Relevant bibliographies by topics / Labor unions – Organizing – History

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers

Academic literature on the topic 'Labor unions – Organizing – History'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Labor unions – Organizing – History"

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Armbruster-Sandoval, Ralph. "Globalization and Transnational Labor Organizing." Social Science History 27, no. 4 (2003): 551–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200012682.

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The proliferation of garment industry sweatshops over the past 20 years has generated numerous cross-border (transnational) organizing campaigns involving U.S., Mexican, and Central American labor unions and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). This article examines one such campaign that took place at the Honduran maquiladora factory known as Kimi. The Kimi workers (along with their transnational allies) struggled for six years before they were legally recognized as a union, and they negotiated one of the few collective bargaining agreements in the entire Central American region. The factory eventually shut down, however. Based on Margaret Keck and Kathryn Sikkink's “boomerang effect” model, this case study analyzes why these positive and negative outcomes occurred. It concludes with some observations about “the enemy” and offers short-, medium-, and long-term suggestions for the broader antisweatshop movement.
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Clark, Paul F. "Organizing the Organizers: Professional Staff Unionism in the American Labor Movement." ILR Review 42, no. 4 (July 1989): 584–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979398904200408.

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This study summarizes the history of bargaining units formed to represent professional employees of American unions and presents the results of a 1987–88 survey of officers of 40 such professional staff unions. These special unions, which date to the early 1950s, resemble conventional unions in the bargaining issues that are most important to them (job security and salaries), as well as in their relationships with management (in this case, union leaders), which range from amicable to antagonistic. They differ sharply, however, in their infrequent use of strikes. Professional staff unionism is most common in large, industrial unions, less common in smaller industrial, professional, and service unions, and virtually nonexistent in the building trades.
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Zackin, Emily. "“To Change the Fundamental Law of the State”: Protective Labor Provisions in U.S. Constitutions." Studies in American Political Development 24, no. 1 (February 12, 2010): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x09990083.

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As the United States industrialized, its state constitutions began to include protections for laborers. In this article, I describe the origins of these constitutional provisions and ask why labor organizations and other reformers pursued their inclusion in state constitutions. I argue that they saw state constitutions as a vehicle to prompt reluctant legislatures to pass protective statutes, to entrench existing protections against future legislatures, to safeguard labor legislation from constitutional challenges in state courts, and to facilitate further union organizing. Labor activism in this arena is particularly interesting in light of the literature on constitutional change, which contends that constitutional development is a tool through which actors attempt to usher courts into political conflicts; in contrast, I will argue that unions turned to constitutional change in large part to exclude courts from policymaking. Further, the union activism on behalf of constitutional change serves as a challenge to the prominent view among many scholars of American political development and law that judicial hostility to worker rights and union organizing discouraged unions from demanding state protection or institutionalizing their demands through law.
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Wanzo, Rebecca. "Sentimental Solidarities." Film Quarterly 75, no. 2 (2021): 89–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/fq.2021.75.2.89.

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Film Quarterly columnist Rebecca Wanzo surveys the history of fictional treatments of labor in US television and film and examines the frequently overlooked role played by sentimentality in media representations of labor and union organizing. Noting that sentimentality has been criticized for its deployment of suffering bodies as “other” objects for voyeuristic tears as well as for sometimes collapsing difference in an effort to construct empathy, Wanzo observes that documentary has often been a more welcoming space for the telling of sympathetic narratives about unions than Hollywood fiction films and television. This makes the depiction of labor and union organizing in Wanzo’s two case studies—the sitcom Superstore (NBC, 2015–21) and the primetime soap Homefront (ABC, 1991–93)—all the more exceptional. At a moment when labor issues are more relevant than ever, Superstore shows people why labor loses, but Homefront reminds people why labor won.
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Friedman, Gerald. "The Political Economy of Early Southern Unionism: Race, Politics, and Labor in the South, 1880–1953." Journal of Economic History 60, no. 2 (June 2000): 384–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700025146.

