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1

Meyer, Brett. "Learning to Love the Government." World Politics 68, no. 3 (May 18, 2016): 538–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887116000058.

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One counterintuitive variation in wage-setting regulation is that countries with the highest labor standards and strongest labor movements are among the least likely to set a statutory minimum wage. This, the author argues, is due largely to trade union opposition. Trade unions oppose the minimum wage when they face minimal low-wage competition, which is affected by the political institutions regulating industrial action, collective agreements, and employment, as well as by the skill and wage levels of their members. When political institutions effectively regulate low-wage competition, unions oppose the minimum wage. When political institutions are less favorable toward unions, there may be a cleavage between high- and low-wage unions in their minimum wage preferences. The argument is illustrated with case studies of the UK, Germany, and Sweden. The author demonstrates how the regulation of low-wage competition affects unions’ minimum wage preferences by exploiting the following labor market institutional shocks: the Conservatives’ labor law reforms in the UK, the Hartz labor market reforms in Germany, and the European Court of Justice's Laval ruling in Sweden. The importance of union preferences for minimum wage adoption is also shown by how trade union confederation preferences influenced the position of the Labour Party in the UK and the Social Democratic Party in Germany.
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Octaviani, Jefahnia, and Andari Yurikosari. "AKIBAT HUKUM KRIMINALISASI PENGURUS SERIKAT PEKERJA ATAS TINDAK PIDANA PENCEMARAN NAMA BAIK TERHADAP KEDUDUKAN SERIKAT PEKERJA DI DALAM PERUSAHAAN (STUDI PUTUSAN PENGADILAN TINGGI DKI JAKARTA NOMOR: 95/PID/2018/PT.DKI)." Jurnal Hukum Adigama 2, no. 1 (July 24, 2019): 719. http://dx.doi.org/10.24912/adigama.v2i1.5258.

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One of the legal subjects in the employment sector is labor unions. Labor unions are considered as organizations that able to help workers fight for their rights. When there is an industrial relations dispute between employers and workers, labor unions can represent their members in the process of resolutions that includes three steps, which are Bipartite, Tripartite, and Court of Industrial Relations. Based on the applicable laws, in order to carry out their main duties and functions, labor unions must be independent and democratic. Referring to DKI Jakarta High Court Judgement No. 95/Pid/2018/PT.DKI, two of labor union officials in PT Damira are prosecuted by third party outside of Bipartite for criminal acts of defamation, and the prosecution itself build upon their statements on Bipartite. This kind of prosecution can be categorized as a form of criminalization of labor union officials, thus raises issues of how legal protections for labor union officials who are prosecuted by third party and the impact of the criminalization of labor unions officials to the standing of labor unions. The author analyzes both issues comprehensively using the normative legal research method. According to the research, can be councluded that the legal protections of labor union officials is not carried out as stipulated in the applicable laws. Furthermore, criminalization of labor union officials has important impact which includes two things, namely the legal uncertainty of labor union officials regarding their status as workers and the standing of labor unions within the company after the criminalization.
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3

Shin, Ilhang, and Sorah Park. "The impact of labor unions on corporate tax avoidance: evidence from Korea." Problems and Perspectives in Management 18, no. 2 (May 15, 2020): 114–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.21511/ppm.18(2).2020.11.

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This study examines the effect of labor unions on corporate tax avoidance activities. Labor union is an important stakeholder in terms of corporate governance; thus, managers may engage in certain accounting choices that reflect union members’ position to improve the relation with labor union. This paper empirically investigates whether managers engage in tax avoidance activities to secure financial resources for workers’ pay when the negotiation power of labor unions is higher. The empirical analysis is based on a sample of firms listed in the Korean stock market from 2001 to 2008. The authors find that companies, where labor unions are organized, have a significantly higher level of tax avoidance activities. Also, the authors attempt to examine the effect of labor unions’ bargaining power on tax avoidance. While the union membership ratio is not significantly related to tax avoidance, labor unions that belong to upper-level labor organizations significantly affect the increasing tax avoidance activity, on average. Moreover, companies that join an aggressive labor organization (‘Minju’ Federation) show a significantly higher level of tax avoidance activity, compared to those joining a moderate labor organization (‘Hanguk’ Federation). Furthermore, the authors show that such an effect of labor unions on tax avoidance is significant for companies, which are not affiliated with large business groups (‘chaebols’). This result suggests that chaebol group management is not under pressure to negotiate with union members due to higher reputation costs. The findings of this paper offer academic and practical implications that capital market participants need to understand labor unions’ effect on management’s accounting choices.
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Tampubolon, Liosten Rianna Roosida Ully, Nur Sayidah, and Bachrul Amiq. "The Role of Labor Unions in Determining Minimum Wage in Indonesia." International Journal of Professional Business Review 8, no. 7 (July 31, 2023): e02625. http://dx.doi.org/10.26668/businessreview/2023.v8i7.2625.

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Purpose: This research aims to analyze the importance of labor unions in decent living standards to improve labor welfare to increase labor’s minimum wage and respond to the implementation of Government Regulation No. 78 of 2015 about wages. Theoretical framework: The labor union is the labor representative that has an essential role in determining minimum wage in the regency because the labor union is a member of the Wage Council. Implementing Government Regulation No. 78 of 2015 concerning wages leads to wage disparities, especially in East Java province. The determination of minimum wage has become a crucial and complex problem as it involves the interests of labor, companies, and government. Every of the wage disparities increases that influenced labor conditions became less conducive, and companies relocated their businesses. Labor unions’ important role is to fight to improve labor’s welfare. Design/Methodology/Approach: This research used a qualitative approach. The research location is in East Java, with informants who are labor union in East Java, East Java Indonesian Business Association, East Java Province Wage Council, East Java Labor and Transmigration Office, and Regency Labor Office. The data was collected through interviews. Findings: This research’s results find that Labor Union’s important role influenced wage discretion implemented by the East Java governor, and Labor Union’s important role successfully decreased wage disparity. Research, Practical & Social implications: This research is still limited to important role of Labor Union in minimum wages. Future research can examine other roles of Labor Union in helping improve workers' welfare, for example contributing to improving labor regulations. Originality/Value: The study explore important role of labor union from various points of view, namely from East Java Indonesian Business Association, East Java Province Wage Council, East Java Labor and Transmigration Office, and Regency Labor Office.
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5

Jeon, Sung Min, and Sang Hyuk Lee. "Labor Union’s Characteristics and Firm’s Cost Behavior." Korean Accounting Information Association 41, no. 3 (September 30, 2023): 29–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.29189/kaiaair.41.3.2.

