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Journal articles on the topic 'Labor unions Victoria History'

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Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 20 February 2023

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1

Mendes, Philip. "The Radical Arm of the Welfare Lobby: A History of the Victorian Coalition Against Poverty and Unemployment, 1980-91." Labour History 120, no. 1 (May 1, 2021): 117–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/jlh.2021.7.

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Australia has had high levels of unemployment since the mid-1970s, particularly from approximately 1976-94, yet to date there has been no significant study of political activism by the unemployed in the modern era. This article fills some of this knowledge gap by examining the activities of the Victorian Coalition against Poverty and Unemployment (CAPU), an activist group based on an alliance of trade unions, churches, community groups and the unemployed. Whilst CAPU was influenced by conventional Marxist critiques of the welfare state and highly critical of both the professional social welfare sector and the Australian Labor Party, it also worked co-operatively with key community welfare groups such as the Victorian Council of Social Service and the Brotherhood of St Laurence on specific campaigns. Consequently, it is argued that CAPU was not an anti-welfare organisation per se, but rather acted as the radical arm of the welfare lobby seeking to shame governments into operationalising in practice their declared social justice principles.

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2

Linden, Marcel van de, and Joan Campbell. "European Labor Unions." Labour / Le Travail 32 (1993): 361. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25143772.

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3

Bayat, Mangol, and Habib Ladjevardi. "Labor Unions and Autocracy in Iran." American Historical Review 94, no. 2 (April 1989): 495. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1866945.

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4

Friedman, Gerald. "Is Labor Dead?" International Labor and Working-Class History 75, no. 1 (2009): 126–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014754790900009x.

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AbstractThe Labor Movement has entered a crisis. Declining support for unions and for socialist political movements reflects the exhaustion of a reformist growth strategy where capitalists and state officials accepted unions in exchange for labor peace. While winning real gains for workers, this strategy undermined labor and its broader democratic aspirations by establishing unions and union and party leaders as authorities over the workers themselves. In the upheavals of the late-1960s and the 1970s, dissident movements, directed as much against reformist leaders as against employers and state officials, pushed protest beyond traditional limits toward demands for popular empowerment and democracy. Union decline began then, not because workers had lost interest in collective action but because employers and state officials abandoned collective bargaining to find alternative means of controlling unrest. Capitalism entered a new post-union era, when national leaders like Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan used policies of open trade and capital flows and high unemployment to discipline labor. Abandoned by their capitalist bargaining partners, reformist unions and political parties have withered. Now, without social space for reformist movements, the labor movement can only advance by openly avowing its original goals of popular empowerment and the establishment of economic democracy.

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5

Herrick, John M., and Howard Jacob Karger. "Social Workers and Labor Unions." Labour / Le Travail 26 (1990): 218. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25143452.

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6

Parthasarathi, Prasannan. "Indian Labor History." International Labor and Working-Class History 82 (2012): 127–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547912000208.

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The 1980s and 1990s were decades of great creativity in Indian labor history. The study of labor moved from a long-standing institutional focus on trade unions to a study of workers themselves, as well as from the economism and determinism that had characterized many previous writings. A growing interest in labor led to the first conference devoted to Indian labor history at the International Institute of Social History in Amsterdam in 1995 and the founding of the Association of Indian Labour Historians the following year. The dynamism and the new intellectual horizons of Indian labor history in that period are captured in the work of three major historians: Dipesh Chakrabarty, Rajnarayan Chandavarkar, and Chitra Joshi. For the purposes of this essay, there is no need to review their contributions in detail (not least because such overviews may be found elsewhere), but it is nevertheless essential to provide a quick sketch of the arguments of each.

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7

Matta, Benjamin N. "Book Review: Labor History: Labor in New Mexico: Unions, Strikes, and Social History since 1881." ILR Review 38, no. 3 (April 1985): 456–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979398503800316.

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8

Warren, Wilson J., and Darryl Holter. "Workers and Unions in Wisconsin: A Labor History Anthology." Michigan Historical Review 27, no. 1 (2001): 186. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20173914.

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9

Montgomery, David. "Workers' Movements in the United States Confront Imperialism: The Progressive Era Experience." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 7, no. 1 (January 2008): 7–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781400001717.

