Journal articles on the topic 'Labor unions – Germany – Political activity'
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1
Shapkin, Igor. "Organized Capital and Labor. Activities of Employers Associations of Russia in the Early 20th Century." Journal of Economic History and History of Economics 19, no. 4 (December 27, 2018): 531–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2308-2588.2018.19(4).531-555.
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Activity of business associations is of great importance in market environment. Academic literature divides these associations into representative and employer. For the first time employers associations appeared in Germany in the late nineteenth century. They were the reaction of the German business for growing working class movement. History has shown that the process of business self-organization increases in terms of aggravation of social, political and economic contradictions. Employers associations had a significant impact on the development of the so-called monarchical socialism in Germany. Having taken on the tasks of regulating labor and distribution relations and protection of the rights of entrepreneurs they facilitated the creation of a new system of entrepreneurs - employees relations. Nowadays employers associations are members of the tri-party relations (business, state, trade unions), in a number of European countries. The article covers the origin, organizational and legal forms and main areas of activity of Russian labor unions in the early twentieth century. The analysis shows that they widely used the European experience in their practical work, developed their own mechanisms of cooperation with wage labor and the authorities. In the context the of modern market economy and emerging civil society, the study of such problems is of actual scientific and practical importance.
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Belov, Vladislav. "German-Russian Cooperation – Challenges of 2020 and Prospects for 2021. Part 1. Political aspects." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS, no. 1 (February 28, 2021): 70–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran120217080.
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The events of 2020 had a significant impact on all aspects of political and economic cooperation between Germany and Russia. The year began with a constructive political dialogue on a number of different international issues. However, in the second half of the year, when the FRG was the chairman of the Council of the European Union, it found itself in a deep crisis. The main reason is the so-called «The Navalny factor». At the same time, Berlin proposed to build relations with Russia in the field of security from a position of strength. The coronavirus pandemic has prompted Berlin and Moscow to restrict capital and labor mobility. In the spring, there was a sharp drop in world oil prices. This negatively affected the mutual trade flows. The volume of foreign trade has dropped significantly. Against this background, the investment activity of German companies in the Russian regions has been continued. A new area of cooperation has emerged – hydrogen energy. In September 2020, the Year of Germany began in Russia, and in December – the cross Year of Economy and Sustainable Development. In the first part, the author analyzes the political results of 2020 and the beginning of 2021 and assesses the medium-term prospects of German-Russian cooperation in the field of politics. The second part deals with the economic aspects of cooperation
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Andrievskiy, Oleksandr, and Oleksandr Ivanov. "Causes of the West German student movement’s radicalization in the late 60s and a foundation of terroristic organization RAF." European Historical Studies, no. 6 (2017): 64–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2017.06.64-83.
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On the basis of published documents on the activities of the terrorist organization “Red Army Fraction” (RAF) in West Germany during the 70s-80s, the authors highlight the causes that led to the radicalization of the student movement and the transition of activists to the armed confrontation with the police in the name of “City guerrilla” concept. Among the documents mentioned, texts of the RAF members, their manifestos, etc. are avaliable, as well as the articles by one of the leaders of the organization, Ulrike Meinhof, which she wrote for the left-radical magazine “Concrete”. Also there authors used the materials of the German media. In addition, the authors have analyzed foreign and domestic historiography focusing on German-language studies. The conclusions, to which the authors of the article have come, can be summarized as follows. There were three main reasons for the radicalization of the German student movement in the late 1960s. Firstly, the protest spirit and antipathy towards the “conformist” older generation, caused not least by the fact that the governments of the Chancellors Adenauer and Kiesinger were associated with the rehabilitation of former Nazis, so left-radicals saw in their politics the returning of authoritarianism and the militarization of FRG. Secondly, the views of the leftist scholars (such as Herbert Marcuse, Theodor Adorno, Jurgen Habermas, and others) that were popular among young people and reflected, albeit exaggeratedly, the social problems of Germany at that time related to labor migration, property inequality etc. Thirdly, speaking of the internal political context, the authors have underlined the important role of the events that led to a creation of radical groups. Among these events the most important were the protest actions against so called “Extraordinary laws,” the beating of a peaceful demonstration by the police on the 2th of June and the killing of Benno Onezorge, the assassination of the leader of the student movement Rudi Dutschke, the occupations of universities in 1968 etc. Characterizing the foreign policy context, the authors figure out that in the conditions of the bipolar world and the unfolding of the Cold War, the German youth was inspired by the revolutionary movements of the Third World and also by the American youth movement against the war in Vietnam. At the same time, the future German “city guerrillas” were inspired by the images of Che Guevara, Mao Tse-tung, Ho Chi Minh, etc. There is no doubt that they were rather skeptic about the USSR, not considering it as a socialist state, while they were preferring Cuba or Maoist China, because at that time almost nobody was aware of an essence of the “cultural revolution” and Mao’s repressive policy. However, activity of left-radicals in West Germany was still profitable for the GDR government, controlled by Soviet Union, as far as they were trying to use every possibility to destabilize the situation in FRG.
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Цюняк, Оксана. "PROGRESSIVE IDEAS OF PROFESSIONAL TRAINING OF FUTURE MASTERS OF ELEMENTARY EDUCATION TO INNOVATIVE ACTIVITIES IN FOREIGN COUNTRIES." Mountain School of Ukrainian Carpaty, no. 22 (June 26, 2020): 167–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.15330/msuc.2020.22.167-170.
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Today, Ukrainian society needs professionals with innovative thinking and a keen desire to implement their ideas in social life, driven by information, economic, social, political, cultural and religious processes of the third millennium. The modern world requires young people to be able to respond efficiently and promptly to innovative changes that are taking place in society, to be self-sufficient, proactive, responsible citizens, successful people, that is, professionally competent. That is why the problem of effective professional training of future specialists is an urgent one, which will be able to easily adapt to the changing conditions of today and be competitive in the labor market.The urgency of the problem with the professional training of future masters of elementary education to innovative activities is substantiated in the article. The general education system tendencies of the leading countries in the European Union, in particular, France, Denmark, Germany, England, that in recent years have collected positive experience in reforming important parts ofthe future teacher's education system, have been clarified. It is worth noting that Ukrainian educators are actively studying and using foreign experience in training teachers in European countries, the United States and Finland. The progressive ideas and features of future teachers’ training in different countries, which can be introduced for domestic education, are established.In the publication it is emphasized that the study provides for the feasibility of studying the foreign countries experience in the training of future masters of elementary education to innovative activity.
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Meyer, Brett. "Learning to Love the Government." World Politics 68, no. 3 (May 18, 2016): 538–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887116000058.
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One counterintuitive variation in wage-setting regulation is that countries with the highest labor standards and strongest labor movements are among the least likely to set a statutory minimum wage. This, the author argues, is due largely to trade union opposition. Trade unions oppose the minimum wage when they face minimal low-wage competition, which is affected by the political institutions regulating industrial action, collective agreements, and employment, as well as by the skill and wage levels of their members. When political institutions effectively regulate low-wage competition, unions oppose the minimum wage. When political institutions are less favorable toward unions, there may be a cleavage between high- and low-wage unions in their minimum wage preferences. The argument is illustrated with case studies of the UK, Germany, and Sweden. The author demonstrates how the regulation of low-wage competition affects unions’ minimum wage preferences by exploiting the following labor market institutional shocks: the Conservatives’ labor law reforms in the UK, the Hartz labor market reforms in Germany, and the European Court of Justice's Laval ruling in Sweden. The importance of union preferences for minimum wage adoption is also shown by how trade union confederation preferences influenced the position of the Labour Party in the UK and the Social Democratic Party in Germany.
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Crampton, Suzanne M., John W. Hodge, and Jitendra M. Mishra. "The Use of Union Dues for Political Activity-Current Status." Public Personnel Management 31, no. 1 (March 2002): 121–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009102600203100111.
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The NLRB, in a significant ruling for organized labor, recently ruled that employees who are forced to pay union dues are entitled to know how their money is being spent. The NLRB ruled in January 1997 that unions must supply financial information to workers who pay dues but who have elected not to join the union. The use of union dues for political activity continues to be a controversial issue for both public and private unions. This paper will provide a brief overview of the legal history of unions in America and the current issues they are encountering. Legal issues relating to the use of union dues for political activities for both public and private unions will also be discussed.