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[Purpose] This study investigates the effect of a labor union and its characteristics on a firm’s cost behavior, with a particular focus on both listed and non-listed firms. [Methodology] We employ labor union data obtained from the Human Capital Corporate Panel (HCCP) provided by the Korea Research Institute for Vocational Education and Training. We examine how the labor union affects cost stickiness (selling, general, and administration costs) using the model developed by Anderson et al. (2003). [Findings] First, we find that firms exhibit cost stickiness in their cost behavior and the presence of labor unions mitigates this cost stickiness. These results suggest that labor unions serve as monitoring mechanisms, thus mitigating cost stickiness arising from agency problems. Second, the bargaining power of labor unions has no incremental impact on cost stickiness. However, we find that cost stickiness is alleviated only when labor unions and firms maintain a cooperative relationship. In other words, labor unions play the role of corporate governance structures as stakeholders of the firm only when labor-management relations are cooperative. [Implications] This study examines the impact of labor unions as one of the stakeholders in a firm’s economic decision-making process and their role in corporate governance in alleviating cost stickiness. It underscores the importance of a cooperative labor-management relationship, as labor unions effectively serve their monitoring role in the corporate governance structure only under such conditions. Furthermore, even in a sample primarily comprised of non-listed firms, labor unions can influence cost stickiness.
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6

Friedman, Gerald. "Is Labor Dead?" International Labor and Working-Class History 75, no. 1 (2009): 126–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014754790900009x.

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AbstractThe Labor Movement has entered a crisis. Declining support for unions and for socialist political movements reflects the exhaustion of a reformist growth strategy where capitalists and state officials accepted unions in exchange for labor peace. While winning real gains for workers, this strategy undermined labor and its broader democratic aspirations by establishing unions and union and party leaders as authorities over the workers themselves. In the upheavals of the late-1960s and the 1970s, dissident movements, directed as much against reformist leaders as against employers and state officials, pushed protest beyond traditional limits toward demands for popular empowerment and democracy. Union decline began then, not because workers had lost interest in collective action but because employers and state officials abandoned collective bargaining to find alternative means of controlling unrest. Capitalism entered a new post-union era, when national leaders like Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan used policies of open trade and capital flows and high unemployment to discipline labor. Abandoned by their capitalist bargaining partners, reformist unions and political parties have withered. Now, without social space for reformist movements, the labor movement can only advance by openly avowing its original goals of popular empowerment and the establishment of economic democracy.
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7

Pant, Ganesh Datt. "The Union's Efforts to Enhance Labor Relations in Nepal's Manufacturing Sector." Journal of Development Review 8, no. 2 (October 11, 2023): 51–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/jdr.v8i2.59203.

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The purpose of a trade union is to represent the collective voice of workers for the improvement of the workplace and amenities for employees. Workers in various sectors organized trade unions to engage in collective bargaining with management for better amenities and perks after Nepal achieved democracy in 1950. The objective of the study is to find the effort of labor union to improve labor relation in Nepalese manufacturing organizations. The study based on descriptive analysis and concentrates on understanding the role of union in increasing earning, securing employment, providing time off, and paying overtime which are essential for improving labor relation at work. In order to perform the study, some workers were contacted, and the currently available literature was reviewed. The study concentrated on trade union efforts to enhance labor relations, pay, benefits, overtime pay, job security, health, and welfare in various time periods. Older employees were given an open-ended questionnaire to share their perspectives. The study concludes that labor management relation is influenced by trade union’s activities. Labor unions have evolved into full-fledged political organizations that harm workers' livelihoods.
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Permana, Setia, T. Subarsyah, and Evita Firdatunnisa. "Implementation of Article 87 Law Number 2 of 2004 Concerning Resolution of Industrial Relations in the Court of Industrial Relations in Article of the Republic of Indonesia." International Journal of Science and Society 2, no. 3 (July 22, 2020): 198–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.54783/ijsoc.v2i3.155.

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The formulation of article 87 of Law Number 2 of 2004 in its implementation still requires firmness to provide certainty that what is meant by trade unions / labor unions that can become legal counsel to proceed at the Industrial Relations Court to represent their members are trade unions / labor unions located in in the company or including labor unions / labor unions outside the company. The purpose of this study is to describe / describe the rights and authority of trade unions / labor unions as legal counsel in the process of resolving industrial relations disputes along with descriptions (describing) the legal consequences related to the rights and authority of trade unions / labor unions .The type of research used is normative law which is intended to examine the provisions of positive law. The method of approach used in this study is the approach: normative law, which examines the legal norms that apply, both in the form of laws, implementing regulations and other regulations that have links with the issues discussed in the study. Settlement of industrial relations disputes can be done through resolutions outside the Industrial Relations Court (Non-Litigation) and in the Industrial Relations Court (Ligitation). Implementation of Article 87 of Law No. 2 of 2004 concerning Settlement of Industrial Relations Disputes, in the Decision of the Supreme Court of the Republic of Indonesia Number 933K / PDT.SUS / 2009 dated May 5, 2010 and Number 488K / PDT.SUS / 2012 dated October 22, 2012, referred to as trade unions / labor unions has a legal standing representing its members proceeding in the Industrial Relations Court is a trade union / labor union both inside and outside the company.
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9

Clarke, Oliver, and Joan Campbell. "European Labor Unions." Industrial and Labor Relations Review 47, no. 4 (July 1994): 728. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2524688.

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10

Linden, Marcel van de, and Joan Campbell. "European Labor Unions." Labour / Le Travail 32 (1993): 361. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25143772.

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Dasgupta, Kabir, and Zofsha Merchant. "Understanding Workers’ Financial Wellbeing in States with Right-to-Work Laws." FEDS Notes, no. 2023-09-08-1 (September 2023): None. http://dx.doi.org/10.17016/2380-7172.3372.

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As public interest in labor unions has increased in recent months, along with an increase in union representation petitions, it is valuable to understand the economic implications of labor unions. Previous empirical studies on the effects of labor unions and collective bargaining processes have focused on several economic outcomes ranging from workers' pay and productivity to firms' profitability, investments, and overall economic performance.
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12

Bishara, Dina. "Legacy Trade Unions as Brokers of Democratization? Lessons from Tunisia." Comparative Politics 52, no. 2 (January 1, 2020): 173–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.5129/001041520x15657305839654.

