, Ilan. "Israel at a Crossroads between Civic Democracy and Jewish Zealotocracy." Journal of Palestine Studies 29, no. 3 (2000): 33–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2676454.

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Mainstream Zionism (now comprising both Labor and Likud) is increasingly being challenged by the Right and Left. Post-Zionism has exposed the intellectual fallacies underlying traditional Zionism's attempt to combine ethnic segregation with an open society, but it is the moral and ideological substitute offered by neo-Zionism, opting for ethnic segregation as an ultimate goal, that is mounting the real political challenge. This article argues that while mainstream Zionists will delineate the space of a future Israel (by drawing the borders in a settlement with the Palestinians), the neo-Zionists will cast the ideological content into this space (by defining the identity and orientation of Israeli society).
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Biale, David. "Ehud Luz. Wrestling with an Angel: Power, Morality and Jewish Identity, trans. Michael Swirsky. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2003. 350 pp." AJS Review 29, no. 1 (April 2005): 192–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009405380093.

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Perhaps no subject is more actual than the relationship of Zionism and the State of Israel to the exercise of military power. Ehud Luz's passionate cri de coeur appears, at first glance, to cover much the same ground as Anita Shapira's earlier Land and Power: The Zionist Resort to Force, 1881–1948: both books analyze comprehensively the way Zionist thinkers, writers, and activists struggled with the moral limitations on the use of force and violence in the acquisition of Jewish sovereignty. But Shapira's focus is more on political history, while Luz treats primarily writers and rabbis, ranging from the ultra-Orthodox pacifist Aharon Shmuel Tamares, the Labor Zionist poet Natan Alterman, the messianic Zionist Zvi Yehuda Kook, and the secular apocalyptic Uri Zvi Greenberg. Where Shapira ends her story with what she describes as the emergence of a new Israeli mentality in the wake of the 1948 war, Luz brings the debates up to virtually the present day. Shapira leaves readers—perhaps unwittingly—with the impression that the values of havlagah (self-restraint) which characterized Labor Zionism in the 1930s were largely replaced by a more ruthless ethos of retaliation: after 1948, Labor Zionism came to adopt the position of its Revisionist archrival. Yet, as Luz demonstrates, the debates of the prewar period continued, if in a new key, in the half-century after Israeli sovereignty.
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Kafkafi, Eyal. "Segregation or Integration of the Israeli Arabs: Two Concepts in Mapai." International Journal of Middle East Studies 30, no. 3 (August 1998): 347–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800066216.

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With the disintegration of the Ottoman Empire and the establishment of British rule in Palestine, the nascent Zionist labor movement, shortly to become the backbone of the Zionist undertaking in Palestine, found itself confronted by a series of fundamental questions. The purpose of this paper is to show that there was never a consensus within the Zionist labor movement; that the leadership was divided on vital issues; that Israel's leader, David Ben-Gurion, represented only one approach within labor Zionism, and that even after his approach had prevailed, following drawn-out disputes, and he had risen to a position of commanding authority, his policies continued to be challenged by successive leaders during the decades preceding and following the establishment of the State of Israel.
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Meiton, Fredrik. "The Radiance of the Jewish National Home: Technocapitalism, Electrification, and the Making of Modern Palestine." Comparative Studies in Society and History 57, no. 4 (October 2015): 975–1006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417515000419.

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AbstractContrary to conventional wisdom, the history of the Palestine mandate and its power relations were not determined solely by a series of legal measures, beginning with the 1917 Balfour Declaration and ending with the UNGA partition resolution of 1947. Rather, the emergence of modern Palestine was a process significantly guided by global technocapitalism. Palestine was constituted on the basis of a successful Zionist pitch for the area as an economically viable territory—as an area of production and consumption and crucially also as an entity locatable in the global circulation of capital and commodities. A central vehicle for this technocapitalist vision in Palestine—proposed by the Zionists, and enthusiastically adopted by the British—was a hydroelectrical megasystem in the Jordan Valley. Significant portions of the mandate's borders were mapped onto the station's technical blueprint, and conceiving of and building the powerhouse created not just borders, but also “Palestine,” a bounded entity with a distinct political and economic character. While the electrification, like Zionism in general, was justified in a language of egalitarian universalism, the power system and the “free-market” capitalist system it helped create in Palestine generated familiar kinds of political and economic inequality. Specifically, it conjured a political-economic order based on a Jewish national scale in which the Arabs were expected to supply the menial labor power in return for the economic development that was to lift all boats.
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Cooper, Julie E. "In Pursuit of Political Imagination: Reflections on Diasporic Jewish History." Theoretical Inquiries in Law 21, no. 2 (July 28, 2020): 255–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/til-2020-0014.