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Cha, J. Mijin, Jane Holgate, and Karel Yon. "Emergent Cultures of Activism: Young People and the Building of Alliances Between Unions and Other Social Movements." Work and Occupations 45, no. 4 (July 4, 2018): 451–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0730888418785977.
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This article considers emergent cultures of activism among young people in the labor movement. The authors question whether unions should reconsider creating different forms of organization to make themselves relevant to new generations of workers. Our comparative case study research from the United States, France, Germany, and the United Kingdom—where young people are engaged in “alter-activism” and unions have successfully recruited and included young workers—shows that there is potential for building alliances between trade unions and other social movements. The authors suggest that emerging cultures of activism provide unions with a way of appealing to wider and more diverse constituencies.
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Herrigel, Gary. "Identity and Institutions: The Social Construction of Trade Unions in Nineteenth-Century Germany and the United States." Studies in American Political Development 7, no. 2 (1993): 371–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x00001139.
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The aim of this research note is to begin to develop the idea that trade unions are historically constructed as much through considerations of social identity as they are through calculations of economic self-interest, market power, or functional adaptation in the face of changes in the division of labor. By social identity, I mean the desire for group distinction, dignity, and place within historically specific discourses (or frames of understanding) about the character, structure, and boundaries of the polity and the economy. Institutions such as trade unions, in other words, are constituted through and by particular understandings of the structure of the social and political worlds of which they are part. In making this argument, it should be immediately said that I in no way intend to claim that trade unions are only to be understood through the lens of identity or that they do not engage in strategic calculation either in labor markets or in the broader political economy. The point is that action along the latter lines presupposes some kind of commitment on, and even resolution of, issues concerning the former. The discussion below focuses on the emergence of trade union movements in the United States and Germany during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. It Attempts first to develope the two cases as constituting a paradox and then, second, explains the paradox with an argument about identity.
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Shaev, Brian. "Workers’ Politics, the Communist Challenge, and the Schuman Plan: A Comparative History of the French Socialist and German Social Democratic Parties and the First Treaty for European Integration." International Review of Social History 61, no. 2 (July 29, 2016): 251–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859016000250.
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AbstractThe Schuman Plan to “pool” the coal and steel industries of Western Europe has been widely celebrated as the founding document of today’s European Union. An expansive historiography has developed around the plan but labor and workers are largely absent from existing accounts, even though the sectors targeted for integration, coal and steel, are traditionally understood as centers of working-class militancy and union activity in Europe. Existing literature generally considers the role coal and steel industries played as objects of the Schuman Plan negotiations but this article reverses this approach. It examines instead how labor politics in the French Nord and Pas-de-Calais and the German Ruhr, core industrial regions, influenced the positions adopted by two prominent political parties, the French Socialist and German Social Democratic parties, on the integration of European heavy industry. The empirical material combines archival research in party and national archives with findings from regional histories of the Nord/Pas-de-Calais, the Ruhr, and their local socialist party chapters, as well as from historical and sociological research on miners and industrial workers. The article analyses how intense battles between socialists and communists for the allegiance of coal and steel workers shaped the political culture of these regions after the war and culminated during a mass wave of strikes in 1947–1948. The divergent political outcomes of these battles in the Nord/Pas-de-Calais and the Ruhr, this article contends, strongly contributed to the decisions of the French Socialist Party to support and the German Social Democratic Party to oppose the Schuman Plan in 1950.
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Tapia, Maite, and Lowell Turner. "Renewed Activism for the Labor Movement: The Urgency of Young Worker Engagement." Work and Occupations 45, no. 4 (July 11, 2018): 391–419. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0730888418785657.
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In this article, the authors consider the findings of a multi-year, case study-based research project on young workers and the labor movement in four countries: France, Germany, the United Kingdom, and the United States. The authors examine the conditions under which young workers actively engage in contemporary labor movements. Although the industrial relations context matters, the authors find the most persuasive explanations to be agency-based. Especially important are the relative openness and active encouragement of unions to the leadership development of young workers, and the persistence and creativity of groups of young workers in promoting their own engagement. Embodying labor’s potential for movement building and resistance to authoritarianism and right-wing populism, young workers offer hope for the future if unions can bring them aboard.
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Anderson, Karen M., and Traute Meyer. "Social Democracy, Unions, and Pension Politics in Germany and Sweden." Journal of Public Policy 23, no. 1 (January 2003): 23–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x03003027.
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This article investigates the politics of reforming mature, pay-as-you-go pensions in the context of austerity. In both Sweden and Germany the Social Democratic party leadership advocated reform in response to similar financial and demographic pressures, but the Swedish reform was more successful in correcting perceived program weaknesses and in defending social democratic values. To explain this difference in outcomes, we focus on policy legacies and the organizational and political capacities of labor movements. We argue that existing pension policies in Germany were more constraining than in Sweden, narrowing the range of politically feasible strategies. By contrast, in Sweden, existing pension policy provided opportunities for turning vices into virtues and financing the transition to a new system. In addition, the narrow interests of German unions and the absence of institutionalized cooperation with the Social Democratic Party hindered reform. By contrast, the Swedish Social Democrats' bargaining position in pension reform negotiations with non-socialist parties was formulated with blue collar union interests in mind. The encompassing interests of Swedish unions and their close links with the Social Democrats facilitated a reform compromise.
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Glende, Philip. "Labor Reporting and Its Critics in the CIO Years." Journalism & Communication Monographs 22, no. 1 (February 10, 2020): 4–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1522637919898270.
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This monograph examines daily newspaper coverage of organized labor during the burst of union activity that began in the early 1930s. Three factors influenced labor reporting during this period: the dramatic rise of unions as a political, economic, and cultural force in the New Deal; trends in journalism, including the dominance of objectivity as an operating norm and the shift toward interpretive reporting; and journalists, their sources in labor leadership, and the emergence of the American Newspaper Guild. Union leaders were highly critical of the general circulation press and its coverage of labor issues. I argue that labor news was biased against unions, but that bias was not the result of a deliberate attempt to discredit unions. Despite prounion inclinations of some journalists, news values, news gathering routines, and newsroom practices shaped labor reporting in a way that emphasized organized labor’s role in repeatedly challenging and disrupting the status quo.
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Simms, Melanie, Dennis Eversberg, Camille Dupuy, and Lena Hipp. "Organizing Young Workers Under Precarious Conditions: What Hinders or Facilitates Union Success." Work and Occupations 45, no. 4 (July 4, 2018): 420–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0730888418785947.
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Under what conditions do young precarious workers join unions? Based on case studies from France, Germany, the United Kingdom, and the United States, the authors identify targeted campaigns, coalition building, membership activism, and training activities as innovative organizing approaches. In addition to traditional issues such as wages and training quality, these approaches also featured issues specific to precarious workers, including skills training, demands for minimum working hours, and specific support in insecure employment situations. Organizing success is influenced by bargaining structures, occupational identity, labor market conditions, and support by union leaders and members. Innovative organizing tends to happen when unions combine new approaches with existing structures.
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Romanova, Ekaterina. "Labor force for the fourth industrial revolution: the experience of Germany." Moscow University Economics Bulletin, no. 6 (December 30, 2021): 224–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.38050/0130010520216.11.
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The paper analyzes political decisions in the field of personnel and educational policy as a response of four German administrations, with Angela Merkel as the Federal Chancellor, to challenges of digitalization. Since challenges in the development of labor market induced by demographic and migration factors are similar for Russia and Germany, German experience may be useful for Russia as a large federal state with significant risks of rising social inequality. Challenges in the development of the labor market induced by demographic and migration factors are common for Russia and Germany. The author addresses the key challenge for the German government — the organization of humane working conditions in a new digital reality presented in the White Paper “Work 4.0” after careful examination and consultation with main actors: associations, trade unions, companies, academia and civil society. He sees the solution to the problem in improving qualifications and developing digital skills, as well as ensuring attractive working conditions, in the first place for specialists in engineering, technical and natural science specialties (STEM). The analysis concludes with recommendations for policymakers which include such measures as improving gender equality in STEM professions and selective migration policy that mitigates unnecessary barriers for highly qualified immigrants.