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In 1898, the American Federation of Labor feared that colonial expansion would militarize the republic and undermine the living standards of American workers. Subsequent expansion of industrial production and of trade union membership soon replaced the fear of imperial expansion with an eagerness to enlarge the domain of American unions internationally alongside that of American business. In both Puerto Rico and Canada important groups of workers joined AFL unions on their own initiative. In Mexico, where major U.S. investments shaped the economy, anarcho-syndicalists enjoyed strong support on both sides of the border, and the path to union growth was opened by revolution. Consequently the AFL forged links there with a labor movement very different from itself. Unions in Mexico became tightly linked to their new government, while World War I drove the AFL's leaders into close collaboration with their own. The Pan-American Federation of Labor was more a product of diplomatic maneuvering than of class solidarity.

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10

Hijar, Andrés. "There are no Communists Here." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 37, no. 2 (2021): 263–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2021.37.2.263.

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Workers’ unions and political projects in postrevolutionary Chihuahua, specifically the border city of Ciudad Juárez, have remained largely unexamined by historians. Existing research in this state has mainly focused on the role of political and economic elites. In this article, I examine the rise of a radical labor wing spearheaded by the communist-leaning Cámara Sindical Obrera in the political, social, and economic milieu on the border throughout the 1930s. This wing encouraged a sense of internationalism and mass direct action. Once the Cárdenas regime ended, workers experienced significant setbacks at both the national and local levels. Scholars examining workers’ movements during the same period have identified divisions within the labor movement as the main reason behind the demise of communist unions within organized labor. I argue that the gradual co-optation of the radical wing of the labor movement, beginning in the 1940s, had more to do with the violence perpetrated against these unions by emergent statewide elites than with fractures within the movement. I demonstrate that violence, arrests, and outright murder of key leaders weakened communist unions by altering their internal mechanisms designed to remain independent. In this difficult context, organized labor responded to the challenge with different degrees of success.

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11

Lyddon, Dave. "Industrial-Relations Theory and Labor History." International Labor and Working-Class History 46 (1994): 122–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900010929.

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Over many years, academic journals on both sides of the Atlantic have carried articles debating the current state and future direction of labor historiography. One area of continuing discussion, central to the notion of a division between an “old” and a “new” labor history, is the importance of unions. As a consequence, historians of different persuasions are now more openly making judgments as to the value of the extensive body of industrial relations literature. This essay is a contribution to that particular discussion and an attempt to give it a more directed focus.

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12

Klubock, Thomas Miller, and Paulo Fontes. "Labor History and Public History: Introduction." International Labor and Working-Class History 76, no. 1 (2009): 2–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547909990020.

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Labor history and public history have had a long relationship in the United States, as James Green argues in Taking History to Heart, dating back to Progressive-era historians like Mary Ritter and Charles A. Beard. Labor historians like Phillip Foner, who identified with the “Old Left,” made labor history public history through ties to labor organizations and the Communist Party. Then, during the 1960s, historians identified with the “New Left” and inspired by E.P. Thompson, worked to extend social history and working-class history “from the bottom up” beyond the confines of the academy, even as they shifted their focus from the institutional histories of unions and political parties, to make the history of “ordinary people” and “everyday life” public history. The organization of history workshops and the proliferation of oral history projects reflect the ways in which historians of the working class made their practices public history in new ways during the 1960s and 1970s while expanding the sphere of both “the public” and “labor” to include histories of women, gender and patriarchy, and ethnic and racial minorities.

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13

Anner, Mark. "Industrial Structure, the State, and Ideology." Social Science History 27, no. 4 (2003): 603–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200012700.

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This article explores labor transnationalism in the Brazilian auto sector. It argues that industrial structure, state institutions and practices, and labor ideologies affect the form and frequency of labor transnationalism. In Brazil in the 1980s, labor transnationalism was mostly limited to information exchange and occasional economic support, and political pressure in the form of letters of solidarity from foreign unionists. By the 1990s, when Brazil opened itself to world trade in the auto sector by dramatically lowering tariffs and domestic content requirements, labor began to pursue new strategies. Yet while facing similar challenges in the same industry and at times within the same corporation, unions of opposing political tendencies pursued different strategies. Conservative unions responded to economic globalization by deepening their ties with the government and the business sector, while left-oriented unions increasingly made use of new forms of transnational actions. By the early 2000s, in Ford and Volkswagen, solutions to labor conflicts were achieved after Brazilian auto unionists traveled to the headquarters of the auto firms in Detroit and Wolfsburg and negotiated directly with corporate headquarters.