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Southern unions were the weak link in the American labor movement, organizing a smaller share of the labor force than did unions in the northern states or in Europe. Structural conditions, including a racially divided rural population, obstructed southern unionization. The South's distinctive political system also blocked unionization. A strict racial code compelling whites to support the Democratic Party and the disfranchisement of southern blacks and many working-class whites combined to create a one-party political system that allowed southern politicians to ignore labor's demands. Unconstrained by working-class voters, southern politicians facilitated strikebreaking and favored employers against unions.
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Fitzsimmons, Tracy, and Mark Anner. "Civil Society in a Postwar Period: Labor in the Salvadoran Democratic Transition." Latin American Research Review 34, no. 3 (1999): 103–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100039388.

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AbstractThis research note seeks to offer some resolution to the theoretical disagreements over how democratization affects civil society, specifically in a transition toward democracy that occurs through pacted settlements of an armed internal conflict. Using a comparative study over time of the labor movement in El Salvador, the authors demonstrate that while unions of the political center and left have weakened since the signing of the Salvadoran Peace Accords, independent labor groups show higher levels of organizing and right-leaning unions have maintained nearly constant levels of organizing. But the labor movement has become atomized because unions have been unable to redefine their once-common political goals to adopt other unified stances in the postwar period. The data show that the unions that have relinquished excessively politicized stances or never claimed them are the ones that survive and sometimes grow in the postwar environment. These findings have implications for the nature of the emerging Salvadoran democracy and the economic well-being of its citizens.
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Ji, Minsun. "With or without class: Resolving Marx’s Janus-faced interpretation of worker-owned cooperatives." Capital & Class 44, no. 3 (June 13, 2019): 345–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309816819852757.

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To shed light on polarized perspectives regarding the virtues or downfalls of worker cooperatives among variants of Marxists, this article focuses on Marx’s own Janus-faced analysis of worker cooperatives. Marx had great faith in the radical potential of worker cooperatives, properly organized and politically oriented, but he also was greatly critical of the tendency of cooperatives to shrink their political horizons and become isolated from broader labor movements. Although thinkers in the Marxist tradition criticize worker cooperatives when they operate as isolated circles of ‘collective capitalists’ within the existing capitalist system, Marx himself saw important potential in the cooperative movement, to the extent that it was integrated into broader campaigns for social change. Marx believed that cooperatives could help point the way to an alternative system of free and equal producers, and could prompt radical imaginings among their advocates, but only to the extent that cooperative practitioners recognized the need for class-conscious, industrial scale organizing of workers against the capitalist system. In the end, Marx did not so much focus on promoting a certain type of labor organization as being most conducive to transformation (e.g. worker cooperatives or labor unions). Rather, he focused more on the importance of class consciousness within labor organizing, and on the development of radicalized class consciousness among workers, whether through the expansion of labor unions, worker cooperatives, or any other institution of worker empowerment. It is the nature of a labor institution’s focus on developing and sustaining class consciousness, not the nature of the labor institution itself (i.e. cooperative or union), that Marx believed to most powerfully shape the radical or degenerative tendencies of local forms of labor activism.
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Luff, Jennifer. "Labor Anticommunism in the United States of America and the United Kingdom, 1920–49." Journal of Contemporary History 53, no. 1 (December 8, 2016): 109–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009416658701.

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Why did domestic anticommunism convulse the United States of America during the early Cold War but barely ripple in the United Kingdom? Contemporaries and historians have puzzled over the dramatic difference in domestic politics between the USA and the UK, given the countries’ broad alignment on foreign policy toward Communism and the Soviet Union in that era. This article reflects upon the role played by trade unions in the USA and the UK in the development of each country's culture and politics of anticommunism during the interwar years. Trade unions were key sites of Communist organizing, and also of anticommunism, in both the USA and the UK, but their respective labor movements developed distinctively different political approaches to domestic and international communism. Comparing labor anticommunist politics in the interwar years helps explain sharp divergences in the politics of anticommunism in the USA and the UK during the Cold War.
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Frundt, Henry J. "Central American Unions in the Era of Globalization." Latin American Research Review 37, no. 3 (2002): 7–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100024468.