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Nash, Bradley. "Labor Law Reform and Organized Labor: A Comparative Historical Sociology of Unanticipated Outcomes." Humanity & Society 43, no. 2 (December 25, 2017): 120–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160597617748167.
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This article provides a comparative historical examination of the unanticipated consequences of labor law reforms in capitalist democracies during the twentieth century. The study of unexpected effects has a long history in sociology, and the cases analyzed here prove particularly instructive. Primary attention is given to earlier labor law projects in Germany and France that targeted the role of organized labor within industrial relations. Though divergent in political aims, legal reforms in the two countries converged in that the outcomes proved contrary to state intentions. Specifically, whereas postwar German conservatives had hoped to weaken labor unions with the Works Constitution Act of 1952 and French socialists aimed to strengthen organized labor by implementing the Auroux Laws during the 1980s, the legislative initiatives in the two nations ultimately had unexpected impacts. Analysis of what caused these unanticipated effects points toward two common factors: strategic actions (or inactions) by relevant social agents and the indeterminate nature of legal discourse itself. This article concludes with a consideration of the possibilities for labor law reform in the United States.
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Stanfield, Jared, and Robert Tumarkin. "Does the Political Power of Nonfinancial Stakeholders Affect Firm Values? Evidence from Labor Unions." Journal of Financial and Quantitative Analysis 53, no. 3 (April 29, 2018): 1101–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002210901800008x.
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Whereas corporate political connections are known to enhance equity values, we demonstrate that union political activity can have the opposite effect. We examine the consequences of a recent Australian state law that restricts union political activity but does not change collective bargaining rights. In the wake of this law, the equity values of affected unionized firms significantly increase, and consistent with this market reaction, these firms are able to bargain for more favorable labor contracts than their unionized peers in other states. The evidence strongly suggests that unions use political activism to extract rents from shareholders and benefit their members.
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Rhomberg, Chris. "The struggle for a new labor regime: The US." Tempo Social 32, no. 1 (April 15, 2020): 99–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/0103-2070.ts.2020.164863.
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This essay examines the American labor movement since the 2008 economic crisis. I begin with a brief review of the structural, institutional, and organizational conditions for labor before the crisis, including changes in employment and the labor force, the conflict between New Deal and anti-union labor regimes, and the emergence of new repertoires in the labor movement. These form the context for the financial crash, and the failure of policy to challenge corporate power. I then discuss the conservative political offensive against unions and movement initiatives at state and local levels. The conflicts have intensified under the Trump administration, with a resurgence of strike activity and the polarization of institutions governing labor and civic life.
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Martin, Andrew. "Bureaucracy, Power, and Threat: Unions and Strikes in The United States, 1990-2001." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 15, no. 2 (June 1, 2010): 217–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.15.2.a3723r8621271126.
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The bureaucratization of many social movements has generated controversy among scholars and activists alike. While there is considerable evidence that formalized social movement organizations (SMOs) tend to be successful, critics maintain that such actors invariably shift resources away from protest, reducing their disruptive potential. The current research seeks to reorient this debate by introducing the concept of threat as an integral, but overlooked, dimension of protest. Specifically, I hypothesize that the costs associated with collective action will motivate formalized SMOs to leverage the threat of protest to achieve new gains. The empirical case is made using data from a sample of labor unions and their strike activity from 1990-2001, a period of growing acrimony between organized labor and firms that is particularly well suited for analyzing threat. The findings highlight the role of threat in movement challenges and how it interacts with the broader environment within which the SMO is embedded.
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Bezvin, O. S. "TRADE UNIONS AS AN INTEGRAL ELEMENT OF PUBLIC SERVICE." Legal horizons, no. 19 (2019): 13–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/legalhorizons.2019.i19.p13.
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The article deals with the trade unions as a grant to protect the rights and interests of civil servants, reveals the main tasks of trade unions. The activity of trade union organizations in the structure of the state body in Ukraine is analyzed. The legal mechanisms of asserting the violated rights of a civil servant by a trade union organization of a public body and the role of trade unions in protecting the rights of civil servants in developed countries are emphasized. The state at certain times gave the trade unions great powers to protect the rights and interests of workers, and then deprived the trade unions of these powers. In connection with this, various problems arose in regulating the activities of trade unions in the protection of individual and collective rights and interests in the protection of public servants. All this affected the legal status of trade unions. However, it should be noted that trade unions are in constant flux and this leads to improvements in the regulations governing their activities. However, it should be noted that today there are many problems in Ukraine regarding the exercise by the trade union organizations of their powers in the civil service. In particular, the legal status of trade unions in the civil service is not regulated enough, which, in turn, does not allow them to fully protect the legal rights and interests of civil servants. Considering the importance of trade unions in protecting labor rights and the socio-economic interests of workers, in developing democratic forms of citizen participation in managing economic and political processes, a democratic, legal, and social state, which is Ukraine, should support trade unions and take care of legislative consolidation. their authority. Trade unions at all levels should once again return to the consideration of their core functions and pay attention to those that will now be more conducive to the achievement of the main objective of the creation and activity of trade unions – the protection of social-labor rights and interests of trade union members. Today’s Ukraine needs strong unions. A strong union is a union that effectively protects the interests of its members, enjoys their trust and support, is able to organize, if necessary, collective action to protect the socio-economic rights and interests of employees, has sufficient organizational, financial, and human resources to fulfill its statutory tasks. Keywords: trade union organization, protection, rights, the role of trade unions, legal mechanisms.
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Izudinova, Raisat Saidovna, Andrey Yuryevich Mordovtsev, Evgenia Andreevna Vasilkova, Tatyana Vasilyevna Mordovtseva, and Evgenii A. Palamarchuk. "Tourism Activities of the Organization “Force through Joy” as a Legitimation Factor of the Nazi Political and Legal Regime (1933-1939)." Journal of Politics and Law 13, no. 2 (May 25, 2020): 201. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v13n2p201.
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The article identifies and analyzes the most important area of the organization “Strength through Joy” and its contribution to the support of the Hitler regime by industrial workers in Germany. Created by the Nazis under the auspices of the German Labor Front, which replaced the traditional trade unions, this organization made one of the main emphasis on the mass cultivation of tourism on favorable terms in the ranks of the working community. Having become one of the most important areas of social policy in the Third Reich, the tourism activities of the “Force through Joy” served as one of the effective means of legitimizing Nazi power in the eyes of that part of German society that initially took a hostile position towards them.
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Crowley, Stephen. "Barriers to Collective Action: Steelworkers and Mutual Dependence in the Former Soviet Union." World Politics 46, no. 4 (July 1994): 589–615. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2950719.
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The author examines the question of why labor in the former Soviet Union has remained so quiet during this tumultous period. He conducts a most similar case study of coal miners, who have struck and organized militant trade unions, and of steelworkers in the same communities, who have not. To explain the lack of strike activity, the concept of mutual dependence is developed, whereby the enterprise is dependent on workers in a labor-short economy and workers in turn have been dependent on the enterprise for the provision of goods and services in short supply. The provision of a high level of such goods and services through the workplace was found to prevent independent worker activity in steel mills and certain coal mines. Implications are drawn for theories of collective action and the study of the former Soviet Union and its economic and political transformation.
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Cohen, Lizabeth. "Katznelson's Working Within the System Now." International Labor and Working-Class History 46 (1994): 33–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900010796.
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Germany has been reunified. The Soviet Union and Eastern Europe have fractured into ethnically defined nationalist republics trying to dismantle decades of communist political and economic structures and replace them with free markets and free marketplaces of ideas. It seems only fitting that Ira Katznelson should publically embrace liberal political theory with a new “zest for political engagement”, enthusiastically endorsing the old liberal vision of political science as a discipline, and thrusting both onto labor historians as the perfect solution to political and epistemological crises in their field.In response, I would say to Katznelson, “You're working within the system now, but do we all need to?” Even more significantly, did the working-class populations we study operate within a liberal framework sufficiently enough to make liberal, state-centered concerns—the relationships and negotiations between actors in civil society (particularly articulated through unions and parties) and the liberal state—the “most potent tools” for political and historical analysis?
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Sigurova, A. Yu. "The Right to Form Associations Enshrined in the Constitution of the Russian Federation as a Form of Political Participation (the Case of Trade Unions)." Bulletin of Irkutsk State University. Series Political Science and Religion Studies 35 (2021): 16–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.26516/2073-3380.2021.35.16.