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14

Zweig, Michael. "Iraqi Unions and Their American Labor Allies." International Labor and Working-Class History 78, no. 1 (2010): 132–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547910000207.

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Since the start of the Iraq war in 2003, images of suicide bombings, religious violence, and general chaos have come to mind when most Americans have thought about Iraq. Counterposed are thoughts of US military efforts to separate the combatants and restore order. Whether one has supported or opposed the US actions in Iraq, the actual Iraqi people, almost all of them ordinary working people, remain remote and unknown.

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15

Church, Roy. "Edwardian Labour Unrest and Coalfield Militancy, 1890–1914." Historical Journal 30, no. 4 (December 1987): 841–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00022342.

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For many years a consensus among historians of the Edwardian age drew a contrast between the essentially stable, liberal society of the late Victorian years, when discussion, compromise and orderly behaviour were the norm, and an Edwardian society in which tacit conventions governing the conduct of those involved in social and political movements began to be rejected – by Pankhurst feminists, Ulster Unionists, trade union militants and syndicalists. This period of crisis was so described in 1935 by Edward Dangerfield in the The strange death of liberal England, a brilliantly evocative title which, despite the lack of precision contained in the argument presented in his book, exercised an enduring influence on subsequent interpretations of British social and political history before 1914. G. D. H. Cole and Raymond Postgate reinforced this interpretation of a society in crisis, and not until Dr Henry Pelling's Politics and society in late Victorian Britain appeared in 1968 was the notion firmly rejected. There he denied that the convergence of the Irish conflict over home rule, the violence of the militant suffragettes, and unprecedented labour unrest signified either connexions or a common fundamental cause. The re-printing of Dangerfield's book in 1980 (and Pelling's in 1979) has been followed by renewed interest in these competitive hypotheses, and has led historians to re-examine the Edwardian age.

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16

Clark, Paul F. "Organizing the Organizers: Professional Staff Unionism in the American Labor Movement." ILR Review 42, no. 4 (July 1989): 584–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979398904200408.

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This study summarizes the history of bargaining units formed to represent professional employees of American unions and presents the results of a 1987–88 survey of officers of 40 such professional staff unions. These special unions, which date to the early 1950s, resemble conventional unions in the bargaining issues that are most important to them (job security and salaries), as well as in their relationships with management (in this case, union leaders), which range from amicable to antagonistic. They differ sharply, however, in their infrequent use of strikes. Professional staff unionism is most common in large, industrial unions, less common in smaller industrial, professional, and service unions, and virtually nonexistent in the building trades.

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17

Mabalon, Dawn Bohulano. "Immigrants, Unions, and the New U.S. Labor Market." Journal of American Ethnic History 25, no. 2-3 (January 1, 2006): 310–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27501709.

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18

Martin, Laura Renata. "Fighting for the Working-Class City." Radical History Review 2021, no. 139 (January 1, 2021): 145–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-8822651.

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Abstract This article examines the opposing sides taken by elderly tenants and labor unions over a major urban renewal project in 1970s San Francisco. Tenant activists sought to block the construction of the Yerba Buena Center and the resulting relocation of thousands of elderly residents of residential hotels. City labor unions lined up in support of the project, even though some of the displaced residents were former industrial workers and union members. By examining the path taken by both sides in the redevelopment struggle, this article grapples with their competing visions of working-class identity and interests. Ultimately, it argues that the position taken by labor leaders narrowed the labor movement’s vision of its constituents and its mission. This narrowed vision led them to view impoverished retired union workers as their opponents rather than as comrades in a shared struggle for working-class dignity and self-determination.

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19

Chomsky, Aviva. "Globalization, Labor, and Violence in Colombia's Banana Zone." International Labor and Working-Class History 72, no. 1 (2007): 90–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547907000555.