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AbstractGlobalization has exacerbated the impact of three Northern-driven forces on Central American unions. Transnational firms have restructured or enhanced their levels of subcontracting. Governments, while weakening labor-code implemention, have launched extensive privatization schemes. And international supporters of unions have espoused new priorities and rechanneled funding. Although all three trends have caused major difficulties for unions, this article assesses whether or not their traditional spirit of “social-movement unionism” has been undermined. Based on extensive interviews and primary and secondary data, the study documents union resilience in the banana and maquila sectors despite problematic corporate behavior and market conditions. Stung by state privatizations, unions that fragmented following the Central American Peace Accords have partially regrouped to resist public-health takeovers and labor-code harmonization. Facing losses in Northern funding, unions have painfully adapted to fresh organizing strategies and sensitivity to women's issues, which they found to be fundamental to successful collaboration with corporate campaigns, trade pressure, and NGOs. Despite losses, unions have tapped a broader solidarity in their struggle against the demons of globalization.
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Herod, Andrew. "Geographies of Labor Internationalism." Social Science History 27, no. 4 (2003): 501–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200012669.

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Globalization is transforming the spatial organization of the world economy. In particular, it is leading to the “shrinking globe” phenomenon and the speeding up of social interaction between places across the planet. Given that international labor solidarity is a process of coming together across space, I argue that the spatial reorganization of global capitalism has important consequences for practices of solidarity. Specifically, I suggest that the spatial context within which they find themselves is likely to impact the types of political praxis in which workers engage. Thus, whereas globalization may encourage some workers to engage in traditional international solidarity campaigns it might also, paradoxically, lead others to focus on highly local campaigns, the consequences of which can quickly be spread far and wide as a result of the growing spatial interconnectivity of the planet that globalization has augured. Likewise, the spatial context within which they find themselves may lead some workers to defend their class interests while others defend their spatial interests. Equally, while some unions are focusing upon organizing what I call the spaces of production, others are organizing around the spaces of consumption. Given that workers’ spatial context impacts their spatial goals and political praxis, I argue that it is important to conceptualize international labor solidarity in explicitly spatial terms if we are to understand why different groups of workers may pursue radically different types of political praxis in different places and at different times.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Labor unions – Organizing – History"

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Wisnor, Ryan Thomas. "Workers of the Word Unite!: The Powell's Books Union Organizing Campaign, 1998-2001." PDXScholar, 2017. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4162.