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The article discusses the implementation of the right to form trade unions as a form of political participation in contemporary Russian society. The right to form associations is enshrined in the Constitution of the Russian Federation and is a conventional form of political participation. The author indicated methodological aspects of this problem through the prism of the concept of “professional interest” viewed as a desire of individuals to secure oneself against possible difficulties in the process of professional self-realization in the system of labor law relations or professional activity. Joining a trade union has a rational basis, because such behavior is thought to ensure an “effective result” – restoration of the violated right, assistance in realization of the right, etc. Another important methodological point is related to the consideration of cultural factors that do not determine political participation, although they are stable over time and related to other factors. Political culture is a reflection of the current political system. This area of concern reveals grounds and contradictions that determine the existing behavioral attitudes towards consensual political participation through joining trade unions.
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Navarro, Vicente. "Introduction: Objectives and Purposes of the Study." International Journal of Health Services 33, no. 3 (July 2003): 407–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/34dh-r3ga-gkdu-09p2.
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This article introduces a series of research projects (carried out by the International Network on Social Inequalities and Health) focused on the impact of politics on policy and the consequences for health and quality of life, an area that has been understudied in the social science literature. The introduction describes the conceptual model that guided the research, centered on the study of how political parties and social agents (such as trade unions) affect social inequalities and mortality indicators through labor market and welfare state policies. The major theme of this research is whether political and social interventions matter in health policy and health outcomes. The introduction also describes the different types of research projects carried out by the International Network at the national levels (among OECD countries) and at the regional and local levels (in the United Kingdom, Italy, Germany, Spain, and Sweden). This Journal issue presents the multinational study and the U.K. case study; the next issue will include the Italian, German, Spanish, and Swedish case studies and the summary and conclusions.
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Juravich, Tom. "Constituting Challenges in Differing Arenas of Power: Worker Centers, the Fight for $15, and Union Organizing." Labor Studies Journal 43, no. 2 (March 21, 2018): 104–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160449x18763441.
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Too often, the comparing and contrasting of traditional and alt-labor are done as if they were different points on a single dimension. This false equivalency has sometimes led to odd, fanciful, and in some cases dangerous proposals. This paper argues that worker centers, the Fight for $15, and unions operate in distinct and different arenas of power and constitute challenges to different power brokers. It is also clear that they do not use distint types of power but that they use multiple forms of power. It is fundamental that a social movement for workers’ rights needs activity in all arenas of power.
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Müller, Nora, Klaus Pforr, and Oshrat Hochman. "The non-linear relationship between parental wealth and children’s post- secondary transitions in Germany." Soziale Welt 71, no. 3 (2020): 268–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0038-6073-2020-3-268.
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Our paper addresses the relationship between parental wealth and children’s post-secondary transitions. More specifically, we contrast the likelihood of children with an upper secondary degree to make a transition into further education or the labor market with their likelihood to stay inactive, i.e., to engage neither in further education nor in labor market activity (NEET) after leaving school for the first time. While previous research argues that there is a general positive association between parental wealth and children’s educational and occupational transitions, we argue that for children of wealthy parents, this association might be weaker or even negative. Our study focuses on Germany, where wealth has a weak correlation with the traditional measures of parental socio-economic background. For our empirical analyses, we apply data from the German Socio-Economic Panel Study (SOEP) and use binary logistic regression models for discrete-time event history analyses. Although not statistically significant, our results show that the relationship between parental wealth and children’s post-secondary transitions is not linear. Our study contributes to previous research by providing a detailed examination of the potential mechanisms underlying the relationship between parental wealth and children’s post-secondary transitions.
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Berest, I. R. "Lviv printings general professional assosiation of mutual assistance in 1856-1867. Analysis of activity." Науково-теоретичний альманах "Грані" 21, no. 11 (December 27, 2018): 6–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/1718146.
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The attempt to analyze and show the important role of Lviv printers and to describe their role in the development of Galician society has been made in the article. This attempt has been made on the basis of documents, the principle of historicism, scientific and objective approach. The importance and problematic of the comprehensive study of the oldest history of the creation, formation and development of Lviv printers’ professional co-operation of mutual assistance has been highlighted, and the history and activities of this organization in stages have been described. In general, trade unions emerged as an independent united self-defense organizations and they were formed in the form of workers’ associations and mutual assistance funds. During the first half of the nineteenth century the crystallization of the activities of trade unions happened under the influence of various measures, hold by the administrations, the police and the authorities. This contributed to the further unification of labor and the creation of all-city union of printers in Lviv. It is quite logical that the basis of their actions was their desire to achieve and get the working solidarity, mutual support and assistance. The activities of the trade union were regulated by the statutes. First of all, the purpose of the establishment and operation of the organization was socio-economic, cultural and educational ones. Those purposes were approved by the relevant state authorities and, thus, prevented trade unions from participating in political life.The short period of the 1860-1880s can be considered to be a separate stage in the process of the formation of the mass trade union movement in Galicia. Together with the trade unions of printers, settlers, brokers, masons, carpenters, builders, tanneries, metal workers, doctors, pharmacists, tradesmen, postmen, civil servants, lawyers and many others united and became active partners of the region.The problem, which has been investigated in the article, has a valuable scientific significance as it allows to solve one of the most important issues: to get the historical understanding of activities of Lviv trade union organizations, which have not been thoroughly studied yet.
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Robinson, Shirleene. "Queensland Labor and Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Intersex and Queer Policy." Queensland Review 18, no. 2 (2011): 207–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1375/qr.18.2.207.
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Since the Australian Labor Party came to power in Queensland in 1989, social attitudes towards the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, intersex and queer (LGBTIQ) community have undergone significant change. In 1989, the decriminalisation of male-to-male homosexuality was the subject of intense debate, even within the ALP, which ultimately put forward the legislation. Today, policies have evolved considerably, with the Queensland ALP endorsing gay marriage and Anna Bligh, the current Queensland Labor Premier, releasing a YouTube video for the ‘It Gets Better’ campaign to give hope to LGBT youth experiencing harassment and perhaps contemplating suicide. During Labor's time in power, apart from the decriminalisation of male-to-male sexual activity, same-sex relationship laws have been reformed, altruistic surrogacy has been introduced and the presumption of lesbian parenthood has been extended. Some areas of LGBTIQ policy are still being contested, however, with debates surrounding civil unions, an equal age of consent and the existence of the ‘gay panic’ defence continuing. This article considers the progression and limits of these policies and areas of LGBTIQ reform that are still being disputed.
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Cleeland Knight, Sarah. "Divested Interests: Globalization and the New Politics of Exchange Rates." Business and Politics 12, no. 2 (August 2010): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1469-3569.1297.
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The globalization of production and finance is responsible for much of the variation in political contestation over exchange rates since the end of Bretton Woods. On the one hand, globalization increases the salience of the policy decisions that affect exchange rates, as more firms and their workers engage more in international trade and compete more against imports. On the other hand, globalization offers firms a myriad of opportunities to manage their exchange rate risk, through operational and financial hedging. But hedging is available to only certain types of economic actors and in certain situations of exchange rate risk. In this way, globalization has redrawn traditional political cleavages on exchange rates. This argument is tested with an original survey of US firms, labor unions, and trade associations on their preferences and political activity on exchange rate policy.
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Mosneaga, Valeriu. "Republic of Moldova: Diaspora and Diaspora Policy." Slovak Journal of Political Sciences 14, no. 2 (March 1, 2014): 150–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/sjps-2014-0007.