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AbstractThis article examines how globalization and violence have shaped workers' organizations in the Urabá banana zone in northern Colombia from the 1960s to the present. Early unions found allies in leftist political and guerilla organizations. The banana growers relied on the neoliberal state and rightist paramilitaries to unleash an extraordinary wave of violence to crush the leftist unions. They also wooed the right within the unions by pleading a set of common interests in reforming the global banana trade to the benefit of Colombian producers. By the 1990s, a newly right-dominated union in Urabá proved adept at labor-management collaboration in the interest of their joint regional stake in the industry, but it also promoted international labor unity aimed at pressuring banana transnationals to accept minimum labor standards.

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20

McDonald, Brent. "Developing ‘Home-Grown’ Talent: Pacific Island Rugby Labour and the Victorian Rugby Union." International Journal of the History of Sport 31, no. 11 (June 5, 2014): 1332–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09523367.2014.923839.

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21

Teitelbaum, Emmanuel. "India's Weakened Unions Face a Push for Reform." Current History 116, no. 789 (April 1, 2017): 142–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2017.116.789.142.

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Ironically, the interests and objectives of union leaders may align with those of the ruling coalition: employment growth in the organized sector is essential to the labor movement's survival in the coming decades, just as it is for the survival of the Modi government.

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22

Kerrissey, Jasmine, and Evan Schofer. "Labor Unions and Political Participation in Comparative Perspective." Social Forces 97, no. 1 (June 6, 2018): 427–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sf/soy044.

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23

Blind, Peride Kaleağasi. "A New Actor in Turkish Democratization: Labor Unions." Turkish Studies 8, no. 2 (May 16, 2007): 289–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683840701312260.

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24

Jones, Stephen G. "Labour, Society and the Drink Question in Britain, 1918–1939." Historical Journal 30, no. 1 (March 1987): 105–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00021932.

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The historiography of leisure has made considerable advances since the pioneering years of the early 1970s. Research into Victorian leisure has shown that some of the ruling elite attempted to fashion the life-style of working people in order to create a disciplined and reliable labour force which suited the needs of a maturing industrial and urban society, although it must be added that sections of the British public remained immune to attempts at moral reform and improvement. Professional labour leaders were also eager to control and regulate the amusements of the poor. According to trade union bosses like John Doherty, only a sober, industrious and thrifty working class could hope to achieve progressive reforms and some form of political and economic emancipation: workers who were intemperate would apparently stifle the opportunities and aspirations of the emerging Labour movement. Nowhere is this more true than in the Labour leadership's perception of and policy towards working-class drinking.

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25

Akabas, Sheila H. "Disability Management: A Longstanding Trade Union Mission with Some New Initiatives." Journal of Applied Rehabilitation Counseling 17, no. 3 (September 1, 1986): 33–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/0047-2220.17.3.33.

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Disability management, because it involves persons already in the workplace, may be the aspect of rehabilitation closest to the interests and concerns of the labor movement. Unions have a long history of involvement in rehabilitation and disability management. This article describes that history, and a current initiative, and concludes that for the 14% of the labor force belonging to trade unions, the union is an important actor, and may even hold the key, to return to work following the onset of disability.

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26

Mello, William. "Robert W. Cherny, William Issel, and Kieran Walash Taylor, eds.,American Labor and the Cold War: Grassroots Politics and Post War Political Culture. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2004. 320 pp. Paper $23.95." International Labor and Working-Class History 67 (April 2005): 177–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547905210153.

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Would the existing powerlessness of American unions be much different had organized labor not been the focus of cold-war repression in the late 1940s and 1950s? How did workers experience the anticommunist upsurge and reshape their political alliances in light of what some have called America's darkest political hour? American Labor and the Cold War is a collection of smart and challenging essays that examine the impact of cold war politics on organized labor and the labor-left. The authors explore the historical impact of the cold war and the constraints placed on working class political power in the United States immediately following the Second World War. They argue that the cold war on labor reflected a process that was driven by state-organized repressive measures that were sustained by regional political-cultural traditions and in some cases high levels of working-class conservatism. The essays highlight the efforts of conservative labor leaders to take control of left-led unions, purging Communist Party (CP) activists and their allies and the ways in which communists sought to resist the radical right-wing movement in their unions and surrounding communities.

