Relevant bibliographies by topics / Labor unions Victoria History

Academic literature on the topic 'Labor unions Victoria History'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 20 February 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Labor unions Victoria History"

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Mendes, Philip. "The Radical Arm of the Welfare Lobby: A History of the Victorian Coalition Against Poverty and Unemployment, 1980-91." Labour History 120, no. 1 (May 1, 2021): 117–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/jlh.2021.7.

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Australia has had high levels of unemployment since the mid-1970s, particularly from approximately 1976-94, yet to date there has been no significant study of political activism by the unemployed in the modern era. This article fills some of this knowledge gap by examining the activities of the Victorian Coalition against Poverty and Unemployment (CAPU), an activist group based on an alliance of trade unions, churches, community groups and the unemployed. Whilst CAPU was influenced by conventional Marxist critiques of the welfare state and highly critical of both the professional social welfare sector and the Australian Labor Party, it also worked co-operatively with key community welfare groups such as the Victorian Council of Social Service and the Brotherhood of St Laurence on specific campaigns. Consequently, it is argued that CAPU was not an anti-welfare organisation per se, but rather acted as the radical arm of the welfare lobby seeking to shame governments into operationalising in practice their declared social justice principles.
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Linden, Marcel van de, and Joan Campbell. "European Labor Unions." Labour / Le Travail 32 (1993): 361. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25143772.

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Bayat, Mangol, and Habib Ladjevardi. "Labor Unions and Autocracy in Iran." American Historical Review 94, no. 2 (April 1989): 495. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1866945.

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Friedman, Gerald. "Is Labor Dead?" International Labor and Working-Class History 75, no. 1 (2009): 126–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014754790900009x.

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AbstractThe Labor Movement has entered a crisis. Declining support for unions and for socialist political movements reflects the exhaustion of a reformist growth strategy where capitalists and state officials accepted unions in exchange for labor peace. While winning real gains for workers, this strategy undermined labor and its broader democratic aspirations by establishing unions and union and party leaders as authorities over the workers themselves. In the upheavals of the late-1960s and the 1970s, dissident movements, directed as much against reformist leaders as against employers and state officials, pushed protest beyond traditional limits toward demands for popular empowerment and democracy. Union decline began then, not because workers had lost interest in collective action but because employers and state officials abandoned collective bargaining to find alternative means of controlling unrest. Capitalism entered a new post-union era, when national leaders like Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan used policies of open trade and capital flows and high unemployment to discipline labor. Abandoned by their capitalist bargaining partners, reformist unions and political parties have withered. Now, without social space for reformist movements, the labor movement can only advance by openly avowing its original goals of popular empowerment and the establishment of economic democracy.
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Herrick, John M., and Howard Jacob Karger. "Social Workers and Labor Unions." Labour / Le Travail 26 (1990): 218. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25143452.

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Parthasarathi, Prasannan. "Indian Labor History." International Labor and Working-Class History 82 (2012): 127–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547912000208.

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The 1980s and 1990s were decades of great creativity in Indian labor history. The study of labor moved from a long-standing institutional focus on trade unions to a study of workers themselves, as well as from the economism and determinism that had characterized many previous writings. A growing interest in labor led to the first conference devoted to Indian labor history at the International Institute of Social History in Amsterdam in 1995 and the founding of the Association of Indian Labour Historians the following year. The dynamism and the new intellectual horizons of Indian labor history in that period are captured in the work of three major historians: Dipesh Chakrabarty, Rajnarayan Chandavarkar, and Chitra Joshi. For the purposes of this essay, there is no need to review their contributions in detail (not least because such overviews may be found elsewhere), but it is nevertheless essential to provide a quick sketch of the arguments of each.
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Matta, Benjamin N. "Book Review: Labor History: Labor in New Mexico: Unions, Strikes, and Social History since 1881." ILR Review 38, no. 3 (April 1985): 456–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979398503800316.

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Warren, Wilson J., and Darryl Holter. "Workers and Unions in Wisconsin: A Labor History Anthology." Michigan Historical Review 27, no. 1 (2001): 186. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20173914.

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Montgomery, David. "Workers' Movements in the United States Confront Imperialism: The Progressive Era Experience." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 7, no. 1 (January 2008): 7–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781400001717.