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The Tunisian General Labor Union (UGTT) emerged as a major player in the country's transition from authoritarianism. Existing explanations - focusing on authoritarian legacies, the degree of trade union autonomy from the state, and labor's material incentives to support democratization - do not sufficiently account for the high-profile nature of the union's political role in Tunisia's transition. Instead, as this article argues, the importance of unions' pre-authoritarian legacy is key to understanding the role of unions in the transition from authoritarian rule. If unions enter the regime formation stage with a history of political struggle and with strong organizational capacities, they are more likely to develop a degree of internal autonomy that makes it difficult for authoritarian incumbents to disempower them. The article employs a historical institutional approach and draws on fieldwork and interviews with labor activists in Tunisia.
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13

Jumiati, Eti, and Ifa Faizah Rohmah. "The Role of Trade Unions/Labor Unions in Islamic Economic Perspective." International Journal of Islamic Thought and Humanities 1, no. 2 (September 1, 2022): 91–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.54298/ijith.v1i2.33.

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This paper examines the role of trade unions/labor unions in an Islamic perspective. In industrial relations between workers/labor and company owners/entrepreneurs, there may also be disputes between the two. But usually the disputes that occur will be more detrimental to the workers. Usually the imbalance includes the bargaining position between the rights and obligations of workers/laborers and employers. The position of workers/laborers who are weak/not strong need a forum/union to be strong. The forum is the exercise of the right to associate in a trade/labor union. Trade unions/labor unions are representatives of workers/labor in the company to fight for their rights. Dari hasil kajian literature penulis menemukan bahwa dalam ekonomi Islam, peran serikat pekerja dapat digambarkan dalam keseimbangan antara permintaan dan penawaran tenaga kerja di pasar kerja. Ekonomi Islam menyebutnya ujrah. Peran serikat pekerja tidak lepas dari sisi perilaku pengusaha. Sebagai pekerja dan pengusaha Muslim wajib menghindari praktik produksi yang mengandung unsur haram atau riba, pasar gelap, dan spekulasi. The method used in this article on the role of trade unions/labor unions in an Islamic perspective uses a qualitative approach. This type of research uses library research/literature review, namely research in which all data comes from written materials such as books, manuscripts, journals, and documents related to bahtsul masail. The method used is descriptive-analytic method, namely the research method by describing and analyzing all the data that has been obtained.
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Alho, Rolle. "Trade Union Responses to Transnational Labour Mobility in the Finnish-Estonian Context." Nordic Journal of Working Life Studies 3, no. 3 (September 1, 2013): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.19154/njwls.v3i3.3015.

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This article examines trade union strategies in relation to labor migration in Estonia and Finland, drawing on face-to-face interviews with trade unionists and official union statements. The study considers the national trade union strategies located in two separate but interconnected localities that represent different approaches to market economy. Previous research suggests that the national industrial relations system is a key factor in explaining unions’ labor migration strategies. Unions operating in liberal market economies are claimed to be more open toward immigration and more inclusive toward immigrants than unions in coordinated markets. This study analyzes the extent to which this theory holds in the context of Estonia and Finland—Finland representing a coordinated market economy and Estonia a liberal market economy. Furthermore, the analysis examines how the emergence of a translocal labor market, resulting from the geographical vicinity and linguistic affinity between Finland and Estonia as well as from free mobility within the EU, is reflected in trade union approaches to labor migration. The study finds that Finnish trade union strategies influence labor mobility, whereas Estonian trade unions remain bystanders in the issue.
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Izbienova, T. A., and A. K. Bezina. "Implementation of the Right of Workers Employed through the Internet Platforms to Unionize in European Countries and in the Russian Federation." Actual Problems of Russian Law 16, no. 2 (February 26, 2021): 88–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1994-1471.2021.123.2.088-101.

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The paper is devoted to examining some legal aspects of implementation of the right to unionize for individuals employed through the Internet platforms — digital applications that serve as a link between the participant providing the service and its consumer. The emergence of such intermediaries has become a part of digitalization of wage labor characterizing the beginning of the 4th Industrial Revolution. The modern labor market is characterized by instability due to the withdrawal of some sectors of the economy from the traditional Fordist model of labor organization. The instability caused desocialization of workers, their disintegration and had a negative impact on the traditional labour movemen that has always been expressed in the form of trade unions. In this regard, the authors’ objective is to investigate the prospects and legal grounds for creating unions of workers employed through the Internet platforms, as well as the legal specifics of their labor rights protection with due regard to their precarious legal status. To achieve this objective, it was necessary to resolve the issues of expediency, effectiveness of trade union protection of digital labor and the place of trade unions in social and partnership relations with the participation of workers employed through the Internet platforms. The author formulates the conclusion about the effectiveness of trade union protection of labor rights of workers employed through the Internet platforms, provided the socio-partner procedures are employed.
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Ahmad, Iqbal Faza, and Syaefuddin Ahrom Al Ayubbi. "Kronik Gerakan Serikat Buruh di Indonesia: Peta dan Sejarah." Journal of Social Movements 1, no. 1 (January 31, 2024): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.62491/jsm.v1i1.2024.1.

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This research focuses on studying the dynamics of the trade union movement in Indonesia in a historical review and current map of the Trade Union Confederation/Labor Unions registered with the Ministry of Manpower. This study is a qualitative combination of literature and empirical research, combining literature and field data to explore the dynamics of trade unions in Indonesia, especially confederations. Since the 19th century, the birth of the Dutch East Indies Teachers' Workers' Union in 1879 began the emergence of the Workers' Union Movement (SP) or Labor Unions (SB) in Indonesia. These labor organizations, especially in the transportation and plantation sectors, played a central role in Indonesia's struggle for independence. Over time, various labor organizations emerged that played a key role in national political dynamics, such as VSTP, PPKB, and the Indian Vakbonden Association (PVH). Despite experiencing challenges during the Japanese occupation and the failure of the PKI's political action in 1926, the labor movement continued to develop until post-independence, with a major role played by organizations such as SOBSI in the Old Order era, SPSI in the New Order era, and various organizations that emerged during the Reformation era. Since the Reformation era, new trade unions have emerged and old unions have emerged, driven by political reform and the rapid growth of trade and labor unions. The latest mapping shows that more than 4 million workers/laborers are members of more than 20 organizations under various federations and confederations. Organizations such as KSPSI AGN, KSPSI JUMHUR, KSPI, and KSPSI YRS have the most members.
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17

Nikitas, Margot A., and César F. Rosado Marzán. "Danbury Hatters in Sweden: A U.S. Perspective on the Available Remedies and Sanctions for Employers Who Suffer Unfair Labor Practices by Labor Unions." International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 30, Issue 3 (September 1, 2014): 339–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2014019.