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The labor movement's groundswell in the 1990s accompanied a period of intense competition and conglomeration within the retail book sector. Unexpectedly, the intersection of these two trends produced two dozen union drives across the country between 1996 and 2004 at large retail bookstores, including Borders and Barnes & Noble. Historians have yet to fully examine these retail organizing contests or recount their contributions to the labor movement and its history, including booksellers' pioneering use of the internet as an organizing tool. This thesis focuses on the aspirations, tactics, and contributions of booksellers in their struggles to unionize their workplaces, while also exploring the economic context surrounding bookselling and the labor movement at the end of the twentieth century. While the United Food and Commercial Workers (UFCW) auspiciously announced a national campaign in 1997 to organize thousands of bookstore clerks, the only successfully unionized bookstore from this era that remains today is the Powell's Books chain in Portland, Oregon with over 400 workers represented by the International Longshore and Warehouse Union (ILWU) Local 5. Local 5's successful union campaign at Powell's Books occurring between 1998 and 2000 is at the center of this study and stands out as a point of light against a dark backdrop of failed union attempts in the retail sector during the latter decades of the twentieth century. This inquiry utilizes Local 5's internal document archive and the collection of oral histories gathered by labor historians Edward Beechert and Harvey Schwartz in 2001 and 2002. My analysis of these previously unexamined records demonstrates how Powell's efforts to thwart the ILWU campaign proved a decisive failure and contributed to the polarization of a super majority of the workforce behind Local 5. Equally, my analysis illustrates how the self-organization, initiative, and unrelenting creativity of booksellers transformed a narrow union election victory to overwhelming support for the union's bargaining committee. Paramount to Local 5's contract success was the union's partnership with Portland's social justice community, which induced a social movement around Powell's Books at a time of increased political activity and unity among the nation's labor, environment, and anti-globalization activists. The bonds of solidarity and mutual aid between Local 5 and its community allies were forged during the World Trade Organization (WTO) demonstrations in Seattle in 1999 and Portland's revival of May Day in 2000. Following eleven work stoppages and fifty-three bargaining sessions, the union acquired a first contract that far exceeded any gains made by the UFCW at its unionized bookstores. The Powell's agreement included improvements to existing health and retirement benefits plus an 18 percent wage increase for employees over three years. This analysis brings to light the formation of a distinct working-class culture and consciousness among Powell's booksellers, communicated through workers' essays, artwork, strikes, and solidarity actions with the social justice community. It provides a detailed account of Local 5's creative street theater tactics and work stoppages that captured the imagination of activists and the attention of the broader community. The conflict forced the news media and community leaders to publicly choose sides in a labor dispute reminiscent of struggles not seen in Portland since the 1950s. Observers of all political walks worried that the Portland cultural and commercial intuition would collapse under the weight of the two-year labor contest. My research illustrates the tension among the city's liberal and progressive populace created by the upstart union's presence at prominent liberal civic leader Michael Powell's iconic store and how the union organized prominent liberal leaders on the side of their cause. It concludes by recognizing that Local 5's complete history remains a work in progress, but that its formation represents an indispensable Portland contribution to the revitalized national labor movement of the late 1990s.
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Wisnor, Ryan Thomas. "Workers of the Word Unite!| The Powell's Books Union Organizing Campaign, 1998-2001." Thesis, Portland State University, 2018. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10636951.

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The labor movement’s groundswell in the 1990s accompanied a period of intense competition and conglomeration within the retail book sector. Unexpectedly, the intersection of these two trends produced two dozen union drives across the country between 1996 and 2004 at large retail bookstores, including Borders and Barnes & Noble. Historians have yet to fully examine these retail organizing contests or recount their contributions to the labor movement and its history, including booksellers’ pioneering use of the internet as an organizing tool. This thesis focuses on the aspirations, tactics, and contributions of booksellers in their struggles to unionize their workplaces, while also exploring the economic context surrounding bookselling and the labor movement at the end of the twentieth century. While the United Food and Commercial Workers (UFCW) auspiciously announced a national campaign in 1997 to organize thousands of bookstore clerks, the only successfully unionized bookstore from this era that remains today is the Powell’s Books chain in Portland, Oregon with over 400 workers represented by the International Longshore and Warehouse Union (ILWU) Local 5.

Local 5’s successful union campaign at Powell’s Books occurring between 1998 and 2000 is at the center of this study and stands out as a point of light against a dark backdrop of failed union attempts in the retail sector during the latter decades of the twentieth century. This inquiry utilizes Local 5’s internal document archive and the collection of oral histories gathered by labor historians Edward Beechert and Harvey Schwartz in 2001 and 2002. My analysis of these previously unexamined records demonstrates how Powell’s efforts to thwart the ILWU campaign proved a decisive failure and contributed to the polarization of a super majority of the workforce behind Local 5. Equally, my analysis illustrates how the self-organization, initiative, and unrelenting creativity of booksellers transformed a narrow union election victory to overwhelming support for the union’s bargaining committee. Paramount to Local 5’s contract success was the union’s partnership with Portland’s social justice community, which induced a social movement around Powell’s Books at a time of increased political activity and unity among the nation’s labor, environment, and anti-globalization activists. The bonds of solidarity and mutual aid between Local 5 and its community allies were forged during the World Trade Organization (WTO) demonstrations in Seattle in 1999 and Portland’s revival of May Day in 2000. Following eleven work stoppages and fifty-three bargaining sessions, the union acquired a first contract that far exceeded any gains made by the UFCW at its unionized bookstores. The Powell’s agreement included improvements to existing health and retirement benefits plus an 18 percent wage increase for employees over three years.