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27

Hartshorn, Ian M. "Labor's Role in the Arab Uprisings and Beyond." Current History 115, no. 785 (December 1, 2016): 349–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2016.115.785.349.

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“Some trade unions, even in the most repressive states, attempted to organize themselves and press for greater autonomy in the revolutionary moment.” Third in a series on labor relations around the world.

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28

Bhowmik, Sharit K. "India." Work and Occupations 36, no. 2 (May 2009): 126–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0730888409333701.

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This article explores the history of the labor movement in India and the parallel development of labor sociology. It assesses the influence of Western models of labor, stressing their weaknesses in diagnosing the peculiarity of the Indian situation. Because of these models, and also because of the narrow concerns of trade unions, until recently labor studies overlooked the overwhelming proportion of the work force—namely, the informal workers. Despite all the hype about business process outsourcing companies and call centers, it is this sector of the labor force that has increased most rapidly during the past 15 years since the beginning of market liberalization. Although sociological studies are catching up with the transformation of the labor force, there still remain very few contacts between scholars and labor unions or labor activists.

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29

Friedman, Gerald. "The Political Economy of Early Southern Unionism: Race, Politics, and Labor in the South, 1880–1953." Journal of Economic History 60, no. 2 (June 2000): 384–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700025146.

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Southern unions were the weak link in the American labor movement, organizing a smaller share of the labor force than did unions in the northern states or in Europe. Structural conditions, including a racially divided rural population, obstructed southern unionization. The South's distinctive political system also blocked unionization. A strict racial code compelling whites to support the Democratic Party and the disfranchisement of southern blacks and many working-class whites combined to create a one-party political system that allowed southern politicians to ignore labor's demands. Unconstrained by working-class voters, southern politicians facilitated strikebreaking and favored employers against unions.

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30

Matta, Benjamin N., and Robert Kern. "Labor in New Mexico: Unions, Strikes, and Social History Since 1881." Industrial and Labor Relations Review 38, no. 3 (April 1985): 456. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2523776.

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31

Haydu, Jeffrey. "Factory Politics in Britain and the United States: Engineers and Machinists, 1914–1919." Comparative Studies in Society and History 27, no. 1 (January 1985): 57–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500013669.

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The priorities of British and American trade unions center predominantly on the economic rewards received by union members. Collective bargaining and strikes typically focus on how much employers must pay for labor (in wages, pensions, and other benefits) rather than on how the labor, once purchased, may be used. Basic decisions regarding the organization of production are not considered by most unionists as legitimate issues for negotiation. Disputes over working conditions do arise, of course, but rarely concern securing for labor the rights of management. They involve instead efforts to protect jobs and work practices from encroachment by employers or poaching by other unions. In short, labor's goals are largely economistic, defensive, and sectional.

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32

Ackers, Peter. "Protestant Sectarianism in Twentieth-Century British Labour History: From Free and Labour Churches to Pentecostalism and the Churches of Christ." International Review of Social History 64, no. 1 (April 2019): 129–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859019000117.

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The British educated classes have long worried and fantasized about working-class religious belief and unbelief. Anglican churchmen feared Methodist “enthusiasm” in the eighteenth century, radicalism in the aftermath of the French Revolution, and urban, industrial irreligion after the 1851 Religious Census on churchgoing. In a mirror image of these old anxieties, most labour historians have wished away Christianity in the twentieth century. The long-standing shared socialist teleology of Marxists and Fabians leads to the modern, socialist labour movement. In this Marxian take on secularization theory, a new, more cohesive proletariat or singular “working class” forms, with an anti-capitalist, “socialist” consciousness reflected in the political, trade union, and co-operative institutions of the “labour movement”. Suddenly, economic, social, and political history find a single, unified subject. At the level of belief, socialism displaces those old Victorian pretenders for working-class hearts and minds: conservatism, liberalism, and Christianity. Sometime between 1914 and 1918, the Christian religion disappears from ordinary lives, as in Selina Todd's recent, The People, where popular religious faith is barely worth talking about.

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Ebbinghaus, Bernhard. "The Siamese Twins: Citizenship Rights, Cleavage Formation, and Party-Union Relations in Western Europe." International Review of Social History 40, S3 (December 1995): 51–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000113604.