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AbstractIn recent years, scholars of Jewish politics have invested political hopes in the revival of “political imagination.” If only we could recapture some of the imaginativeness that early Zionists displayed when wrestling with questions of regime design, it is argued, we might be able to advance more compelling “solutions” to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Yet how does one cultivate political imagination? Curiously, scholars who rehearse the catalogue of regimes that Jews have historically entertained seldom pose this question. In this Article, I revisit a historical episode—the appropriation of diasporic historical narratives by Zionists in mandatory Palestine—in an effort to cultivate a richer political imaginary. I analyze the labor Zionist deployment of Simon Dubnow’s influential master narrative, focusing on a 1926 speech in which David Ben Gurion depicts the autonomist regime that he advocates as a variation upon diasporic political practices. On my reading, this episode illustrates the dilemmas that confront thinkers who invest political hopes in regime design. To realize the promise that new political configurations may emerge from reflections upon Jewish history, I argue, we must develop a new account of political agency, once foundational assumptions of the nation-state have been suspended.
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Mashiach, Amir. "Changes in the Understanding of Work in Religious Zionist Thought: Rabbi T.I. Thau as a Case Study." Religions 9, no. 10 (September 20, 2018): 284. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel9100284.

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In Jewish religious texts, Torah study is placed at the top of the hierarchy of values. This suggests that work as such is of no religious significance; work is rather a prerequisite for the real essentials of life. The Mizrachi religious Zionist movement, founded in 1902 by R. Yitzhak Yaakov Reines (1839–1915), introduced a markedly different view. The movement upheld a concept of work as a religious value, not only an existential need. Later religious Zionist thinkers developed a dialectical notion of the mutual integration of the Torah and labor; this eventually became the motto of the Bnei Akiva youth movement that they inspired. With time, the theological approach of R. Kook the Elder (ReAYaH) and of R. Kook the Younger (RTziYaH) became dominant in religious Zionism. R. Kook the Elder founded the yeshivah at Merkaz ha-rav in Jerusalem, which he also headed; his son eventually succeeded him. To date, the yeshivah has produced a great number of students and rabbis, who made the teaching of the two Rabbis Kook the legacy of the religious Zionist community as a whole. The aim of the present article is to trace the changes taking place in the religious Zionist attitude toward work as this is articulated in the thought of a student of the two Rabbis, Kook whom many regard as the continuator of their teaching today. This is Rabbi Tzvi Israel Thau (b. 1937), one of the most influential rabbinic figures associated with religious Zionism, President of Yeshivat har ha-mor and the spiritual leader of the Torah academies referred to as “yeshivot of the line [ha-kav]”.
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Fuchs, Esther. "Labor Zionism in Cultural, Historical, and Political Perspective." Middle East Studies Association Bulletin 32, no. 2 (1998): 161–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026318400037214.

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Yaron Ezrahi, Robert Littell, Shimon Peres, and Myron J. Aronoff offer varying assessments of cultural, historical, and political aspects of Labor Zionism. They differ in purpose and tone. Aronoff’s scholarly analysis offers an anthropological approach to political processes and procedures in the Labor Party, brilliantly depicted as symbolic actions that often stifle rather than inspire a genuine and democratic debate. Broader in scope, Ezrahi’s cultural critique of Labor Zionist ideology focuses on its failure to recognize individualism as an integral part of a democratic framework. And Robert Littell provides a historical overview of Labor governments, based on detailed interviews with Shimon Peres, a party leader who looks forward as he looks back on his political career and Israel’s challenges and achievements.
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Getzoff, Joseph F. "Zionist Frontiers: David Ben-Gurion, Labor Zionism, and transnational circulations of settler development." Settler Colonial Studies 10, no. 1 (September 10, 2019): 74–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/2201473x.2019.1646849.

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Peretz, Don. "ZEEV STERNHELL, The Founding Myths of Israel: Nationalism, Socialism, and the Making of the Jewish State, trans. David Maisel (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1997). Pp. 432. $18.95." International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, no. 4 (November 2001): 633–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743801314071.