This analysis brings to light the formation of a distinct working-class culture and consciousness among Powell’s booksellers, communicated through workers’ essays, artwork, strikes, and solidarity actions with the social justice community. It provides a detailed account of Local 5’s creative street theater tactics and work stoppages that captured the imagination of activists and the attention of the broader community. The conflict forced the news media and community leaders to publicly choose sides in a labor dispute reminiscent of struggles not seen in Portland since the 1950s. Observers of all political walks worried that the Portland cultural and commercial intuition would collapse under the weight of the two-year labor contest. My research illustrates the tension among the city’s liberal and progressive populace created by the upstart union’s presence at prominent liberal civic leader Michael Powell’s iconic store and how the union organized prominent liberal leaders on the side of their cause. It concludes by recognizing that Local 5’s complete history remains a work in progress, but that its formation represents an indispensable Portland contribution to the revitalized national labor movement of the late 1990s.

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Wells, Jennifer. "The Black Freedom Struggle and Civil Rights Labor Organizing in the Piedmont and Eastern North Carolina Tobacco Industry." Scholar Commons, 2013. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/4790.

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This thesis examines labor organizing in the U.S. South, specifically the Piedmont and eastern regions of North Carolina in the mid-twentieth century. It aims to uncover an often overlooked local history of civil rights labor organizing which challenged the southern status quo before America's 'mainstream' civil rights era of the 1950s and 1960s. This study argues that through labor organizing, African American tobacco workers challenged the class, gender, and race hierarchy of North Carolina's very profitable tobacco industry during the first half of the twentieth century. In doing so, the thesis contributes to the historiography of black working class protest, and the ever-expanding field of local civil rights histories and the long civil rights movement.
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Griffin, Lara. "The Chicago Women's Liberation Union: White Socialist Feminism and Women's Health Organizing in the 1970s." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1438529943.

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Sloan, Michael Andrew. "A Misguided Quest for Legitimacy: The Community Relations Department of the Southern Organizing Committee of the CIO During Operation Dixie, 1946-1953." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2006. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/history_theses/7.

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This thesis is a study of the Community Relations Department of the Southern Organizing Committee of the Congress of Industrial Organizations during the CIO’s Southern Organizing Drive, often referred to as “Operation Dixie.” The Community Relations Department was primarily interested in improving relations between organized labor and organized religion, in the hopes that improved church-labor relations would produce a situation more conducive to labor organizing, and reduce attacks on the CIO from religious leaders. This thesis examines the methods utilized by the CRD to achieve this end, and presents an analysis both of their efficacy and of their implementation. Specific programs that are explored are the CRD’s compilation, and publication, of various religiously themed pamphlets, the formation of Religion and Labor Fellowship groups, and the CRD’s relations with various anti-labor newspapers that made use of religious arguments to attack the CIO and Operation Dixie.
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Markowitz, Linda Jill. "Participatory democracy in union organizing: The influence of authority structures on workers' sentiments and actions." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/187431.

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Labor unions began creating new organizing strategies in the nineteen-eighties with the hope of increasing membership levels. This dissertation focuses on two such strategies: the "comprehensive campaign" utilized by the International Grocery Workers' Union (IGWU) and the "blitz" developed by the United States Clothing Workers' Union (USCWU). These strategies differ in one fundamental way; the amount of participation they elicit from the workforce being organized. I am interested in how different levels of participation influence workers' sentiments and actions regarding the union. The IGWU's "comprehensive campaign" is a top-down approach. Union officials collect unsavory information about the company in hopes of exchanging this information for union recognition. Workers' role in the campaign is reduced to signing union cards. The USCWU's "blitz" follows a grass-roots approach. With this strategy, union officials train workers to organize their fellow employees. An active worker contingency, then, helps to mobilize the workforce to vote union. Principles from participatory democracy suggest that when an authority structure incorporates participation, individuals feel more satisfied and committed to the organization. The act of participation also affects people behaviorally; participation teaches individuals how to be active. In order to analyze how the different campaign authority structures influenced workers, I interviewed two groups of employees; thirty of whom experienced the comprehensive campaign and twenty of whom participated in the blitz. Both organizing campaigns were successful and resulted in a union contract. I asked employees about their feelings towards the campaigns and their participation in the union after the campaigns ended. I found that workers from the "comprehensive campaign" perceived the union as a business and this conception of the union discouraged activism and left employees ultimately dissatisfied. Workers from the blitz, however, developed a "union as workers" framework. This framework motivated employees to be active after the organizing campaign and gave workers a sense of fulfillment. The findings from this study suggest that organizing strategies involve more than the ability of unions to increase the number of their rank-and-file. They are a crucial method in which workers learn to become active agents within the union.
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Livingston, Louis B. "Theodore Roosevelt on Labor Unions: A New Perspective." PDXScholar, 2010. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3077.