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Abstract Republic of Moldova: Diaspora and Diaspora policy. In this article the Moldovan Diaspora and Moldova’s policy regarding Diasporas phenomena are researched. The historical and the contemporary contexts of formation of Moldovan Diasporas are revealed. The roles of Moldovan citizens’ labor migration, as well as the formation of Moldovan communities and Diasporas abroad are analyzed. The main directions of Moldova’s Diaspora policy are shown: visa free regime and readmission; mobility and circular migration; juridical and social protection of Moldovan migrants abroad; the return and reintegration of Moldovan labor migrants into their homeland’s society. The role of state bodies in the development and implementation of migration policies on a national level is analyzed; the institutional changes and role of the Bureau for the Relations with Diaspora in the coordination of Moldovan state structures’ activity towards working with the Moldovan Diaspora is demonstrated. The role of non-state actors (migrant associations, Diaspora congresses, the church, trade unions, and other) in maintaining of language, culture, traditions, Moldovan identity, in the social and economical development, and Moldova’s cooperation with the accepting country are revealed. The state’s activity in protecting and respecting the political, socioeconomical, and cultural rights of Moldovan emigrants is characterized
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Bate, Bernard. "“To persuade them into speech and action”: Oratory and the Tamil Political, Madras, 1905–1919." Comparative Studies in Society and History 55, no. 1 (January 2013): 142–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417512000618.
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AbstractAll the elements of twentieth-century politics in Tamilnadu cohere in 1918–1919: human and natural rights, women's rights, the labor movement, linguistic nationalism, and even the politics of caste reservation. Much has been written of how this politics was mediated by newspapers, handbills, and chapbooks, and the dominant narrative of such events privileges the circulation of print and print culture of vernacular language. This paper explores the relatively lesser-known story of the role and impact of vernacular oratory on the development of the mass political in Tamilnadu from the Swadeshi movement (1905–1908) to the formation of labor unions (1917–1919), and the explicit attempt to persuade non-elites into speech, action, and ultimately politics. I argue that Tamil oratory was an infrastructural element in the production of the political, at least the political as we understand it in twentieth-century Tamilnadu, where oratory became the defining activity of political practice. When elites made the conscious move to begin addressing the common man, when Everyman was called to join into the political, a new agency was formed along with a new definition of what politics would look like. The paper considers what such new agency and definitions entail in pursuit of a better understanding of what constitutes the political generally and the Tamil political in particular.
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Weber, Max. "German Sociological Association Activity Report." Sotsiologicheskoe Obozrenie / Russian Sociological Review 21, no. 2 (2022): 131–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1728-192x-2022-2-131-148.
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This publication is the first Russian translation of Max Weber’s keynote address at the First Conference of the German Sociological Association (DGS) held at the Academy of Social and Commercial Sciences in Frankfurt, Germany, from October 19–22, 1910. At the first session on the morning of October 20, he delivered the business report of the German Sociological Association that had been founded in Berlin the year before. Weber was given the floor as a chairman of the auditing board immediately after the opening speech The Pathways and Objectives of Sociology by the Association’s president, Ferdinand Tönnies. In the conference transcript, Weber’s presentation is referred to as the DGS “Business Report”, though it is essentially the classic’s attempt to delineate a framework research program for the then-institutionalizing German sociology. At the outset, Weber talks about the principles of the Association’s activity as exemplified in its charter. First of all, he refers to the imperative of value neutrality, a central tenet to all Weberian sociology implying a purely scientific focus, i.e., free from political, ethical and other evaluations of scholarly interest in the subject. Additionally, he emphasizes the pragmatic nature of the DGS, since it is not a purely status-based association of academic “nobility”. In the main part of the paper, Weber discusses the specific clusters of topics that the Association has chosen to study as its priorities, including the sociology of the media, the sociology of unions and public associations, and the sociology of key professions in modern society. The scholar concludes by speaking about the DGS financial situation, and its general dependence on promoting a culture of scholarly sponsorship patterned after the American model.
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Schaupp, Simon. "Technopolitics from Below: A Framework for the Analysis of Digital Politics of Production." NanoEthics 15, no. 1 (April 2021): 71–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11569-021-00386-8.
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AbstractThis article develops a multi-level framework for the analysis of a bottom-up politics of technology at the workplace. It draws on a multi-case study on algorithmic management of manual labor in manufacturing and delivery platforms in Germany. In researching how workers influenced the use of algorithmic management systems, the concept of technopolitics is developed to refer to three different arenas of negotiation: (1) the arena of regulation, where institutional framings of technologies in production are negotiated, typically between state actors, employers’ associations, and unions. (2) The arena of implementation, where strategies of technology deployment are negotiated—in the German production model typically between management and works council. (3) The arena of appropriation, in which different organizational technocultures offer contesting schemes for the actual use of technology at work. Whereas most recent research on digitalization of work conceptualizes workers as mere objects of digitalization processes, this paper focuses on worker agency as a “technopolitics from below.” It thus demonstrates how workers influence the concrete outcome of digitalization projects.
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Shvets, Yu I. "BANKS’ SUPERVISORY BOARDS: COMPARATIVE LEGAL ANALYSIS OF THE LEGISLATION OF UKRAINE AND GERMANY." Economics and Law, no. 3 (October 22, 2020): 43–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/econlaw.2020.03.043.
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The article is devoted to a comprehensive study of German legislation regarding the right regulation of the work of supervisory boards of joint stock companies — banks. During the writing of the article, the main legislative acts of Germany, the current version of which was published on the official website of the Federal Ministry of Justice and Consumer Protection (Bundesministeriums der Justiz und für Verbraucherschutz), were studied and analyzed, as well as scientific articles by German scientists and practitioners. Corporate legislation of Germany is compared with the legislation of Ukraine regarding the legal regulation of the activity of banks, which are joint stock companies. It is established that the banking activity should be performed by a legal entity in the form of a joint stock company. The two-tier system of governance with supervisory boards and executive boards, as well as a clear division of powers of management and control between these bodies, must be mandatory for banks. Suggestions were made on the possibility of electing not only shareholders and independent directors, but also other bank stakeholders, to the Supervisory Boards, in particular the election of employees, trade unions and, as a consequence, strengthening the influence of the labor collective on the management of the company. Emphasis is placed on the existence in German corporate law of provisions allowing the election, in certain cases, of members of the supervisory boards in court for the application of the list of persons defined by law. It is concluded that such practice is not practicable in Ukraine at this time due to the lack of speed of court proceedings and the possibility of unfair actions to influence the joint stock company on this basis. It is proposed to provide a mechanism for appealing the decisions of the Supervisory Board by the company Executive Board. The implementation of these innovations could strengthen the system of checks and balances in the management of the bank, namely to ensure mutual control of the supervisory board and the executive board of the bank, as well as to make it impossible (to prevent) the possibility of making decisions that could lead to negative consequences in the activity of the bank. There are a number of other statements and suggestions that can be used in further legislative work to improve the legal regulation of corporate governance in Ukraine.
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Ferguson, John-Paul, Thomas Dudley, and Sarah A. Soule. "Osmotic Mobilization and Union Support during the Long Protest Wave, 1960–1995." Administrative Science Quarterly 63, no. 2 (June 8, 2017): 441–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0001839217715618.
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To examine whether and how social movements that target private firms are influenced by larger protest cycles, we theorize about osmotic mobilization—social movement spillover that crosses the boundary of the firm—and how it should vary with the ideological overlap of the relevant actors and the opportunity structure that potential activists face inside the firm. We test our hypotheses by examining the relationship between levels of protest in U.S. cities around issues like Civil Rights, the Vietnam War, and the women’s movement and subsequent support for labor-union organizing in those cities. Combining nationally representative data on more than 20,000 protest events from 1960 to 1995 with data on more than 150,000 union organizing drives held from 1965 to 1999, we find that greater levels of protest activity are associated with greater union support, that spillover accrued disproportionately to unions with more progressive track records on issues like Civil Rights, and that these effects were disproportionately large in the wake of mobilization around employment-related causes and shrank in the wake of conservative political reaction that limited room for maneuver among the external protesters, the labor movement, or both. Our research helps to specify the channels through which external pressures affect firm outcomes.
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Kim, Dongnyoung, Inchoel Kim, Thomas M. Krueger, and Omer Unsal. "The influence of CEO political ideology on labor relations and firm value." Managerial Finance 47, no. 9 (April 29, 2021): 1300–1319. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/mf-09-2020-0471.