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The principal focus of Zeev Sternhell's screed is Labor Zionism, although like other Israeli so-called new historians, he touches on relations with the country's Arabs, tensions between the Ashkenazi elite and Sephardi under-class, the Yishuv and the Holocaust, and attitudes toward and perceptions of Diaspora Jewry. The author, whose professional field has been European history, mainly France and Italy, was motivated to undertake this study by “serious doubts” (p. ix) about the generally accepted ideas sanctioned by Israeli historiography and social science. Using his skills as a professional historian, he probed Zionist and Israeli government archives and reread original texts to compare what he perceived as social and political realities with the ideology guiding policies. Sternhell is critical of traditional Israeli historiography because of the damage it has caused by separating Jewish history from general history. The consequences, he asserts, are “truly appalling” (p. x), resulting in paralysis of any real critical sense and perpetuation of “myths flattering to Israel's collective identity” (p. x). This has led many historians of Zionism “to lock themselves up in an intellectual ghetto” (p. x), leading to ignorance and emotional blindness.
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Mashiach, Amir. "Land, Work, and Redemption in the Religious-Zionist Philosophy of Isaiah Aviad (Oskar Wolfsberg)." Religions 14, no. 4 (March 24, 2023): 441. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14040441.

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This article seeks to examine R. Dr. Isaiah Aviad’s outlook with regard to the Land of Israel, worldly labor, and redemption, as reflected in his teachings. R. Dr. Isaiah Aviad (Oskar Wolfsberg) (1893–1957) was born in Germany. He was one of religious Zionism’s main thinkers. He was a pediatrician, and since the establishment of Israel served as an Israeli diplomat in Scandinavia and Switzerland. R. Aviad thought that religious Zionism is the complete Judaism, that which combines Torah and labor, spirit, and matter—multi-dimensional. In addition, R. Aviad believed in natural redemption and human effort, linking the redemption to the Land of Israel and to cultivation of the earth. He thought that human activism—i.e., redeeming the soil of the Land of Israel and cultivating it, is a religious precept that will bring about the redemption.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Labot Zionists"

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Unger, Shabtai. "Poʻale-Tsiyon ba-ḳesarut ha-Osṭrit, 1904-1914." Ḳiryat Śedeh-Boḳer : [Ramat Aviv, Tel Aviv] : [Beersheba] : ha-Merkaz le-moreshet Ben-Guryon ; ha-Makhon le-ḥeḳer ha-Tsiyonut ʻa. sh. Ḥayim Ṿaitsman, Universiṭat Tel-Aviv ; Hotsaʼat ha-sefarim shel Universiṭat Ben-Guryon ba-Negev, 2001. http://books.google.com/books?id=ldFtAAAAMAAJ.

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Dietrich, Christian. "Clemens Peck: Im Labor der Utopie. Theodor Herzl und das „Altneuland“-Projekt." HATiKVA e.V. – Die Hoffnung Bildungs- und Begegnungsstätte für Jüdische Geschichte und Kultur Sachsen, 2014. https://slub.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A35091.

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Books on the topic "Labot Zionists"

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Horev, Shai. Meḥanekh u-matṿeh derekh: Hashḳafat ʻolamo u-meḳomo ha-ideologi shel Yitsḥaḳ Ṭabenḳin, manhig ha-ḳibuts ha-meʼuhad : mi-"Gedud ha-ʻAvodah" le-ʻEn-Harod. Ḥefah: Dukhifat, 2010.

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Kanari, Baruch. Ṭabenḳin be-Erets Yiśraʾel. Ramat Efʻal: Yad Ṭabenḳin, 2003.

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Mintz, Matityahu. Ḥaver ṿe-yariv: Yitsḥaḳ Ṭabenḳin be-mifleget Poʻale-Tsiyon, 1905-1912. [Efʻal]: Yad Ṭabenḳin, Mekhon Ṭabenḳin le-ḥeḳer ṿe-limud ha-ḳibuts, 1986.

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Schweid, Eliezer. Le-verur raʻayono shel Aharon Daṿid Gordon mi-yesodo. Yerushalayim: Mosad Byaliḳ, 2014.

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Freilicoff, M. The builders and defenders of the Sovereign State of Israel. Washington, D.C: D.F. Paderofsky, 2011.

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Baruch, Zuckerman. Excerpts from memoirs. Jerusalem: N. Zuckerman, 2000.