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Historical studies of Theodore Roosevelt's views about labor and labor unions are in conflict. This was also true of contemporary disagreements about the meaning of his labor rhetoric and actions. The uncertainties revolve around whether or not he was sincere in his support of working people and labor unions, whether his words and actions were political only or were based on a philosophical foundation, and why he did not propose comprehensive labor policies. Roosevelt historiography has addressed these questions without considering his stated admiration for Octave Thanet's writings about "labor problems." Octave Thanet was the pseudonym of Alice French, a popular fiction writer during Roosevelt's adult years. Roosevelt on several occasions praised her knowledge of factory conditions and discussions of labor problems, and he invited her to the White House. The thesis analyzes her labor stories, Roosevelt's comments about her labor writings, and their relevance to how he responded to the growth and tactics of organized labor. It also addresses the influence on Roosevelt of contemporary writing on labor unions by John Hay, Henry George, and Herbert Croly, as well as his relationship with labor leader Samuel Gompers. The thesis concludes that Roosevelt was sincere about improving the social and industrial conditions of workers, primarily through government action. It further concludes that his support of labor unions in principle was genuine, but was contingent on organized labor's repudiation of violence and attempts to justify violence; and that he opposed union boycotts and mandatory union membership as inimical to his vision of a classless society. The thesis additionally considers the extent to which Roosevelt's views were embodied in national labor legislation after his death.
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Choi, Inyi. "Organizing negotiation and resistance : the role of Korean union federations as institutional mediators /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 2005. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3161969.

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Webster, Barbara Grace. ""Fighting in the grand cause" a history of the trade union movement in Rockhampton, 1907-1957 /." Access full text, 1999. http://elvis.cqu.edu.au/thesis/adt-QCQU/public/adt-QCQU20020715.151239.

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Thesis (Ph.D) -- Central Queensland University, 1999.
Submitted as fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, Central Queensland University, August 1999". Bibliography: leaves 425-452. Also available via the World Wide Web.
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Sloan, Michael. "A misguided quest for legitimacy the Community Relations Department of the Southern Organizing Committee of the CIO During Operation Dixie, 1946-1953 /." unrestricted, 2006. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-04252006-222258/.

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Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2006.
Title from title screen. Michelle Brattain, committee chair; Charles Steffen, committee member. Electronic text (110 p.) ; digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed May 18, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p. 105-110).
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Books on the topic "Labor unions – Organizing – History"

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Veber, A. B. Trade unions and capital: A Marxist view. Moscow: Novosti, 1988.

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Veber, A. B. Trade unions and capital: A Marxist view. Moscow: Novosti Press Agency Publishing House, 1988.

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Staughton, Lynd, and Lynd Alice, eds. The new rank and file. Ithaca, N.Y: ILR Press, 2000.

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Keon, Daniel John. Union organizing activity in Ontario, 1970-1986. Kingston, Ont: Industrial Relations Centre, Queen's University, 1988.

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Southern labor and Black civil rights: Organizing Memphis workers. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1993.

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En combate: La vida de Lombardo Toledano. Ciudad de México: Debate, 2018.

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La struttura organizzativa del movimento sindacale: Dalle origini al 1949. Milano, Italy: F. Angeli, 1986.