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PurposeThis article aims to examine the influence of chief executive officer (CEO) internal political beliefs on labor relations. Prior research has paid little attention to channels through which the internal personal value system of managers enhances or deteriorates firm value. The authors provide evidence consistent with CEOs adopting labor policies impacting incumbent management–labor relationships based upon their political ideologies.Design/methodology/approachThe research design tests the impact of CEO political ideology on labor relation using an individual CEO’s personal information and firm affiliation, employee lawsuit information, financial contributions to candidates and committees, and firm financial information. The authors compiled a sample of 4,354 unique CEOs from 2,558 US firms that are covered by ExecuComp and used 18,404 firm-year observations for the study’s analysis. A Heckman two-stage estimation process is used to address a potential sample selection bias and match the requirements of exclusion and relevance criteria.FindingsFindings indicate that firms led by Republican-leaning CEOs are more likely to be sued by their employees, especially for violating union rights. Moreover, the findings of the study uncovered that Republican-leaning CEOs have fewer cases dismissed or withdrawn compared to Democrat-leaning CEOs and are also less likely to settle court cases prior to trial. Results indicate that Republican-leaning CEOs are associated with more substantial decreases in firm value compared to Democrat-leaning CEOs when facing labor allegations. The authors further show that firm value is lower for all firms facing litigation, with the magnitude of the decrease being more pronounced for firms with Republican CEOs.Research limitations/implicationsFirm affiliations are identified using ExecuComp, employee lawsuit information from the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB), financial contributions to candidates and committees from the Federal Election Committee (FEC) website, and financial information from Compustat. To the extent that these websites are inaccurate, such as financial contributions being underreported, the findings reported here may understate the relationships reported in this article.Practical implicationsThe authors capture CEO political ideology using political contributions. There may be other means, such as physical space and personal effort, by which one could also estimate the party and intensity of CEO political ideology. This information is unavailable.Social implicationsWhile presidential politics has four-year cycles, managerial finance is a daily activity. While political affiliation is most clearly measurable through monetary contributions, one can see implications of manager political leaning through their relationship with labor throughout the election cycle.Originality/valueThe analyses of this study indicate that labor unions are more likely to sponsor lawsuits and stronger allegations in firms with Republican CEOs and show that withdrawal, settlement or dismissal rates are lower when firms are managed by Republican managers, resulting in higher subsequent legal costs and potentially damaged employee morale. Also, this paper investigates whether lawsuits have a greater negative consequence on firm value when the firm is run by a Republican CEO. The authors find that lawsuits significantly lower Tobin's Q for Republican-led firms compared to companies with Democratic and apolitical CEOs. The authors further show that firm value is lower for all firms facing litigation, with the magnitude of the decrease being more pronounced for firms with Republican CEOs.
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ZHDANOVA, L. L. "INSTITUTIONS FOR DEVELOPMENT IN SOCIO-ECONOMIC SYSTEM OF MODERN UKRAINE." Economic innovations 22, no. 1(74) (March 20, 2020): 72–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.31520/ei.2020.22.1(74).72-79.
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Topicality. The actuality of problem is due to the fact that over the years of the Ukrainian economy transformation, market institutions have been created, and development institutions have not.
Aim and tasks. The aim of the study is to identify the basic institutions that promote development, and to study the specificity of their functioning in modern Ukraine. Research results. Research shows that in the institutional system of developed countries, the main social institution that initiates progress of the economy is trade union. Trade unions are seeking for a wage increase that encourages employers to introduce in their enterprises inventions that supplant labour, to raise the technical level of their companies. The creation of such trade unions in modern Ukraine is difficult, because this institutional niche is already occupied by trade unions inherited from the Soviet system, where they did not solve the problems of labour cost and working time, their activities were limited to mass cultural work. This is what they continue to do in modern Ukraine. This conclusion is based on a study of the status of collective labour disputes, wage arrears and real wage movements for the period 2013-2018. Comparison of these indicators shows that with a marked fall in real wages and rising debt, protest activity in the labour market did not increase. Ukrainian labour collectives very rarely use such form of resolution of labour conflicts as a strike. Despite the deterioration of the financial status of workers during this period, even the number of hours not worked on average per worker involved in the strike is insignificant. And in 2017, when statistics recorded the maximum number of businesses and organizations that went on strike, that is, 23, the average number of hours not worked per strike worker was only 66. Note that in 2015, extreme in terms of deterioration of the financial status of persons employed, the number of unresolved labour disputes decreased to a minimum value of 34.8% for the whole studied period. It is also significant that only one collective labour dispute was resolved in 2013 and one in 2015 as a result of the strike. Such paradoxical evidence that the deterioration of the financial position of workers, the growth of unresolved labor conflicts and demands of workers does not lead to an intensification of the struggle of trade unions and the radicalization of their actions, indicate that trade unions behave is radically different from the way known in developed countries. Economic development largely depends not only on economic institutions but also on political ones. Political parties are the most important among them. Political parties in Ukraine have not yet formed as ideological organizations. This has made political parties such a social institution that has little influence on economic development. Thus, in the modern institutional system of Ukraine, the main social institutions, that are trade unions and political parties, have little influence on economic development. Сinclusion. Changes in the institutional system are possible only if there are social forces interested in such changes and able to implement them.
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Cherkashyna, T. "Generalization of the scientific approaches to the defining of socio-economic essence and structure of labor market." Galic'kij ekonomičnij visnik 74, no. 1 (2022): 39–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.33108/galicianvisnyk_tntu2022.01.039.
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The article is devoted to the generalization of scientific approaches to the defining of socio-economic essence and structure of labor market. It has been revealed that in modern economic science there are three main groups of approaches to the defining of socio-economic essence and structure of labor market that are classical, Keynesian and institutional. According to classical approaches to the defining of socio-economic essence and structure of labor market (J. Clark, F. Hayek, R. Holl, D. Gilder, М. Fedstain, І. Fisher, М. Friedman, A. Marshall, C. Marx, А. Pigu, E. Phelps, А. Smith, D. Ricardo) competition on the labor market excludes emergence of forced unemployment and dynamic of interest rate. Elasticity of the relationship between prices ans wages provide full employment in the economy. According to key statements of Keynesian economic theory (D. Bogynia, Е. Domar, І. Grabynska, J. Hicks, J. Keynes, М. Lihachev, R. Harrod) demand on labor does not form supply on it but, on the contrary, effective aggregate demand increase in aggregate supply, including supply on labor, so reaching of equilibrium on the labor market must be provided by a government. In other words, representatives of Keynesian concept proved idea about need of active government intervention in the economy, including state regulation of labor market, and determined taxes and expenditure as key instruments of fiscal policy to fight unemployment. According to institutional approaches (J. Commons, R. Couz, О. Grishnova, Т. Kyrian, U. Мitchell, S. Panchyshyn, A. Reeves, D. Stuckler, D. Zoidze) dynamic of labor market is determined by development of some industries, activity of trade unions, interaction between different social and professional groups as well as traditions that exist in any region or country. In addition, representatives of Institutionalism put forward an idea about need of state regulation of labor market using mechanism of unemployment insurance, concluding permanent contracts between employers and employees concerning salary, perks, compensation package, social benefits, paid leave and flexible working arrangements. Summing up all viewpoints above, it has been proposed author’s definition of labor market that is regarded a system of economic, political and social relations that characterize level of development and agreement of economic subjects’ needs of buying and selling of labor force.
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Cherkashyna, T. "Generalization of the scientific approaches to the defining of socio-economic essence and structure of labor market." Galic'kij ekonomičnij visnik 74, no. 1 (2022): 39–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.33108/galicianvisnyk_tntu2022.01.039.
Full textAbstract:
The article is devoted to the generalization of scientific approaches to the defining of socio-economic essence and structure of labor market. It has been revealed that in modern economic science there are three main groups of approaches to the defining of socio-economic essence and structure of labor market that are classical, Keynesian and institutional. According to classical approaches to the defining of socio-economic essence and structure of labor market (J. Clark, F. Hayek, R. Holl, D. Gilder, М. Fedstain, І. Fisher, М. Friedman, A. Marshall, C. Marx, А. Pigu, E. Phelps, А. Smith, D. Ricardo) competition on the labor market excludes emergence of forced unemployment and dynamic of interest rate. Elasticity of the relationship between prices ans wages provide full employment in the economy. According to key statements of Keynesian economic theory (D. Bogynia, Е. Domar, І. Grabynska, J. Hicks, J. Keynes, М. Lihachev, R. Harrod) demand on labor does not form supply on it but, on the contrary, effective aggregate demand increase in aggregate supply, including supply on labor, so reaching of equilibrium on the labor market must be provided by a government. In other words, representatives of Keynesian concept proved idea about need of active government intervention in the economy, including state regulation of labor market, and determined taxes and expenditure as key instruments of fiscal policy to fight unemployment. According to institutional approaches (J. Commons, R. Couz, О. Grishnova, Т. Kyrian, U. Мitchell, S. Panchyshyn, A. Reeves, D. Stuckler, D. Zoidze) dynamic of labor market is determined by development of some industries, activity of trade unions, interaction between different social and professional groups as well as traditions that exist in any region or country. In addition, representatives of Institutionalism put forward an idea about need of state regulation of labor market using mechanism of unemployment insurance, concluding permanent contracts between employers and employees concerning salary, perks, compensation package, social benefits, paid leave and flexible working arrangements. Summing up all viewpoints above, it has been proposed author’s definition of labor market that is regarded a system of economic, political and social relations that characterize level of development and agreement of economic subjects’ needs of buying and selling of labor force.