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Fuehrer, Ehud. Adam ḥadash be-tsurat Yehudi: ʻiyun ba-haguto shel A.D. Gordon = A bew man, in a Jewish form : a new reading in A.D. Gordon's philosophy. Ramat-Gan: Universiṭat Bar-Ilan, 2019.

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Mintz, Matityahu. Zemanim ḥadashim--zemirot ḥadashot: Ber Borokhov, 1914-1917. Tel Aviv: ʻAm ʻoved be-shituf ʻim Universiṭat Tel-Aviv, ha-Makhon le-ḥeḳer ha-Tsiyonut ʻal-shem Ḥayim Ṿaitsman, 1988.

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Mintz, Matityahu. Naye tsayṭn--naye lider: Ber Borokhoṿ, 1914-1917. Tel-Aviv: Farlag Y.L. Perets, 1993.

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Kinus Ṭabenḳin (1986 Yad Ṭabenḳin). Kinus Ṭabenḳin: Bi-melot 15 shanah le-moto shel Yitsḥaḳ Ṭabenḳin : tadpis ha-hartsaʾot ṿeha-diyunim. Efʻal: Yad Ṭabenḳin, 1988.

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Book chapters on the topic "Labot Zionists"

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Stanislawski, Michael. "7. Zionism in a Jewish state, 1948–1967." In Zionism: A Very Short Introduction, 64–80. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780199766048.003.0007.

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After the declaration of independence, the history of Zionism became entangled with the history of the new State of Israel. But Zionism as an ideology continued to evolve. Challenges for the new state under the leadership of David Ben-Gurion included: the local Arab population; immigration; differences between the Ashkenazic and Mizrachi Jews; schooling; and ongoing squabbles between the Labor Zionists and the Revisionists. Zionism had to face the real-life implications of its definition of the Jews as a nation and not a religion. The “Who is a Jew?” debate continued to erode the consensus of what it meant to be a Jew in a secular Jewish state.
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Howard, Adam M. "Origins of the Jewish Labor Movement." In Sewing the Fabric of Statehood, 6–23. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252041464.003.0002.

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In 1917, the AFL endorsed the British government’s Balfour Declaration, which called for a Jewish homeland in Palestine. This marked the first time that the American labor movement engaged with the issue of a Jewish homeland in Palestine. However, most Jewish trade unionists, centered in the garment industry, did not support the AFL’s endorsement of the Declaration as they rejected the nationalist overtones associated with it. Most Jewish trade unionists descended from the Bund, the General Federation of Jewish Workers of Lithuania, Poland, and Russia. Bundists viewed Zionist support for a Jewish homeland in Palestine as anathema to their socialist views, and they bitterly clashed with Zionists over the issue of Palestine. However, the creation of Histadrut, the General Federation of Jewish Workers in Palestine in 1920 altered the dynamic. By the early 1920s, a small number of labor leaders who were either Labor Zionists or Bundists who viewed Histadrut as a fellow labor movement worth supporting. Led by Max Pine, the leader of the United Hebrew Trades, these labor activists started raising funds for Histadrut in 1923 through the Gewerkschaften campaign. These fundraising drives continued through the 1920s and marked the true engagement of American labor with Jewish labor in Palestine.
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Meiton, Fredrik. "The Radiance of the Jewish National Home." In Electrical Palestine, 117–49. University of California Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/california/9780520295889.003.0005.

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Chapter 4 tells the story of Naharayim, the hydroelectric station at the confluence of the Jordan and Yarmuk Rivers. Construction began in 1927 and was completed in 1932. The significance of Naharayim was both material and representational. The station served an important function as a staging ground for the Zionist project’s civilizing mission, which, like other such missions elsewhere, also engendered an ethno-national division of labor. By generating electricity and transmitting it to the entire territory, Naharayim marked Palestine out as a Jewish national space and economy, which seemed to validate the basic ideological thrust of Zionism, namely that Jewish efforts in Palestine would lift everyone’s boats. This relegated the Palestinians to the category of second-order beneficiaries of Zionist development.
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Howard, Adam M. "Building a Nation." In Sewing the Fabric of Statehood, 24–49. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252041464.003.0003.