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Richards, Lawrence. Union-free America: Workers and antiunion culture. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2008.

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Siegfried, Mielke, ed. Organisatorischer Aufbau der Gewerkschaften 1945-1949. Köln: Bund-Verlag, 1987.

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Lynd, Alice. Rank and file: Personal histories by working-class organizers. 3rd ed. Chicago, Ill: Haymarket Books, 2011.

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Book chapters on the topic "Labor unions – Organizing – History"

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Jessup, David, and Michael E. Gordon. "9. Organizing in Export Processing Zones: The Bibong Experience in the Dominican Republic." In Transnational Cooperation among Labor Unions, edited by Michael A. Gordon and Lowell Turner, 179–201. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/9781501721694-010.

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Robbins, Janice I., and Carol L. Tieso. "How did Labor Unions Emerge?" In Engaging with History in the Classroom, 183–99. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003234937-12.

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Jones-Hendrickson, S. B. "Lessons from the History of Unions in the U.S. Virgin Islands." In Environment and Labor in the Caribbean, 95–109. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429337055-6.

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Freund, William. "Organized Labor in the Republic of South Africa: History and Democratic Transition." In Trade Unions and the Coming of Democracy in Africa, 199–227. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230610033_7.

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Caldemeyer, Dana M. "Unfaithful Followers." In Reconsidering Southern Labor History, 112–25. University Press of Florida, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5744/florida/9780813056975.003.0008.

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The United Mine Workers of America (UMW) had roughly 13,000 members when it called for a nationwide suspension in bituminous coal production in April 1894, but over 150,000 primarily non-union miners quit work in support of the UMW-orchestrated strike for better pay. Despite their longstanding hostility to UMW leaders and organizing tactics, miners in southern coalfields like Missouri and Kentucky were among the thousands to join the strike but not the union. This essay considers why laborers would follow the orders of a union they refused to join by considering the social and economic factors that shaped miners’ concepts of unionism. Ultimately, non-union participation in the 1894 coal strike demonstrated that non-unionism did not necessarily denote a rejection of union sentiment. Rather, workers could maintain a culture of faithfulness to union ideals even if they did not maintain union membership.
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Sistrom, Michael. "The Freedom Labor Union." In Reconsidering Southern Labor History, 191–204. University Press of Florida, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5744/florida/9780813056975.003.0013.

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The Mississippi Freedom Labor Union (MFLU) and related efforts were part of the larger evolution of black activism and of the maturing and varied philosophy of Black Power in the mid- and later 1960s. The MFLU and its offshoots embodied this mutation; first, in strategy, from a focus on demonstrations to capture the attention of a national white audience to awakening and organizing the poor black community in the South; and second, a shift in goals from requesting civil rights from the country's lawmakers to demanding a share of political and economic power. After a series of plantation strikes in the summer of 1965, MFLU members and other black Mississippians tried to gain a voice in the local application of War on Poverty programs and to establish Freedom City as communal housing for displaced workers.
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Donaldson, Rachel. "The Southern Tenant Farmers Museum and the Difficult History of Agricultural Organizing." In Where Are the Workers?, 159–75. University of Illinois Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252044397.003.0010.

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This chapter analyzes the historic preservation of the Southern Tenant Farmers’ Union's original headquarters in Tyronza, Arkansas, and the site's subsequent development as a museum. Currently, the Southern Tenant Farmers Museum presents the union's formative years and the region’s sharecropping system more broadly. By exploring the difficulties public historians faced in establishing a museum rooted in the history of an extremely exploitative form of labor in a rural region and how these challenges shaped the interpretation presented in the museum, this chapter deepens our understanding of the public history of agricultural labor. Furthermore, it sheds light on the difficulties small communities face when attempting to grapple with their past.
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Preminger, Jonathan. "Conclusion." In Labor in Israel. Cornell University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501717123.003.0017.