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Kwon, Hyeong-ki. "The German Model Reconsidered." German Politics and Society 20, no. 4 (December 1, 2002): 48–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503002782385336.
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The German model of political economy that had been an enviablealternative to the liberal market until the late 1980s in the literature ofpolitical economy was under serious structural crisis throughout the1990s, causing serious doubts about its viability. Many neoliberalsand industrial experts in Germany began to doubt whether Germanywas an attractive place for business activity, initiating the StandortDeutschland debate. Even German Chancellor Gerhard Schröder conceded“the end of German model.”1 Many political economists andjournalists expected and recommended imitating the Americanmodel of a liberal market. Prominent German newspapers and magazinessuch as the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, Der Spiegel, and DieWoche ran articles titled “The Discovery of America” and “Jobwunderin Amerika.” Wolfgang Streeck, one of the main proponents of theGerman model, expected the convergence of the German economytoward an American-led liberal market economy under globalizationbecause of “a secular exhaustion of the German model.” Streeckbelieved that the postwar German model was based on the politicsbetween labor and capital within a national boundary, but globalizationrepresents a fluidity of financial and labor markets that extricateswhatever coordination has been nationally accomplished.
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Steinmetz, George. "Field Theory and Interdisciplinarity: History and Sociology in Germany and France during the Twentieth Century." Comparative Studies in Society and History 59, no. 2 (April 2017): 477–514. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417517000111.
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AbstractThis article develops a theory of interdisciplinarity and examines relations between historians and sociologists in Germany and France over the course of the twentieth century, focusing in on several key moments of interdisciplinary activity. Interdisciplinary engagements are motivated by scholarly problems, field-specific interests and battles, and pressures and inducements coming from states, businesses, and scientific institutions. Analysis of the most productive moments of cross-disciplinary interaction suggests that they occur when disciplines are equal in power and when scholars are motivated by scholarly problems and disciplinary conflicts to move beyond their disciplines. More generative forms of interdisciplinarity are dialogic and processual, characterized by a fusion of perspectives; less productive forms are externally induced, involve asymmetrical partners, and are organized around division of disciplinary labor rather than an interpenetration of perspectives. The most productive interdisciplinary conjunctures result from serendipitous resonances and contingent synchronicities between subfields of semi-autonomous disciplines. It is thus impossible to produce the most fruitful forms of interdisciplinarity deliberately. The article examines three cases of symmetrical, processual interdisciplinarity involving sociology and history. Two of these cases were located in the French academic field, first between the wars, and then again after 1980. The other case of dialogic collaboration between historians and sociologists begins in Nazi Germany and continues after 1945 into the 1960s, leading to the formation of West GermanHistorische Sozialwissenschaft. Examples of unbalanced interdisciplinarity include German “History-Sociology” during the Weimar Republic, in which sociologists’ opening to history was not reciprocated by professional historians andHistorische Sozialwissenschaftafter 1970.
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Stelmasiak, Izabela. "Polityczna i pedagogiczna aktywność Janusza Jędrzejewicza na emigracji (1939–1951)." Biuletyn Historii Wychowania, no. 25 (March 6, 2019): 33–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/bhw.2009.25.3.
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The exile years of Janusz Jędrzejewicz (1939-1951), a prominent and reputed educator of the inter-war Poland, deserve much of our attention. After the outbreak of the war, Jędrzejewicz initially took some effort to return to active military duty but these attempts failed to be successful. Along with the evacuation of the government, the Jędrzejewiczs had to leave Poland for Romania and had to remain there as exiles. Dull, everyday routine in exile in Romania was interspersed with Jędrzejewicz’s involvement in teaching maths and in meetings with fellow exiles, the followers of Józef Piłsudzki. The years from July 1940 until the end of the year, Jędrzejewicz and his family spent in Turkey. In the dire straits he was in at the time, to minimize stress and inconvenience in housing, he managed to find some balance and relief in his political and social activity. Jędrzejewicz managed to establish contacts with other exiles, notably Tatar, Caucasian and Ukrainian exiles. As a result of the meetings with the non-Polish émigrés, the concept of the so-called “Międzymorze – Intermarum”, a proposed federation of countries stretching from the Baltic Sea to the Black Sea, emerged. The years between 1940 and 1942 Jędzerzejowicz and his family spent in Tel-Aviv in Palestine. The local Polish political and military circles were closely associated with former “colonels” and Gen. Sławoj-Składkowski’s supporters and were labelled as “steadfast” or “unyielding”. In a straightforward way, the leadership of this group fell to Jędrzejewicz as the one who was the highest ranking Pilsudski-ite among them. The group became the core of the political movement founded upon a concept that underlined the ideas of the late marshal and represented their supporters in the Near East. Jędrzejewicz was very active in writing articles on social and political subjects and in giving lectures, including notably the one delivered on March 19, 1941 and entitled “On the occasion of the anniversary of the name day of First Marshal of Poland” He was also involved in talks with leaders of local Jewish and Arabic population. The presented concept of “Intermarum” was received with interest by politicians in exile from the Baltics, Slovakia, the Czech Republic and Hungary. It also formed an alternative to the realpolitik exercised by the government in exile.An important initiative of the group of the Pilsudski-ites was to publish Biuletyn Informacyjny (News Bulletin), and then to transform it into the official monthly Na Straży (On guard). The editor-in-chief of the periodical was Jędrzejewicz himself (from issue 18th onwards). In the course of time, still in Tel-Aviv and Jerusalem, the Piłsudski-ite groups grew more and more members. These circles, physically far from the government in exile in London and its influence, were thus more independent and formed a sort of a mutation and an alternative to the London-based Związek Pracy Państwowej (State Labour Union). Under the leadership of Janusz Jędrzejewicz, the Piłsudzki-ites in Palestine organized themselves in Związek Pracy dla Państwa (Union of Work for the State). The Polish political scene in exile was going through many dramatic changes and transformations. Political tension was aggravated further by Prof. Kot’s action who had returned from the Soviet Union in mid-1942. He perceived the activity of some of Polish exiles in the Near East as politically detrimental and anti-government. As for Prof Kot’s intense dislike for Jędrzejewicz, it was guided by the two following reasons: the latter’s influence in circles overtly reluctant to accept the stance adopted by the government represented by Gen. Sikorski, and, secondly, his personal grudge and resentment towards the former minister of religious affairs and education (Polish: MriOP). The political situation of the years 1944-1946 was decisive in creating the atmosphere less negative and more cooperative, and ultimately led to the emergence of the idea of a common platform for reconciliation and understanding for all splinter groups of Piłsudski followers. The common denominator for all was to be the Independence League, a political party in exile, of which, until 1947, Jędrzejewicz knew very little about. From 1942 the Jędrzejewiczs lived in Jerusalem, where they enjoyed good rapport and relations with local Arab leaders. Despite some health problems, Jędrzejewicz engaged himself in a series of lectures and continued to edit the periodical Na Straży. Soon, however, he was forced to step down this post due to aggravating health problems. Towards the end of 1946, the former prime minister was transferred to the reserve. This helped Jędrzejewicz to obtain a decision to be moved to Great Britain. Before he left Jerusalem, however, he spent half a year with his family in harsh conditions of El Kantara field hospital, which was also a transit camp for war refugees. The circles of the London-based Pilsudski-ites were very much counting on Jędrzejewicz’s Związek Pracy dla Państwa. The promoters of the Independence League also viewed the former prime minister, who was a one-time trustworthy aide to Marshal Piłsudski, as their potential leader. Jędrzejewicz himself was quite aware of his assets and the position he enjoyed within the hierarchy of values as a Piłsudski-ite and, despite bad health, was ready to support the League. In the first half of 1948, with the help of Jędrzejewicz, the fundamentals of the political program of the Poland’s Independence League were established. However, the following infightings and quarrels as to who was to head the League made Jędrzejewicz step down from the position of the leader of the League. From that time on, his activity was limited to writing articles and the participation in the work for the board of trustees of the London Piłsudski Institute. Jędrzejewicz’s last years of his life were undoubtedly influenced by his poor health (1948-1951). He was repeatedly hospitalized, which was taken advantage of by his political opponents in 1948. His physical state was very much influenced by his mental condition, which was a result the victimization and persecution he experienced between 1939-1943. An emotional shock for him was undoubtedly the news about his son who had been shot by the Germans in 1943, and the death of his former wife, Maria Stattler, in 1944. Eventually, all his energy was directed at administrative and research work. With his participation, or at his initiative, four research institutes were established at the time. The intention was to conduct historical or political science research there. Janusz Jędrzejewicz died on March 16th 1951. In exile, he was unfortunate enough to experience ostracism from fellow Poles, both as a politician and as a man. Still, he was far from shunning the world and, with dignity, he carried out his mission of executing the tasks once set by his Commander. As an exile, he was just as well a good representative of a Piłsudski-ite with a characteristic appropriate system of values that determined his life style. The ongoing internalization of the imponderables of his beloved Commander was though respected in the multi-faceted realities of Polish exile life.