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Prophecies of doom for both working-class party and labor unions have gained popularity in the Western industrial democracies over the last two decades. The “old” Siamese twins, working-class party and labor unions, have a century-long history of their combined struggle to achieve political and industrial citizenship rights for the working class. Both forms of interest representation are seen as facing new challenges if not a crisis due to internal and external changes of both long-term and recent nature. However, despite these prophecies political parties and union movemehts have been differently affected and have responded in dissimilar ways across Western Europe. The Siamese twins, party and unions, as social institutions, their embeddedness in the social structure, and their linkages, were molded at an earlier time with long-term consequences. Hence, we cannot grasp today's political unionism, party-union relations and organized labor's capacity for change, if we do not understand the social and political conditions under which the organization of labor interests became institutionalized. An understanding of the origins and causes of union diversity helps us to view the variations in union responses to current challenges.

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Paret, Marcel. "South Africa's Divided Working-Class Movements." Current History 116, no. 790 (May 1, 2017): 176–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2017.116.790.176.

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South Africa's organized labor movement is now, arguably, weaker and more fragmented than at any other time in the past three decades. Disagreement over how unions should relate to the ruling party, the ANC, is central to this fragmentation.

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35

KESSLER, GIJS. "Structuring time, allocating labour: income-earning strategies of urban households in Russia and the Soviet Union: Introduction." Continuity and Change 20, no. 3 (December 2005): 407–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268416005005692.

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The following articles by myself and by Andrei Markevich are the first in a series of four analysing income-earning strategies of urban households in twentieth-century Russia and the Soviet Union. The articles deal with a similar set of issues for four subsequent periods. In this issue of Continuity and Change my article covers the early Soviet period from the revolution of 1917 to the start of the Second World War and Andrei Markevich focuses on the war, the post-war Stalin period and the Khruschev years, taking his analysis into the latter half of the 1960s. In the next issue, Victoria Tyazhelnikova will examine the Brezhnev period and Sergei Afontsev the years of reform under Gorbachev and in post-Soviet Russia.

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36

Pegram, Thomas R. "THE KU KLUX KLAN, LABOR, AND THE WHITE WORKING CLASS DURING THE 1920S." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 17, no. 2 (April 2018): 373–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781417000871.

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Historians usually consider the revived Ku Klux Klan of the 1920s to have been consistently opposed to labor unions and the aspirations of working-class people. The official outlook of the national Klan organization fits this characterization, but the interaction between grassroots Klan groups and pockets of white Protestant working-class Americans was more complex. Some left-wing critics of capitalism singled out the Klan as a legitimate if flawed platform on which to build white working-class unity at a time when unions were weak and other institutions demonstrated indifference to working-class interests. In industrial communities scattered across the Midwest, South, and West, white Protestant workers joined the Klan. In Akron, Ohio, the Klan helped to sustain white working-class community cohesion among alienated rubber workers. In Birmingham, Alabama, the Klan violently repressed mixed-race unions but joined with white Protestant workers in a political movement that enacted reforms beneficial to the white working class. But Klan attention to working-class interests was circumstantial and rigidly restricted by race, religion, and ethnicity. Ku Klux definitions of whiteness excluded from fellowship many immigrant and Catholic workers. Local Klans supported striking white Protestant workers when Catholic, immigrant, or black rivals were present, but acted, sometimes violently, against strikes that destabilized white Protestant communities. Ku Klux sympathies complicated urban socialist politics in the Midwest and disrupted the effectiveness and unity of the United Mine Workers. Lingering Klan sympathies among union workers document the power of reactionary popular movements to undermine working-class identity in favor of restrictive loyalties based on race, religion, and ethnicity.

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McCartin, Joseph A. "Divided Unions: The Wagner Act, Federalism, and Organized Labor." Labor 19, no. 2 (May 1, 2022): 136–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15476715-9577073.

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38

Stern, Andy. "Unions & Civic Engagement: How the Assault on Labor Endangers Civil Society." Daedalus 142, no. 2 (April 2013): 119–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00208.