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During the late 1920s and early 1930s, some Bundists began to identify as non-Zionists. Although they viewed Zionism as a nationalist distraction from their socialist values, they believed assisting a fellow labor movement in Histadrut a worthy cause. Additionally, they saw Palestine as a practical option for persecuted Jews to emigrate. With immigration restriction quotas passed by congress in 1921 and 1924 that several restricted Eastern and Southern Europeans from immigrating to the United States, these non-Zionists in the labor movement viewed Palestine as a reasonable alternative for persecuted Jews to go and begin new lives with a strong labor movement to help absorb them into the growing Jewish society there. To help Histadrut absorb these new immigrants, Jewish trade-union leaders expanded beyond the fundraising of the Gewerkschaften Campaign to specifically raise money for colonization. They raised money for the purchase of land in two places where housing was built for these new settlers, naming one the Leon Blum colony and the other the Louis Brandeis colony. This demonstrated the power of these non-government organizations (NGOs) operating transnationally to develop the infrastructure of burgeoning nation. However, in 1939, the British government’s McDonald White Paper would drastically reduce Jewish immigration to Palestine for the next five years and then eliminate it altogether after 1944.
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Halpern, Ben, and Jehuda Reinharz. "Zionism and the Left." In Zionism and the Creation of a New Society, 120–44. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195092097.003.0007.

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Abstract Socialist and labor Zionist groupings appeared in Russia and Austria during the turbulent years that bridged the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. At the Seventh Zionist Congress, in 1905, they were no longer represented merely by individual delegates, but appeared as organized factions in the WZO. Jewish labor parties arose out of the same anomalous situation that produced Zionism itself, as well as all other modern Jewish ideologies. Because Jews were both a dissident religion and a depressed group, the liberal leaders of Western Jewries found they could not rely solely on civic emancipation and religious toleration to solve the Jewish problem. They had to develop programs of cultural, social, and economic amelioration. The late-nineteenth-century leftist ideologues, who were concerned primarily with social and economic issues, similarly found that they could not deal with the problems of Eastern and East-Central European Jewries without confronting the issues of emancipation and antisemitism. Because liberals and leftists focused on different aspects of the same anomalous general-Jewish situation, and they arose in different regions at different periods, they developed their views in response to characteristically different gentile counterparts or adversaries.
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"The Legacies of Hebrew Labor." In Beyond Post-Zionism, 147–76. SUNY Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781438454375-007.

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ofer, Dalia. "Revisionist Aliyah." In Escaping The Holocaust, 69–88. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195063400.003.0004.

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Abstract In contrast to the ambivalence that plagued the Jewish Agency, the Haganah, and the Mossad, the Revisionist movement unequivocally supported the idea of Aliyah bet. Revisionist leaders voiced no qualms about having to resort to unorthodox methods, and the potential damage to Zionist political interests did not worry them. The Revisionist movement was in extreme opposition to the Zionist policy conducted by the labor coalition.
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Halpern, Ben, and Jehuda Reinharz. "The Hegemony of Labor." In Zionism and the Creation of a New Society, 196–228. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195092097.003.0010.

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Abstract How labor rose to dominance in the Yishuv (Palestine Jewish community), in the Zionist movement, and finally in Israel is a subject that has been thoroughly studied. The growth of the working population and the more effective political organization of labor compared with other parts of the Yishuv after World War I have been noted. But these were no more than relative advantages. The workers long remained a minority and, however well organized in comparison with others, they too were divided by numerous, bitterly factional differences.
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"1. Labor Zionist Mapping of the Homeland." In Evolving Nationalism, 25–49. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/9781501729874-003.

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Preminger, Jonathan. "An Inquiry into Labor in Israel in the Twenty-First Century." In Labor in Israel. Cornell University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501717123.003.0001.

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The Introduction presents the main concerns of the book and principal research question: what is the current status of organized labor in Israel and what is its role in the representation of workers following the decline of the Israeli variant of neocorporatism? It then overviews the rise of (Jewish) organized labor in pre-state Mandatory Palestine, its decisive role in the Zionist state-building project, its decline from the late 1970s onwards, and its ostensible resurgence in the new millennium. The Histadrut is introduced as a formerly crucial and extremely powerful political institution, now undermined by policies associated with neoliberalism which also transformed Israel’s labor market and employment norms. The chapter ends by outlining the book’s contribution to existing scholarship of trade unions and labor in Israel.
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Conference papers on the topic "Labot Zionists"

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Liu, Zhanyang. "The Early Settlement to Palestine and the Zionist Women’s Labor Movement." In 2021 International Conference on Social Development and Media Communication (SDMC 2021). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.220105.214.

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