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In 1898, the American Federation of Labor feared that colonial expansion would militarize the republic and undermine the living standards of American workers. Subsequent expansion of industrial production and of trade union membership soon replaced the fear of imperial expansion with an eagerness to enlarge the domain of American unions internationally alongside that of American business. In both Puerto Rico and Canada important groups of workers joined AFL unions on their own initiative. In Mexico, where major U.S. investments shaped the economy, anarcho-syndicalists enjoyed strong support on both sides of the border, and the path to union growth was opened by revolution. Consequently the AFL forged links there with a labor movement very different from itself. Unions in Mexico became tightly linked to their new government, while World War I drove the AFL's leaders into close collaboration with their own. The Pan-American Federation of Labor was more a product of diplomatic maneuvering than of class solidarity.
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Hijar, Andrés. "There are no Communists Here." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 37, no. 2 (2021): 263–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2021.37.2.263.

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Workers’ unions and political projects in postrevolutionary Chihuahua, specifically the border city of Ciudad Juárez, have remained largely unexamined by historians. Existing research in this state has mainly focused on the role of political and economic elites. In this article, I examine the rise of a radical labor wing spearheaded by the communist-leaning Cámara Sindical Obrera in the political, social, and economic milieu on the border throughout the 1930s. This wing encouraged a sense of internationalism and mass direct action. Once the Cárdenas regime ended, workers experienced significant setbacks at both the national and local levels. Scholars examining workers’ movements during the same period have identified divisions within the labor movement as the main reason behind the demise of communist unions within organized labor. I argue that the gradual co-optation of the radical wing of the labor movement, beginning in the 1940s, had more to do with the violence perpetrated against these unions by emergent statewide elites than with fractures within the movement. I demonstrate that violence, arrests, and outright murder of key leaders weakened communist unions by altering their internal mechanisms designed to remain independent. In this difficult context, organized labor responded to the challenge with different degrees of success.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Labor unions Victoria History"

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Livingston, Louis B. "Theodore Roosevelt on Labor Unions: A New Perspective." PDXScholar, 2010. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3077.

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Historical studies of Theodore Roosevelt's views about labor and labor unions are in conflict. This was also true of contemporary disagreements about the meaning of his labor rhetoric and actions. The uncertainties revolve around whether or not he was sincere in his support of working people and labor unions, whether his words and actions were political only or were based on a philosophical foundation, and why he did not propose comprehensive labor policies. Roosevelt historiography has addressed these questions without considering his stated admiration for Octave Thanet's writings about "labor problems." Octave Thanet was the pseudonym of Alice French, a popular fiction writer during Roosevelt's adult years. Roosevelt on several occasions praised her knowledge of factory conditions and discussions of labor problems, and he invited her to the White House. The thesis analyzes her labor stories, Roosevelt's comments about her labor writings, and their relevance to how he responded to the growth and tactics of organized labor. It also addresses the influence on Roosevelt of contemporary writing on labor unions by John Hay, Henry George, and Herbert Croly, as well as his relationship with labor leader Samuel Gompers. The thesis concludes that Roosevelt was sincere about improving the social and industrial conditions of workers, primarily through government action. It further concludes that his support of labor unions in principle was genuine, but was contingent on organized labor's repudiation of violence and attempts to justify violence; and that he opposed union boycotts and mandatory union membership as inimical to his vision of a classless society. The thesis additionally considers the extent to which Roosevelt's views were embodied in national labor legislation after his death.
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Raymond, Melanie. "Labour pains : working class women in employment, unions and the Labor party in Victoria, 1888-1914 /." Connect to thesis, 1987. http://eprints.unimelb.edu.au/archive/00000326.

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Webster, Barbara Grace. ""Fighting in the grand cause" a history of the trade union movement in Rockhampton, 1907-1957 /." Access full text, 1999. http://elvis.cqu.edu.au/thesis/adt-QCQU/public/adt-QCQU20020715.151239.

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Thesis (Ph.D) -- Central Queensland University, 1999.
Submitted as fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, Central Queensland University, August 1999". Bibliography: leaves 425-452. Also available via the World Wide Web.
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Gay, Morgan K. "Organized labour and the Quebec state, neo-corporatism, nationalism and trade union consensus, 1988-1998." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ48574.pdf.

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KADLECK, COLLEEN. "POLICE UNIONS: AN EMPIRICAL EXAMINATION." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2001. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin997187643.

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Myconos, George 1959. "The globalization(s) of organized labour, 1860-2003." Monash University, School of Political and Social Inquiry, 2003. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/9385.

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Sucharczuk, Gregory. "A free trade union in a totalitarian society : towards understanding the Solidarity movement in Poland, August, 1980-December, 1981." Thesis, McGill University, 1994. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=28926.