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This article describes the remedies available to employers who suffer unfair labor practices by labor unions, and contributes to European Union (EU) discussions on how the EU should sanction labor organizations that infringe on fundamental freedoms. These EU discussions have flourished ever since the Court of Justice of the European Union decided the Laval quartet of cases which held that worker concerted activities that impacted freedom of services and establishment in the EU violated EU law. After Laval, the Swedish Labor Court imposed exemplary or punitive damages, on labor unions for violating EU law. The U.S. experience warns against the imposition of punitive damages. Punitive damages may not only be unfair for workers, but may cause unions to become too risk-averse when representing workers. Moreover, workers' concerted activities should be understood as activities commensurate with market freedoms. If such market freedoms are exercised in unfair ways, the unions should be subject to compensatory but not punitive damages.
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18

Pierson, Dale D. "After Janus What Comes Next? Possible Solutions to the Free-Rider Problem." Labor Studies Journal 43, no. 4 (December 2018): 269–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160449x18809434.

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The Supreme Court’s decision in Janus v. AFSCME overrules a forty-year precedent, Abood v. Detroit Board of Education, which required nonmembers to pay their “fair share” of the costs of union representation. Janus represents a broader attack on unions, and the entire National Labor Policy of free collective bargaining designed to promote labor relations stability and ameliorate economic inequality. But as is characteristic of twenty-first century anti-union ideology, when elevated to constitutional law, it creates opportunities for labor unions and a broader coalition of workers, activists, and their natural allies. This article explores post- Janus legal, legislative, and organizational options for labor and, in particular, ways for unions to address the “free-rider” problem.
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Son, Byunghwan. "INTERPERSONAL TRUST AND CONFIDENCE IN LABOR UNIONS: THE CASE OF SOUTH KOREA." Journal of East Asian Studies 20, no. 2 (April 15, 2020): 267–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jea.2020.5.

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AbstractHow do ordinary citizens view labor unions? The importance of public opinion about unions has rarely been highlighted in the contemporary literature on labor politics. Using five waves of the World Value Surveys on South Korea, this article suggests that public confidence in labor unions is significantly affected by individuals’ interpersonal trust, conditional on their perception of the political representation of labor. Unlike those with high levels of trust, low-trust individuals view unions as an agent seeking their exclusionary interests at the expense of the rest of the society. The difference between high- and low-trust individuals’ confidence in labor unions is more pronounced when a liberal, rather than a conservative, government is in power because of the public perception that labor interests are already well-represented by the liberal government and union functions are redundant in such a circumstances. The empirical findings are found robust to alternative theoretical arguments and empirical techniques.
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Murillo, M. Victoria. "From Populism To Neoliberalism: Labor Unions and Market Reforms in Latin America." World Politics 52, no. 2 (January 2000): 135–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887100002586.

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In the late 1980s, populist labor parties, which had advanced protectionism and state intervention in the postwar period, implemented market-oriented reforms in Argentina, Mexico, and Venezuela. In all three countries, market reforms hurt their union allies. The interaction between allied unions and governing labor parties, however, varied across countries and across sectors within the same country. While some unions endorsed neoliberal reforms, others rejected them despite their long-term alliance with governing parties. While some unions obtained concessions, others failed to do so.This article argues that the incentives created by partisan loyalties, partisan competition, and union competition explain these interactions. Partisan loyalty results from the long-term affiliation of unions with a political party. Partisan competition takes place among union leaders affiliated with different political parties for the control of unions. Union competition occurs in diverse national and sectoral contexts among labor organizations for the representation of the same workers. Loyalty derived from a long-term affiliation with the incumbent party facilitates collaboration between labor unions and the government. Yet, if partisan competition makes loyal union leaders afraid of being replaced by activists affiliated with the opposition parties, their incentives for militancy increase as a way of showing their responsiveness to the rank and file hurt by market reforms. Union competition for the representation of the same workers makes coordination more difficult, thereby weakening unions and making them less likely to obtain concessions from the government despite their partisan loyalty. The article presents empirical evidence from eighteen cases, including national confederations and individual unions in five economic sectors in Argentina, Mexico, and Venezuela to test this theory.
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Trongone, Sara Gia. "A NEW COLLECTIVE BARGAIN? A MULTICASE COMPARISON OF U.S. LABOR UNION STRATEGY." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 27, no. 2 (June 1, 2022): 149–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-27-2-149.

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Twenty-five years ago, a vocal faction of progressive union leaders, labor educators, and academics charted a new path forward for American labor unions. Proponents of “social movement unionism” sought to reverse unions’ flagging strength through redoubled organizing drives, street mobilizations, “public dramas,” and labor-community coalitions. While case studies describing this repertoire of contention abound, there are few systematic analyses that take stock of emergent union strategy. Based on an analysis of 76 case studies of union-led collective-bargaining campaigns, strikes, and political mobilizations, I argue that contemporary labor union revitalization is best understood not as a singular, movement-inspired struggle but as a mix of four strategies— sometimes competing, sometimes complementary—each espousing divergent visions for how to recapture social, economic, and political power. These divergent visions, in turn, shape how unions form alliances and construct class-based identities.
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Brigden, Cathy. "Unions and Collective Bargaining in 2008." Journal of Industrial Relations 51, no. 3 (May 20, 2009): 365–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185609104303.

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For Australian unions, 2008 was the first year with a federal labour government in office after more than a decade of conservative government. Attention focused on the promised dismantling of the Work Choices legislation and the introduction of a new legislative framework, although it took until late November for the Fair Work Bill to be introduced into federal parliament. Confronting a disappointing decline in union membership levels, a number of union campaigns focused on recollectivizing workplaces. For other unions, collective bargaining with employers was a frustrating experience, as was the case with Qantas and Telstra. Public sector unions faced lengthy and hard-fought disputes with state labour governments, while an extraordinary dispute over electricity privatization unfolded between unions and the New South Wales Labor government. By the end of the year, the impact of the global financial crisis, and the consequences for jobs was the prevailing concern for many unions.
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Stewart, Paul, Andy Danford, and Edson Urano. "Organizing Latin American workers in Japan." Employee Relations 39, no. 3 (April 3, 2017): 365–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/er-03-2016-0054.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to assess difficulties facing the unionization of foreign workers focusing on the experience of trade unionists in Union MIE, an exemplar of what in Japan is known as a community union (sometimes described as a form of Minority union – Stewart, 2006). Union MIE is characterized by its orientation to the social and political agenda of Latin American workers, among whom Brazilians form the most numerous group. The paper also addresses the precarious nature of workers’ employment including the condition of labor. The increasing significance of community unions raises the question as to the possibility of the reregulation of worker interests in ways not fully encompassed by traditional labor market-focused unions. Design/methodology/approach The paper explores unique interviews using snowball technique and direct questionnaires to union membership of community union in Japan. Findings The increasing significance of community unions raises the question as to the possibility of the reregulation of worker interests in ways not fully encompassed by traditional labor market-focused unions. In addition to having relevance to the wider discussion on union decline, this paper contributes to the debate on migrant workers, their condition of labor and one form of labor organization responsive to their concerns. Research limitations/implications A comparative approach would add even more to the weight of evidence accrued in the paper. Practical implications Mainstream trade unions need to anticipate that the concerns of migrant and precarious workers will become increasingly common among their erstwhile “regularly” employed membership and so the activities of community and minority unions need to be taken on board in an organic, as opposed to an opportunistic, manner. Originality/value From unique interviews using snowball technique and direct questionnaires to union membership of community union in Japan, the paper presents original data not typically accessible in Anglo-Saxon research tradition.
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Glende, Philip. "Labor Reporting and Its Critics in the CIO Years." Journalism & Communication Monographs 22, no. 1 (February 10, 2020): 4–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1522637919898270.