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The Conclusion discusses the themes of the book in general terms. It reiterates that the weakening of neocorporatism has enabled those once excluded to be included in at least some frameworks for collective representation; however, neocorporatism’s central premises have been undermined, and much of the “new” organizing does not re/build the collective frameworks that once gave labor a voice. The chapter first discusses the hurdles with which labor activism has to contend in its bid to establish itself as a democratic, participatory force. It then addresses labor activism as opposition to policies associated with neoliberalism, and reviews organized labor’s status within the socio-economic regime, in particular in light of increasing labor-oriented activism among non-union organizations. Subsequently, it suggests that “cracks” in neocorporatism facilitate political participation for those who have been economically incorporated but politically excluded. Finally, the significance of these developments is discussed in light of Israel’s singular labor history.
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Castillo, Thomas A. "Fighting for Social Harmony." In Working in the Magic City, 147–68. University of Illinois Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252044458.003.0007.

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The chapter explores Miami’s class history as revealed in the inadequate local, state, and national welfare system and the national and local context that sparked the unemployed to action, offering a general outline of this activism. The local stingy welfare relief (restricted to the “worthy unemployed”) and continuing economic depression set the context for the rise of the Dade County Unemployed Citizen’s League (DCUCL). The chapter establishes the historical context of the DCUCL in relation to similar organizing efforts in other parts of the country. It links the DCUCL to the AFL’s Labor Citizenship Committee, a branch of the Central Labor Union open to union and nonunion residents of the city. It discusses the nature of the DCUCL’s ideas, activism, and local initiatives.
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McCallum, Jamie K. "Organizing the “Unorganized”: Varieties of Labor Transnationalism in India." In Global Unions, Local Power, 122–44. Cornell University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9780801451935.003.0006.

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Conference papers on the topic "Labor unions – Organizing – History"

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Murphy, Cornelius. "Remediation of One Million Tons of Low-Level Radioactive Waste at the Department of Energy Fernald Closure Project." In ASME 2003 9th International Conference on Radioactive Waste Management and Environmental Remediation. ASMEDC, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icem2003-5001.

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The Fernald Waste Pits Remedial Action Project (WPRAP) is located within the Department of Energy (DOE) Fernald Closure Project (FCP) Site located 32 km (20 miles) northeast of Cincinnati, Ohio. The FCP covers 424 ha (1,050 acres) of land in a rural, agricultural community. Fluor Fernald, Inc., is the Prime Contractor to the DOE for management of the FCP remediation. The WPRAP is removing approximately one million tons of low-level radioactive waste from eight storage pits which cover 15 ha (38 acres). This waste was generated during the FCP uranium metal production years of 1952 to 1989. Radioactive leachate from these wastes contributed to the contamination of an 80 ha (200 acres) portion of the Great Miami Aquifer. This aquifer is a drinking water source for the greater Cincinnati area. This unique project is one of the largest in the history of the Comprehensive Environmental Response, Compensation and Liability Act (CERCLA)/ Superfund program. The objective of the project is the removal of all of the uranium and thorium contaminated wastes, soils and sludges from the waste pits area of the FCP. The facility in which these wastes are processed was financed and constructed by the Shaw Group (Shaw) and is operated jointly by Shaw and Fluor Fernald. Wet soils and sludges from the waste pits are excavated and thermally dried, then blended and analyzed. Once the waste has been determined to meet criteria for transportation and disposal, it is loaded into specialized railcars and transported by exclusive-use train to the Envirocare Waste Disposal Facility 3,200 km (2,000 miles) away in Clive, Utah. This project is presently about 72% complete. More than 600,000 tons of waste material have been safely transported off site by 95 exclusive-use trains. Waste shipments are projected to be completed by late next year (2004). The progress of the WPRAP to date demonstrates that a major DOE facility remediation project can be safely and successfully executed in partnership with private industry and local stakeholders utilizing proven commercial best practices and existing site labor resources. This paper details project performance to date, challenges encountered, and the cooperation of the DOE, the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA); Fluor Fernald, Inc.; Shaw, local labor unions, and the local community in planning and successfully executing the WPRAP. The cost of the WPRAP to the U.S. Government is projected to be about four hundred million dollars ($400,000,000.00).
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