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This thesis attempts to contribute to our understanding of the emergence and the growth of the Solidarity Movement in Poland in the period of August 1980-December 1981. It is argued that Solidarity can be seen as a "hybrid" movement which combined "traditional" economic and syndicalist demands and "new" concerns with democratization of political life. A number of conducive factors, such as the fluidity and homogeneity of the Polish stratification system, the existence of a young, ambitious and alienated working class, concentrated in large enterprises and the perception of the social order in dichotomous terms, contributed to the emergence of an inter-class alliance of urban segments of Polish society against the political elite, which was widely perceived as being responsible for the acute economic, political and moral crisis of the late seventies. Also, the structure of Solidarity appears to contribute to its organizational and political success. It is maintained that the massive and rapid mobilization involved the activation of pre-existing informal ties among Polish workers. In this context, we also stress the importance of the charismatic leadership of Solidarity, especially that of Lech Walesa. Finally, we partly attribute the success of our movement to the failure of the weak, hesitant and internally divided political elite to contain the Solidarity movement and to respond to the crisis facing the nation. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)
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DiPardo, Elizabeth Marie. ""A Rite of September: " Rhode Island Teachers' Unions & the Right to Strike." Thesis, Boston College, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/404.

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Thesis advisor: Mark Gelfand
Labor in the United States has been commonly associated with images of industrialism, factories, and skilled craftsmen. This narrow vision of labor ignores the millions of Americans employed by the federal, state, and local governments. As early national labor law failed to define the rights of government employees, each state was forced to create their own public labor law through judicial rulings and state legislation. This study is framed around the struggles of Rhode Island public employees, specifically public school teachers, to obtain the right to organize and employ labor's greatest weapon, the strike. An in-depth examination of the 1975 Woonsocket Teachers' Guild strike incorporating the experiences of union officers, labor lawyers, and other participants provides a concrete example of the difficulties encountered by government employees against the courts, legislature, and public opinion
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2005
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: History
Discipline: College Honors Program
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Redmond, Sandra P. "The emergence of the Nova Scotia Nurses' Union, 1968-1985." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape9/PQDD_0018/MQ49431.pdf.

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Wisnor, Ryan Thomas. "Workers of the Word Unite!: The Powell's Books Union Organizing Campaign, 1998-2001." PDXScholar, 2017. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4162.

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The labor movement's groundswell in the 1990s accompanied a period of intense competition and conglomeration within the retail book sector. Unexpectedly, the intersection of these two trends produced two dozen union drives across the country between 1996 and 2004 at large retail bookstores, including Borders and Barnes & Noble. Historians have yet to fully examine these retail organizing contests or recount their contributions to the labor movement and its history, including booksellers' pioneering use of the internet as an organizing tool. This thesis focuses on the aspirations, tactics, and contributions of booksellers in their struggles to unionize their workplaces, while also exploring the economic context surrounding bookselling and the labor movement at the end of the twentieth century. While the United Food and Commercial Workers (UFCW) auspiciously announced a national campaign in 1997 to organize thousands of bookstore clerks, the only successfully unionized bookstore from this era that remains today is the Powell's Books chain in Portland, Oregon with over 400 workers represented by the International Longshore and Warehouse Union (ILWU) Local 5. Local 5's successful union campaign at Powell's Books occurring between 1998 and 2000 is at the center of this study and stands out as a point of light against a dark backdrop of failed union attempts in the retail sector during the latter decades of the twentieth century. This inquiry utilizes Local 5's internal document archive and the collection of oral histories gathered by labor historians Edward Beechert and Harvey Schwartz in 2001 and 2002. My analysis of these previously unexamined records demonstrates how Powell's efforts to thwart the ILWU campaign proved a decisive failure and contributed to the polarization of a super majority of the workforce behind Local 5. Equally, my analysis illustrates how the self-organization, initiative, and unrelenting creativity of booksellers transformed a narrow union election victory to overwhelming support for the union's bargaining committee. Paramount to Local 5's contract success was the union's partnership with Portland's social justice community, which induced a social movement around Powell's Books at a time of increased political activity and unity among the nation's labor, environment, and anti-globalization activists. The bonds of solidarity and mutual aid between Local 5 and its community allies were forged during the World Trade Organization (WTO) demonstrations in Seattle in 1999 and Portland's revival of May Day in 2000. Following eleven work stoppages and fifty-three bargaining sessions, the union acquired a first contract that far exceeded any gains made by the UFCW at its unionized bookstores. The Powell's agreement included improvements to existing health and retirement benefits plus an 18 percent wage increase for employees over three years. This analysis brings to light the formation of a distinct working-class culture and consciousness among Powell's booksellers, communicated through workers' essays, artwork, strikes, and solidarity actions with the social justice community. It provides a detailed account of Local 5's creative street theater tactics and work stoppages that captured the imagination of activists and the attention of the broader community. The conflict forced the news media and community leaders to publicly choose sides in a labor dispute reminiscent of struggles not seen in Portland since the 1950s. Observers of all political walks worried that the Portland cultural and commercial intuition would collapse under the weight of the two-year labor contest. My research illustrates the tension among the city's liberal and progressive populace created by the upstart union's presence at prominent liberal civic leader Michael Powell's iconic store and how the union organized prominent liberal leaders on the side of their cause. It concludes by recognizing that Local 5's complete history remains a work in progress, but that its formation represents an indispensable Portland contribution to the revitalized national labor movement of the late 1990s.
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Books on the topic "Labor unions Victoria History"