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This monograph examines daily newspaper coverage of organized labor during the burst of union activity that began in the early 1930s. Three factors influenced labor reporting during this period: the dramatic rise of unions as a political, economic, and cultural force in the New Deal; trends in journalism, including the dominance of objectivity as an operating norm and the shift toward interpretive reporting; and journalists, their sources in labor leadership, and the emergence of the American Newspaper Guild. Union leaders were highly critical of the general circulation press and its coverage of labor issues. I argue that labor news was biased against unions, but that bias was not the result of a deliberate attempt to discredit unions. Despite prounion inclinations of some journalists, news values, news gathering routines, and newsroom practices shaped labor reporting in a way that emphasized organized labor’s role in repeatedly challenging and disrupting the status quo.
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Liao, Qunfeng, and Bo Ouyang. "Organized labor, corporate governance, and stock price crash risk." Review of Accounting and Finance 16, no. 4 (November 13, 2017): 424–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/raf-01-2016-0006.

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Purpose The aim of the paper is to investigate the effect of labor strength on stock price crash risk and related moderating mechanisms. Design/methodology/approach To examine the relationship between labor unions and stock price crash risk and, more importantly, whether corporate governance moderates this relationship. Ordinary least squares (OLS), two-stage least squares, cross-sectional analyses, industry-level regressions and firm-level regressions are conducted. Findings The results suggest a negative impact of labor union strength on stock price crash risk. Further analysis suggests strong corporate governance mechanisms may mitigate the increased stock price crash risk in less-unionized firms. Originality/value Labor unions have a long-term horizon in the firm and have strong incentives to monitor managerial opportunism. However, labor unions may also increase financial reporting opacity and collude with managers to gain bargaining power in labor negotiations. The authors’ finding suggests that labor union strength is negatively associated with stock price crash risk. This finding is consistent with the notion that labor unions curb managerial opportunism in information disclosure, resulting in reduced crash risk. More importantly, the authors find corporate governance mitigates the negative impact of reduced unionization on crash risk, providing empirical support for recent regulatory efforts to strengthen corporate governance to prevent stock market crash.
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Huang, Qianqian, Feng Jiang, Erik Lie, and Tingting Que. "The Effect of Labor Unions on CEO Compensation." Journal of Financial and Quantitative Analysis 52, no. 2 (April 2017): 553–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022109017000072.

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We find evidence that labor unions affect chief executive officer (CEO) compensation. First, we find that firms with strong unions pay their CEOs less. The negative effect is robust to various tests for endogeneity, including cross-sectional variations and a regression discontinuity design. Second, we find that CEO compensation is curbed before union contract negotiations, especially when the compensation is discretionary and the unions have a strong bargaining position. Third, we report that curbing CEO compensation mitigates the chance of a labor strike, thus providing a rationale for firms to pay CEOs less when facing strong unions.
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Nijhuis, Dennie Oude. "Revisiting the Role of Labor." World Politics 61, no. 2 (March 18, 2009): 296–329. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887109000112.

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The purpose of this article is to emphasize the importance of the organizational blueprint of labor unions for welfare state outcomes. As a result of the tendency of scholars to view labor as a homogenous and disadvantaged class, the existing literature has paid little attention to this. Many scholars have simply taken labor union support for welfare state development for granted and consequently have focused only on labor union strength. This article argues, rather, that labor union support for welfare state development cannot be taken for granted. It shows that labor unions support or oppose welfare state development depending on their organizational blueprint. This new approach highlights the importance of the labor union movement's organizational structure, as opposed to its organizational strength, for welfare state outcomes. The article also explores how the organizational structure of the labor union movement shapes the stance of employer interest groups toward welfare state development. The empirical findings are based on a comparison of British and Dutch postwar old-age pension development
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Dixon, Marc. "Limiting Labor: Business Political Mobilization and Union Setback in the States." Journal of Policy History 19, no. 3 (July 2007): 313–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2007.0015.

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The 1940s were heady times for the American labor movement. The tight wartime labor market and the backing of the federal government in defense industries facilitated impressive membership gains for both AFL and CIO unions. By 1945, labor unions represented almost 35 percent of the workforce—a more than fivefold increase from the early 1930s. What is more, union membership gains penetrated previously unorganized and resistant regions like the South. Unions indeed appeared on the verge of recruiting millions of new members and establishing a truly national social movement. Critics and supporters alike viewed unions as the most powerful institutions of the day. Following the war,Fortune Magazineforesaw little resistance to unionism and to the postwar southern labor organizing drives, while sympathetic scholars like C. Wright Mills viewed labor leaders as the “new men of power.”
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Moskovich, Yaffa. "Privatization as the Source of Organizational Change in the Israeli Labor Federation (the Histadrut): an Israeli Case Study." SDMIMD Journal of Management 5, no. 2 (September 1, 2014): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.18311/sdmimd/2014/2664.

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The original Histadrut was founded as a welfare agency, as a socialist entity the Histadrut was politically and economically linked to the Labor Party which helped fund it while in government. The purpose of this research is to analyze how the process of privatization affected the goals of the Histadrut, as it evolved from being a super- organization dominating most of Israeli society to a mere confederation of labor unions. This research was conducted by case study analysis: using two methods of data collection - analyzing documents and interviews. The finding show, that Histadrut was highly politicized, and this led to the organization's incurring heavy debts. In 1994, a new leader, Haim Ramon, was elected and coped with its organizational decline. He transformed the Histadrut into a confederation of autonomous labor unions, selling off Histadrut enterprises and assets to private investors, and severing all political ties. The Histadrut underwent organizational change, downsizing and focusing on trade union goals.The main conclusion from this research is: The privatization process in the Israeli labor unions created a new organization focusing on its trade union's goals, losing its uniqueness as a society-wide entity.
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Singadimeja, Holyness, Atip Latipulhayat, and M. Nurdin Singadimeja. "Freedom of Association Implementation through Legal Protection for Worker Union in Response to Anti-Union Actions by Employers." PADJADJARAN Jurnal Ilmu Hukum (Journal of Law) 06, no. 03 (December 2019): 533–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.22304/pjih.v6n3.a6.