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American trade unions are a crucial segment of civil society that enriches our democracy. Union members are stewards of the public good, empowering the individual through collective action and solidarity. While union density has declined, the U.S. labor movement remains a substantial political and economic force. But the relentless attacks by the political right and its corporate allies could lead to an erosion of civic engagement, further economic inequality, and a political imbalance of power that can undermine society. The extreme assault on unions waged by Republicans in Wisconsin, Ohio, Michigan, and at a national level must be countered by a revitalized labor movement and by those who understand that unions are positive civil actors who bring together individuals who alone have little power. Unions need both structural reform and greater boldness; there are moments in which direct action and dramatic militancy can bring about positive social change. The current assault on labor can be rebuffed, and unions can expand their role as stewards for the public good and as defenders of efforts by the 99 percent to reduce inequality and protect democracy.

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Howells, John M. "Book Review: Labor History: The Australian Council of Trade Unions: History and Economic Policy." ILR Review 38, no. 3 (April 1985): 458–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979398503800317.

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Chambers, Michael. "An Exploration into Challenges Facing Public Sector Labor Relations: A Literature Review and Analysis." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 3, no. 4 (January 17, 2014): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v3i4.4848.

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This analysis explores some of the challenges facing public managers in nurturing their relationship and partnership with public-sector unions. It begins with a discussion of the background that elaborates on union history, discussing the birth of unions, the fall of private-sector unions, and the rise of government unions. This is followed by a review of the relevant professional and scientific literature to better develop the topic and focus the analysis. As the field of government labor-management relations is complex, the unique characteristics of government labor-management relationships that are lacking in the private-sector context necessitate a practitioner approach and an integrated synthesis of the literature. The analysis concludes that when collective bargaining is applied to public-sector business, it must be tailored to achieve proper alignment with taxpayers, who are the major stakeholders in public-sector services.

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Horowitz, Joel. "Occupational Community and the Creation of a Self-Styled Elite: Railroad Workers in Argentina." Americas 42, no. 1 (July 1985): 55–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1006707.

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During the 1930s Argentina's two railroad unions were the dominant labor organizations in the country. Their members considered themselves the elite of the working class. Through collective contracts and the efforts of the unions, the workers had gained favorable conditions for themselves, so that they were in many ways an elite, despite the harsh reality that the industry in which they worked was in decay.Why were they able to do this? Not because they all possessed special skills. Groups of skilled workers have often been able to secure for themselves a strong position, as have the engineers and firemen who make up La Fraternidad. In countries in which the position of labor unions is not protected by law the ability of widely differentiated groups to organize successfully is unusual. Therefore, this paper will concentrate on the members of the Unión Ferroviaria. Membership in the Unión Ferroviaria was extended all along the far-flung railroad network and ranged from craftsmen in the repair shops to poorly paid and unskilled crews that maintained the tracks.

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Roediger, David. "What if Labor Were Not White and Male? Recentering Working-Class History and Reconstructing Debate on the Unions and Race." International Labor and Working-Class History 51 (April 1997): 72–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014754790000199x.

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During World War Two Alexander Saxton, the great historian of race and class, was a young activist working in the railroad industry. In a lengthy article for theDaily Workerhe caught the complexity of racial discrimination among railway unions. The brotherhoods which organized railroad labor inculded several unions which had historically established the worst records of attempting to enforce what one commentator called the “Nordic closed shop” in their crafts. By the time Saxton wrote, however, the railwayunions had joined in campaigns against the poll tax and against lynching. What they avoided was agitation against “alleged” racism in their own workplaces. When the Fair Employment Practices Committee canceled hearings inquiring into discrimination in railroad employment, the unions rejoiced. Their newspaper observed that in any case such hearings would be illegitimate if African Americans joined in the deliberations. “Thereshould be on the Committee,” according to Labor, “no representative of any race or special interest.” Saxton added, “Apparently white men belongto no race.”

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Oestreicher, Richard, and Christopher L. Tomlins. "The State and the Unions: Labor Relations, Law, and the Organized Labor Movement in America, 1880-1960." Journal of American History 73, no. 1 (June 1986): 217. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1903680.

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Schmick, Ethan. "Collective Action and the Origins of the American Labor Movement." Journal of Economic History 78, no. 3 (September 2018): 744–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050718000360.