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Crónica de una victoria: 1998-2001. Caracas: Instituto de Altos Estudios Sindicales, 2005.

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Frances, Raelene. The politics ofwork: Gender and labour in Victoria 1880-1939. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993.

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1953-, Lee Jenny, ed. In the service?: A history of Victorian Railways workers and their union. South Yarra, Victoria [Australia]: Hyland House, 1991.

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Harris, Howell John. Bloodless victories. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006.

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Stonebanks, Roger. The guild at forty: The struggle continues. [Victoria, B.C.]: Victoria Newspaper Guild, 1986.

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Christian Sivertz, born 1864 - died 1960, of Victoria and of Canada's early labour movement. Victoria, B.C: B.G. Sivertz, 1993.

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Curthoys, M. C. Governments, labour, and the law in mid-Victorian Britain: The trade union legislation of the 1870s. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2004.

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1881-1967, Roberts James, and Victoria University of Wellington. Library., eds. A finding list to the papers of Jim Roberts. Wellington: Victoria University Press, 1985.

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Frances, Rae. The politics of work: Gender and labour in Victoria 1880-1939. Cambridge [England]: Cambridge University Press, 1993.

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A century of struggle: A history of the Electrical Trades Union of Australia, Victorian Branch. Flemington, Vic: Hyland House Publishing, 2002.

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Book chapters on the topic "Labor unions Victoria History"

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Robbins, Janice I., and Carol L. Tieso. "How did Labor Unions Emerge?" In Engaging with History in the Classroom, 183–99. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003234937-12.

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Jones-Hendrickson, S. B. "Lessons from the History of Unions in the U.S. Virgin Islands." In Environment and Labor in the Caribbean, 95–109. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429337055-6.

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Freund, William. "Organized Labor in the Republic of South Africa: History and Democratic Transition." In Trade Unions and the Coming of Democracy in Africa, 199–227. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230610033_7.

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Hower, Joseph E. "“A Threshold Moment”." In Reconsidering Southern Labor History, 205–20. University Press of Florida, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5744/florida/9780813056975.003.0014.

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This chapter reframes the 1968 Memphis sanitation strike by placing it at the intersection of a long civil rights movement and a burgeoning public sector labor movement. In the decade that followed, AFSCME carved out significant strongholds in Florida and Louisiana and made inroads into anti-union bulwarks like Arkansas and North Carolina by drawing on the same potent combination of black public workers and a community-oriented civil rights unionism. These victories set the stage for explosive standoffs with the new generation of black political leaders that came to power in the mid-1970s and provide a crucial thread of continuity between the classic era of black protest and more recent manifestations of civil rights unionism.
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"Labor unions and economic history." In The Routledge Handbook of Modern Economic History, 246–57. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203075616-32.

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Sarker, Sonita. "Victoria Ocampo." In Women Writing Race, Nation, and History, 139–65. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192849960.003.0006.

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Ocampo has primarily been read as a modernist cosmopolitan (literally, a citizen of the world), and as quintessentially Argentinian at the same time; she claimed citizenship in “America” as a continent. This chapter explores how her lineage, relationship to land, learning, and labor form the foundation of her “native-ness.” With the advantage of an education in English and French provided to her at home, and with the cultural capital of being from a prominent family, Ocampo undertook a literary career that spanned continents and brought about an international meeting of the minds across the USA, France, Spain, Argentina, and India. Belonging, for Ocampo, was about thinking beyond national borders to a human solidarity against oppression and discrimination.
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Carson, Adam. "Beyond Boosterism." In Reconsidering Southern Labor History, 239–54. University Press of Florida, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5744/florida/9780813056975.003.0016.