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Indonesian labors have rights, either individually or collectively, to associate and to establish organizations. Union is one form of protection and enforcement of workers’ normative rights, on conditions that the rights are in line with, and does not conflict with, laws and regulations. The negative attitudes and perceptions of company management towards workers’ unions and legal norms still restrict the space for the unions. The situation enables the occurrence of anti-union actions by employers. It becomes increasingly difficult to stop because workers’ unions are often trapped by fanaticism that makes them difficult to unite perceptions regarding anti-union actions. This study aims to study the implementation of labor union legal protection by the government facing anti-union actions by employers. The study employed normative juridical, starting with a description of positive laws related to the problem under study. Subsequently, an analysis was carried out by using relevant legal concepts and theories, synchronizing regulations, examining applicable laws in concrete and legal principles as secondary data support. The primary data was obtained through interviews. The results show that the implementation of legal protection for labor unions could not be carried out according to the purpose of the regulation. Therefore, law enforcement on the anti-union actions could not be performed optimally. The National Police, labor inspectors, and civil servants with criminal investigator power were unable to handle anti-union actions. Civil Servants with criminal investigator power in the field of workforce possesses authority based on the law to conduct investigations but mostly, they have not been able to conduct the duty properly. The evidence is the low number of employers that are processed legally based on report to the court.
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Singadimeja, Holyness, Atip Latipulhayat, and M. Nurdin Singadimeja. "Freedom of Association Implementation through Legal Protection for Worker Union in Response to Anti-Union Actions by Employers." PADJADJARAN Jurnal Ilmu Hukum (Journal of Law) 06, no. 03 (December 2019): 533–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.22304/pjih.v6n3.a6.

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Indonesian labors have rights, either individually or collectively, to associate and to establish organizations. Union is one form of protection and enforcement of workers’ normative rights, on conditions that the rights are in line with, and does not conflict with, laws and regulations. The negative attitudes and perceptions of company management towards workers’ unions and legal norms still restrict the space for the unions. The situation enables the occurrence of anti-union actions by employers. It becomes increasingly difficult to stop because workers’ unions are often trapped by fanaticism that makes them difficult to unite perceptions regarding anti-union actions. This study aims to study the implementation of labor union legal protection by the government facing anti-union actions by employers. The study employed normative juridical, starting with a description of positive laws related to the problem under study. Subsequently, an analysis was carried out by using relevant legal concepts and theories, synchronizing regulations, examining applicable laws in concrete and legal principles as secondary data support. The primary data was obtained through interviews. The results show that the implementation of legal protection for labor unions could not be carried out according to the purpose of the regulation. Therefore, law enforcement on the anti-union actions could not be performed optimally. The National Police, labor inspectors, and civil servants with criminal investigator power were unable to handle anti-union actions. Civil Servants with criminal investigator power in the field of workforce possesses authority based on the law to conduct investigations but mostly, they have not been able to conduct the duty properly. The evidence is the low number of employers that are processed legally based on report to the court.
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32

Wich, Scott. "In 2023, Should You Be Anti‐Union, Pro‐Employee, or Pro‐Company?" Management Report for Nonunion Organizations 46, no. 10 (September 3, 2023): 3–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/mare.31005.

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Since before the passage of the NLRA in 1935, employers have, in varying degrees, implemented measures to present unionization. In the United States, unions can present limited benefits to employers. Labor organizations, for example, can leverage their position to assist in securing certain government contracts or assistance. General contractors seeking labor peace on projects may favor subcontractors with established union relationships, and contracts with no strike clauses. However, by and large, unions bring no value to employers. To be fair, aside from unions that are willing to make significant contract concessions in return for collecting dues (commonly referred to as “sweetheart unions”), organized labor rarely markets itself as an asset for management. Unions exist, by definition of law and in practical application, to represent the interests of employees. Management, in turn, exists to represent the interests of ownership. The result of such union‐management relations can be complicated and divisive. Do they need to be?
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Pennell, Joan. "Feminism and Labor Unions:." Journal of Progressive Human Services 6, no. 1 (June 6, 1995): 45–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j059v06n01_04.

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34

Zullo, Roland. "Labor Unions and Charity." ILR Review 64, no. 4 (July 2011): 699–711. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979391106400404.

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35

Childre, Frances, Robin Baker, Betty Szudy, and Judith Guerriero. "Working with Labor Unions." AAOHN Journal 48, no. 12 (December 2000): 563–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/216507990004801204.

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36

Manthous, Constantine A. "Labor Unions in Medicine." Medical Care 52, no. 5 (May 2014): 387–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/mlr.0000000000000123.

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37

Bennett, James T. "Labor unions and antitrust." Journal of Labor Research 21, no. 4 (December 2000): 533–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12122-000-1029-9.

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38

TODD, KATHERINE. "LIBRARIANS IN LABOR UNIONS." Journal of Collective Negotiations in the Public Sector 14, no. 3 (September 1, 1985): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/488k-b6j0-0pbb-8kxg.

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39

Mulyono, Yanu Ferry, and Sugeng Hadi Purnomo. "PERLINDUNGAN HUKUM TERHADAP SERIKAT PEKERJA BERDASARKAN UNDANG UNDANG NO 21 TAHUN 2000 DAN UNDANG UNDANG KETENAGAKERJAAN." Bureaucracy Journal : Indonesia Journal of Law and Social-Political Governance 2, no. 3 (December 7, 2022): 847–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.53363/bureau.v2i3.67.

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In carrying out and carrying out the development of a company there must be several factors such as capital, nature, and labor factors. In the course of history, it has been proven that the role of trade unions/labor unions in fighting for the rights of their members is very large, so that workers/labourers have felt the benefits of an independent and consistent trade union/labor union organization in fighting for workers' rights. In this paper, the author uses a normative research method that examines law from an internal perspective with the object of research being legal norms. One form of protection for workers is a trade union or labor union. Another function of the trade/labor union is as a party to the settlement of industrial disputes, namely differences of opinion which result in a conflict between the entrepreneur or a combination of employers and workers/labor or a trade/labor union due to disputes over rights, disputes over interests, and disputes over termination of employment. and disputes between trade unions/labor unions in only one company. Here the existence of law is only as a tool to secure the power of the owners of capital under the guise of moralists. It is not only the law that is used as a mere tool, but the role of the government, which should carry out the functions of supervision, prosecution, and the function of setting policies, cannot act as it should. It seems that the law which was originally used as a means of control cannot be used optimally in serving the interests of the community, and especially for workers who want to uphold the law (the rule of law). Here the effectiveness (enforcement) of the law begins to be questioned, and in particular the level of success in providing services to the industrial community
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40

Muhlizar, Muhlizar, Syafil Warman, and Joharsah. "A Legal Protection Effort Workers in Covid-19." Rowter Journal 2, no. 1 (January 27, 2023): 28–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/rowter.v2i1.830.