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This article examines the relationship between collective action and the size of worker and employer groups in the United States. It proposes and tests a theory of union formation and strikes. Using a new county-by-industry level dataset containing the location of unions, the location of strikes, average establishment size, and the number of establishments around the turn of the twentieth century, I find that unions were more likely to form and strikes were more likely to occur in counties with intermediate-sized worker groups and large employer groups.

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Blanchard, Peter, and Peter DeShazo. "Urban Workers and Labor Unions in Chile 1902-1927." Labour / Le Travail 15 (1985): 262. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25140606.

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Olsen, Gregg M., and Walter Galenson. "The World's Strongest Trade Unions: The Scandinavian Labor Movement." Labour / Le Travail 48 (2001): 314. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25149188.

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Roberts, Danny, and Lauren Marsh. "Labor Education in the Caribbean: A Critical Evaluation of Barbados, Jamaica and Trinidad." International Labor and Working-Class History 90 (2016): 186–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547916000132.

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The achievements of the labor movement in the Caribbean are generally historicized without highlighting the contribution of labor colleges to the function and survivability of trade unions. For more than fifty years, labor colleges have played a critical role in developing the knowledge and skill sets of union members who had an interest in labor studies. Many will attribute the heydays of the Caribbean labor movement in the mid-1900s to the intellectual thrust given to the trade union movement by labor colleges. During this period, trade unions relied heavily on labor colleges for intellectual support and advice primarily on matters that required in-depth academic investigation. Support from the labor colleges enhanced the reputation of the labor movement by shifting popular notions that the trade union movement consisted only of the poor and illiterate working class. The effects of these parallel training activities have been positive for both the leadership of the trade union movement and the overall impact they have had on labor-management relationships. There has been a noted change in the pattern of trade union leadership where “the first generation leaders, considered by many as demagogic and messianic, have given way increasingly to a younger and more formally educated second and third generation leadership”.

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Pitcher, M. Anne. "What Has Happened to Organized Labor in Southern Africa?" International Labor and Working-Class History 72, no. 1 (2007): 134–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547907000579.

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AbstractWhy have labor movements in Mozambique, Zambia, and South Africa increasingly been marginalized from the economic debates that are taking place in their countries, even though they have supported ruling parties? Policy reforms such as trade liberalization, privatization, and revisions to labor legislation in all three countries partially account for the loss of power by organized labor as many scholars have claimed. Yet, these policy “adjustments” have also interacted with long-run, structural changes in production, distribution, and trade of goods as well as with processes of democratization to undermine the position of trade unions across much of southern Africa. The article explores this puzzle by first examining the different historical trajectories of organized labor in Mozambique, Zambia, and South Africa. It then analyzes how policy reforms, global restructuring, and democracy had similar consequences across all three cases; collectively, they produced declines in trade-union membership and weakened the influence of organized labor. Although trade unions face a number of daunting challenges, the conclusion traces emerging opportunities for labor to recover from its current malaise.

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Pasternak, Derick P., and J. David Bales. "Labor Unions and Employed Physicians: A Case History from the Private Sector." Hospital Topics 79, no. 3 (January 2001): 5–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00185860109597907.

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Matthews, Weldon C. "The Kennedy Administration, the International Federation of Petroleum Workers, and Iraqi Labor under the Ba‘thist Regime." Journal of Cold War Studies 17, no. 1 (January 2015): 97–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00532.

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The International Federation of Petroleum Workers (IFPW) was an international trade secretariat based in the United States and secretly funded by the U.S. government. The federation supported the Kennedy administration's policy of rapprochement with Iraq during the country's first Ba’thist regime by defending the regime against criticism of its violent suppression of the Iraqi Communist Party and by fostering the development of Ba’thist-led Iraqi labor unions, free of Communist influence. Simultaneously, left-wing Ba’thist union leaders strove to establish an autonomous, radically democratic, and nonaligned labor movement in the face of their own government's efforts to subordinate unions to government control. The leftist labor leaders also confronted the Iraq Petroleum Company as it attempted to reduce the size of its Iraqi work force. The IFPW focused solely on Cold War goals and did not support the union organizers in their struggles for either labor autonomy or economic security for oil workers.

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