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This chapter examines the development of the labor movement in Fort Smith, Arkansas, after World War II to answer the question of why unions in the South lacked the strength and influence of their northern counterparts. City leaders created a culture based on conservative economic principles to attract industry and disseminated it through the media and civic events. Unions organized arriving factories but anti-labor laws and infighting reduced the scope and effectiveness of their actions. Faced with hostile state Democrats and weak unions, the white working class increasingly supported racially moderate, economically conservative Republicans over Democrats whose campaigns continued to focus on opposition to integration which culminated in an election wherein a supermajority decided to change the municipal form of government into one more closely resembling corporate governance. Electoral results show that political realignment in Fort Smith was predicated upon residents’ adoption of local elites’ business-friendly ideology.
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Finkelstein, David. "Striking Printers." In Movable Types, 66–110. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198826026.003.0003.

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In the 1870s, print trade unions joined an international effort to fight for a ‘nine-hour’ or ‘short-time’ working day. Several key print trade labour strikes followed in the wake of this. This chapter focuses on six compositor and printer labour strikes in London, Toronto, Edinburgh, and Dublin that took place during the 1870s, linked to the nine-hour working day movement. Though some were deemed failures at the time (and in four cases cataclysmic in terms of trade organization effectiveness), several resulted in key social and organizational changes in relevant regions, some intended, others not, and ultimately are important moments in Victorian labour history.
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Hild, Matthew, and Keri Leigh Merritt. "Introduction." In Reconsidering Southern Labor History, 1–16. University Press of Florida, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5744/florida/9780813056975.003.0001.

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In many ways, the problems that have beset southern labor for the past century and a half—unfree labor, low wages, lack of collective bargaining rights, and virulent and sometimes violent repression of those who have tried to organize unions—have become the problems of workers across the United States, as the regional convergence of labor markets has pulled wages and conditions for workers across the nation closer to those of southern workers rather than the reverse. By addressing the troubled state of labor and the deep inequalities inherent today, we will use this volume to demonstrate how the South’s long history of worker exploitation and labor practices have become standard fare throughout America.
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El-Shazli, Heba F. "An Overview of the Egyptian Labor Movement’s History (Pre- and Post-1952) and the Shaping of the Current Labor Movement." In Trade Unions and Arab Revolutions, 44–63. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429029936-3.

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Conference papers on the topic "Labor unions Victoria History"

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Murphy, Cornelius. "Remediation of One Million Tons of Low-Level Radioactive Waste at the Department of Energy Fernald Closure Project." In ASME 2003 9th International Conference on Radioactive Waste Management and Environmental Remediation. ASMEDC, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icem2003-5001.

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The Fernald Waste Pits Remedial Action Project (WPRAP) is located within the Department of Energy (DOE) Fernald Closure Project (FCP) Site located 32 km (20 miles) northeast of Cincinnati, Ohio. The FCP covers 424 ha (1,050 acres) of land in a rural, agricultural community. Fluor Fernald, Inc., is the Prime Contractor to the DOE for management of the FCP remediation. The WPRAP is removing approximately one million tons of low-level radioactive waste from eight storage pits which cover 15 ha (38 acres). This waste was generated during the FCP uranium metal production years of 1952 to 1989. Radioactive leachate from these wastes contributed to the contamination of an 80 ha (200 acres) portion of the Great Miami Aquifer. This aquifer is a drinking water source for the greater Cincinnati area. This unique project is one of the largest in the history of the Comprehensive Environmental Response, Compensation and Liability Act (CERCLA)/ Superfund program. The objective of the project is the removal of all of the uranium and thorium contaminated wastes, soils and sludges from the waste pits area of the FCP. The facility in which these wastes are processed was financed and constructed by the Shaw Group (Shaw) and is operated jointly by Shaw and Fluor Fernald. Wet soils and sludges from the waste pits are excavated and thermally dried, then blended and analyzed. Once the waste has been determined to meet criteria for transportation and disposal, it is loaded into specialized railcars and transported by exclusive-use train to the Envirocare Waste Disposal Facility 3,200 km (2,000 miles) away in Clive, Utah. This project is presently about 72% complete. More than 600,000 tons of waste material have been safely transported off site by 95 exclusive-use trains. Waste shipments are projected to be completed by late next year (2004). The progress of the WPRAP to date demonstrates that a major DOE facility remediation project can be safely and successfully executed in partnership with private industry and local stakeholders utilizing proven commercial best practices and existing site labor resources. This paper details project performance to date, challenges encountered, and the cooperation of the DOE, the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA); Fluor Fernald, Inc.; Shaw, local labor unions, and the local community in planning and successfully executing the WPRAP. The cost of the WPRAP to the U.S. Government is projected to be about four hundred million dollars ($400,000,000.00).
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