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Trade unions are formed by workers by ensuring that their position and rights as workers can be balanced with the obligations they perform for employers. In the relationship between workers and employers or employers, it is undeniable that the position of workers is higher. And sometimes it results in the arbitrariness of the employers towards their workers. To reduce and deal with the possibility of this arbitrariness, workers should have an association which is usually called a trade union. with trade unions, workers can unite so as to balance their position with employers. Article 1 paragraph 1 expressly states that a trade/labor union is an organization formed from, by and for workers/laborers both within the company and outside the company, which is free, open, independent, democratic. This study uses a normative juridical approach, namely by collecting, studying and analyzing and understanding law as a set of rules or positive norms in the statutory system that regulates human life. In Law no. 21 of 2000 concerning Worker/Labour Unions spells out what the objectives of trade/labor unions are to provide protection, defend rights and interests, and improve proper welfare for workers/laborers and their families.
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41

Cho, Eun Jung, Ju Ryum Chung, and Ho-Young Lee. "The Role of Labor Unions in Corporate Transparency: Focusing on the Role of Governance in Auditor Change Process." Sustainability 11, no. 9 (May 8, 2019): 2643. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su11092643.

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This study investigates how the presence and power of labor unions are associated with auditor replacement, more specifically, external auditor tenure and the direction of auditor change. External auditor tenure and direction have been of great interest to stakeholders, as they are very likely associated with the financial reporting quality and corporate transparency, crucial factors for sustainable business. We are focusing on the role of the labor union, one of the key stakeholders involved in corporate governance and transparent operations, in external auditor selection processes. During the annual wage bargaining process, labor unions that rely on financial information face information asymmetry because financial statements are provided by the management. Therefore, labor unions have a high demand for independent and capable external auditors. This demand is likely to shorten auditor tenure and/or prompt changes to higher-quality auditors. Using a sample of 4568 firm-years listed in the Korean stock markets for the period of 2005 to 2008, we find evidence that the presence and power of labor unions significantly decrease external auditor tenure. We also find that the direction of auditor changes with the presence and power of labor unions is likely from non-industry specialist auditors to industry specialist auditors. This study contributes to the extant literature by extending the previous research on auditor selection and the governance role of labor unions.
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42

Holgate, Jane. "The Sydney Alliance: A broad-based community organising potential for trade union transformation?" Economic and Industrial Democracy 39, no. 2 (December 7, 2015): 312–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0143831x15618451.

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This article reports on a study of trade union involvement in the Sydney Alliance – a broad-based community coalition organising for the ‘common good’. The article explores three main issues: the factors motivating unions to get involved in community-based organising; whether unions have the resources and capabilities to maintain long-term involvement with organisations outside the labour movement; and whether or not engagement creates the potential for rethinking union organising. Findings suggest that taking part in the Sydney Alliance has created opportunities for unions to reflect and act upon internal organisational change to facilitate revitalisation and member participation; to improve the public image of unions and their engagement with civil society networks; and to counteract the loss of political influence with the Labor Party. At the same time, union contribution to the coalition has also proved difficult to sustain, in the main because of the lack of strategic capability of unions.
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43

Banks, Andy. "Transnational Labor Cooperation Among Labor Unions (review)." Labor Studies Journal 27, no. 4 (2003): 105–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lab.2003.0002.

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44

Dai, Luote, and Shengyu Gu. "Barriers to Trade Union Participation among Rural Migrant Workers in China: An Analysis of Labor Disputes, Employment Characteristics, and Socio-Demographic Factors." South Asian Journal of Social Studies and Economics 21, no. 8 (July 24, 2024): 35–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.9734/sajsse/2024/v21i8863.

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This study aims to understand the potential for migrant workers to join trade unions by analyzing labor disputes, employment characteristics, and socio-demographic factors. Utilizing data from a survey of 823 migrant workers conducted in Shanghai and nine other cities in China, this research examines both the associational (organizational membership) and behavioral (activity participation) aspects of trade union participation. The results indicate that rural migrant workers exhibit a low level of union participation, contrary to expectations based on their labor market position and the recruitment efforts by Chinese unions. Three primary barriers to union participation were identified: (1) migrant workers in state-owned firms are significantly more likely to participate in unions compared to those in private firms, where union presence is weaker; (2) occupational and employment status discrimination within workplaces hinders rural migrant workers from joining unions; and (3) trust in trade unions is relatively low among Chinese migrant workers, likely due to the close relationship between unions and the government, which may undermine union legitimacy and impede worker engagement. These findings highlight the systemic challenges that rural migrant workers face in engaging with trade unions in China.
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João, Paulo Sergio. "Democracia, Pluralidade e Representatividade Sindical." REVISTA INTERNACIONAL CONSINTER DE DIREITO 15, no. 15 (December 19, 2022): 431–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.19135/revista.consinter.00015.21.

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The present paper aims to reflect on the evolution of work relations and its effects on Collective Labor Law, especially on the Brazilian model for labor unions, considering the democratic principles stipulated in the current Constitution. This historical period was chosen due to the practices that were adopted and their deep influence on how unions act. The paper will also analyze how the Labor Reform of 2017 and the Covid-19 pandemic brought the responsibility for the effective representation of the working class back to unions. Finally, it presents an answer for the very pressing question as to the most adequate union model, considering the constitutional principles regarding labor relations in Brazil.
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Schmalz, Stefan, Teresa Conrow, Dina Feller, and Maurício Rombaldi. "Two forms of transnational organizing: Mapping the strategies of Global Union Federations." Tempo Social 33, no. 2 (August 16, 2021): 143–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/0103-2070.ts.2021.185622.

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It has become a commonplace belief among academics and trade union officials that globalization has weakened trade unions. However, the expansion of global capital has also led to a rise of transnational labor organizing. Since the 2000s, Global Union Federations have developed different strategies to tackle the challenges of globalization. In this article, we analyze two such forms of transnational organizing: A network-based and an event-based form of organizing. While the network-based approach brings together unions from different countries in a company or industry-wide cross-border network, the event-based strategy is built on the engagement of the GUFs at large international events to wage local struggles with a lasting impact on labor relations. By drawing on a power resource approach and labor geography and by using empirical data from two case studies, the Building and Woodworkers International’s Fifa World Cup campaign of 2014 and the International Transport Workers Union’s Latam Union network, we demonstrate how GUFs are using different pathways of transnational activism to link the global with the local and why local trade union action is crucial for success in transnational organizing.
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Stern, Andy. "Unions & Civic Engagement: How the Assault on Labor Endangers Civil Society." Daedalus 142, no. 2 (April 2013): 119–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00208.

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American trade unions are a crucial segment of civil society that enriches our democracy. Union members are stewards of the public good, empowering the individual through collective action and solidarity. While union density has declined, the U.S. labor movement remains a substantial political and economic force. But the relentless attacks by the political right and its corporate allies could lead to an erosion of civic engagement, further economic inequality, and a political imbalance of power that can undermine society. The extreme assault on unions waged by Republicans in Wisconsin, Ohio, Michigan, and at a national level must be countered by a revitalized labor movement and by those who understand that unions are positive civil actors who bring together individuals who alone have little power. Unions need both structural reform and greater boldness; there are moments in which direct action and dramatic militancy can bring about positive social change. The current assault on labor can be rebuffed, and unions can expand their role as stewards for the public good and as defenders of efforts by the 99 percent to reduce inequality and protect democracy.
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Clark, Paul F. "Organizing the Organizers: Professional Staff Unionism in the American Labor Movement." ILR Review 42, no. 4 (July 1989): 584–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979398904200408.

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This study summarizes the history of bargaining units formed to represent professional employees of American unions and presents the results of a 1987–88 survey of officers of 40 such professional staff unions. These special unions, which date to the early 1950s, resemble conventional unions in the bargaining issues that are most important to them (job security and salaries), as well as in their relationships with management (in this case, union leaders), which range from amicable to antagonistic. They differ sharply, however, in their infrequent use of strikes. Professional staff unionism is most common in large, industrial unions, less common in smaller industrial, professional, and service unions, and virtually nonexistent in the building trades.
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Avendaño, Ana. "Sexual Harassment in the Workplace: Where Were the Unions?" Labor Studies Journal 43, no. 4 (November 12, 2018): 245–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160449x18809432.

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Unions have a mixed record when it comes to fighting sexual harassment, especially in cases that involve harassment by union members. Union responses to sexual harassment have been shaped by their position in labor markets that remain highly segmented by gender and race, with male-dominated unions playing a passive role vis-à-vis female targets of sexual harassment, and too often siding with male harassers. Those responses have also been shaped by a legacy of sexism within the labor movement, and exclusion of women from the formal labor market, and from unions, and by a distinctive form of feminism exercised by women inside the labor movement, which focuses on women’s economic situation rather than on other social factors that keep women down. In the wake of the #MeToo movement, some unions faced their own internal harassment scandals. Several unions have since adopted internal codes of conduct, and other approaches to better address harassment internally, and on the shop floor. While codes of conduct are an important element in changing the culture that permits harassment to persist, they are not enough. By authentically focusing on sexual harassment, unions would connect to the experiences of women in all workplaces. They would also increase their chances of growing. Unions remain the most powerful voice for working people in America, and the best vehicle to create a transparent, accessible system that empowers those who suffer harassment in the workplace to stand up collectively and individually against violators. The moment demands intentional, well-resourced, genuine efforts from unions to do better. This article offers modest suggestions that unions could easily adopt.
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Suhartoyo, Suhartoyo. "Orientasi Pengaturan Organisasi Serikat Buruh atau Serikat Pekerja Dalam Konteks Hukum Nasional." Administrative Law and Governance Journal 2, no. 4 (November 6, 2019): 661–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/alj.v2i4.661-671.

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Abstract The research aims to determine the organization of labor organizations in the context of national law in Indonesia. The results of the study show that trade union organizations that can represent workers/laborers in dispute in the Industrial Relations Court are trade unions that have fulfilled the requirements for the formation of trade unions and who have made notice and record to the labor agency, this provision is technically clarified in Decree of the Minister of Manpower and Transmigration No. 16 of 2001 Article 2 to Article 10 which provides an explanation of two basic things, namely: Written notification to the local manpower agency if a trade union / labor union has been formed Written notification to its partners (in accordance with its level) after receiving number of registration evidence, written notification to the new local manpower agency in accordance with the transfer of domicile of the trade union / labor union, written notification to the labor agency that provides the number of registration evidence if there is a change in the Articles of Association / By-Laws, Written notification to local labor agencies for trade unions/labor unions that receive financial assistance from overseas for organizational activities, Written notification to local labor agencies for trade unions/labor unions that have been disbanded to revoke registration records . Keywords: Labor organizations, Employment, National Law Abstrak Penelitian bertujuan untuk mengetahui pengaturan organisasi buruh dalam konteks hukum nasional di Indonesia. Hasil penelitian menujukan bahwa Organisasi serikat pekerja/buruh yang dapat mewakili pekerja/buruh yang bersengketa di Pengadilan Hubungan Industrial adalah serikat pekerja/buruh yang telah memenuhi syarat pembentukan serikat pekerja/buruh dan yang telah melakukan pemberitahuan dan pencatatan kepada instansi ketenagakerjaan, ketentuan ini secara teknis diperjelas dalam Keputusan Menteri Tenaga Kerja Dan Transmigrasi No 16 Tahun 2001 Pasal 2 hingga Pasal 10 yang memberikan penjelasan dua hal mendasar yakni: Pemberitahuan tertulis kepada instansi ketenagakerjaan setempat bila serikat pekerja/serikat buruh telah terbentuk Pemberitahuan tertulis kepada mitra kerjanya (sesuai tingkatannya) setelah mendapat nomor bukti pencatatan, Pemberitahuan tertulis kepada instansi ketenagakerjaan setempat yang baru sesuai melakukan perpindahan domisili serikat pekerja/serikat buruh, Pemberitahuan tertulis kepada instansi ketenagakerjaan yang memberikan nomor bukti pencatatan bila terjadi perubahan anggaran dasar/anggaran rumah tangga, Pemberitahuan tertulis kepadan instansi ketenagakerjaan setempat bagi serikat pekerja/serikat buruh yang menerima bantuan keuangan dari luar negeri untuk kegiatan organisasi, Pemberitahuan tertulis kepada instansi ketenagakerjaan setempat bagi serikat pekerja/serikat buruh yang telah bubar untuk dicabut tanda bukti pencatatan. Kata Kunci: Organisasi buruh, Ketengakerjaan, Hukum Nasional
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