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Toshevska-Trpchevska, Katerina, Elena Makrevska Disoska, Dragan Tevdovski, and Viktor Stojkoski. "The Impact of a Crisis on the Innovation Systems in Europe: Evidence from the CIS10 Innovation Survey." European Review 27, no. 4 (July 1, 2019): 543–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798719000218.
Full textAbstract:
The varieties of the national innovation systems among European countries are reflected in the large differences, discrepancies and sometimes unexpected results in the innovation processes and their influence on labor productivity growth. The goal of this paper is to find the differences between the drivers of the innovation systems and their influence on growth of productivity between two groups of countries with different institutional settings in the period of the financial and economic crisis in Europe. The first group consists of a selection of CEE (Central and East European) countries. The second group consists of Germany, Norway, Spain and Portugal. In order to measure the role of innovation on productivity growth we use the CDM (Crépon, Duguet and Mairesse) model of simultaneous equations. The model directly links R&D engagement and intensity to innovation outcomes measured either as process or product innovation, and then estimates the effectiveness of the innovative effort leading to productivity gains. The company-level dataset is drawn from the Community Innovation Survey (CIS10). There is one common result for the two groups, that in general the probability for a typical firm to engage in innovation increases with its size. The other factors influencing the decision process differ. A firm’s productivity increases significantly with innovation output, but only with firms operating in Western Europe. The results for firms in Central and Eastern Europe indicate that these countries’ national innovation systems are vulnerable, and in periods of crises higher level of innovation output leads to lower labor productivity. Therefore, systemic faults in the national innovation systems result in their unsustainability, especially visible in periods of crises, as was the case in 2008–2010. When it comes to Western European countries, the financial and economic crisis did not have negative effects on their innovation systems as innovation activity resulted in higher levels of labor productivity. Regarding the CEE group of countries, the crisis influenced both the innovation process and labor productivity as a whole negatively.
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Smits, Jozef. "De spreiding van betogingen in België." Res Publica 37, no. 1 (March 31, 1995): 35–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v37i1.18691.
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In this article the spread of demonstrations - a political activity that situates itself in the middle on the scale of conventional - unconventional political action - is studied. The rare survey of the effective participation in demonstrations in Belgium shows that it is rather high. An extensive minority of some 20 to 25% ofthe Belgians declares to have participated in a demonstration. These figures modify the image of the passive, indifferent citizen that research of conventional political participation has shown. The spread of the participation in demonstrations according to age and professional activity, moreover, differs from the pattern found in conventional participation. Demonstrating is typical behaviour of the younger age-categories and therefore of students, but also of farmers, blue collar workers and lower-ranked white collar workers.From this survey follow a number of results connected to the use of demonstrations and the number of demonstrators during the period 1953-74. Related statistics indicate that the number of demonstrations and demonstrators increases, the latter not to the same extent as the farmer however. Furthermore it appears that students, labor unions and agricultural organizations have often come to the streets to enforce their demands. Thematically speaking, particularly problems related to traditional cleavages in Belgian polities have been theobject of demonstrations: ideological, socio-economic and linguistic issues. Organizations active in the area of this cleavages are able to mobilize a great number ofdemonstrators. These organizations are for the most part pillarized and structurally well-developed. Nevertheless the division between issues and organizations during the period 1953-74 has become less unequal. During the sixties and the early seventies the share of traditional cleavages in the number of demonstrations and demonstrators is becoming smaller. New organizations areusing demonstrations more and more to put new issues (environment, foreign policy, quality ofdemocracy, etc.) on the political agenda. They have, however, not the same power to mobilise as do the pillarized organizations.
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Albrecht, Lawrence G. "Symposium Editor's Introduction." Journal of Law and Religion 5, no. 2 (1987): 259–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0748081400011541.
Full textAbstract:
Valparaiso University School of Law and the Christian Legal Society annually present a symposium on a critical public issue which is examined from a variety of perspectives. Between October 28-31, 1987, a major symposium was held entitled: “Perspectives on South African Liberation.” In the light of press and other media restrictions in effect since a state of emergency was declared in South Africa on June 12, 1986, and the banning of all political activity by 17 anti-apartheid organizations on February 24, 1988, it is crucial that the world community have access to current information and analysis concerning developments in that tragic land.The Pretoria regime has renewed the state of emergency for a third year following an unprecedented three-day nationwide protest strike on June 6-8 by more than two million black workers mobilized by the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) and other anti-apartheid groups to protest the recent bannings, a proposed restrictive labor bill, the continuation of apartheid and the regime's violence. These comments are written on June 16, the 12th anniversary of the Soweto student uprising (now commonly known as South African Youth Day) as several million black workers again defied the regime by staying away from work in honor of the hundred of blacks killed following the 1976 protests against apartheid education.
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Belov, Vladislav. "German-Russian Cooperation – Challenges of 2020 and Prospects for 2021. Part 2. Economic Aspects." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 20, no. 2 (April 30, 2021): 22–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran220212233.
Full textAbstract:
In the first part of the article, the political results of 2020 and early 2021 were considered and an assessment of the medium-term prospects of German-Russian political cooperation was given. The second part is devoted to the peculiarities of economic cooperation during this period. The economy has come under the influence of restrictions on labor and capital mobility caused by the pandemic, disruptions in global supply chains, as well as negative dynamics of global commodity prices. Together, they led to a significant decrease in mutual trade. Negative processes took place against the background of a deep crisis of political confidence, the introduction of new sanctions by the EU and the US and the extension of existing sanctions. Efforts have increased to create a negative image of Russia in Germany. However, the business community of both countries managed to counter negative trends with steps aimed at stabilizing bilateral cooperation and giving it progressive development. Companies of both countries, despite negative events, did not stop their investment activity. A new area of cooperation has emerged – hydrogen energy, which should become one of the foundations for the energy transition of the EU countries to a climate-neutral economy. Interdepartmental state cooperation in the economic sphere continued. In September 2020, the results of the three-year German-Russian scientific and educational partnership were summed up. At the same time, the Year of Germany began in Russia, and in December, the common German-Russian Year of Economy and Sustainable Development. The article analyzes the features of economic cooperation, highlights the main factors that determine its content and gives a forecast of its mid-term development. Particular attention is paid to the Nord Stream 2 project.
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Ivanov, Andrey A. "Women’s Issue in the Worldview of the Russian Right-wingers in the Late Imperial Period." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 66, no. 3 (2021): 742–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2021.304.
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The paper addresses and analyzes the attitude towards women and the question of women’s rights of the Russian right-wing politicians in the early 20th century. The paper demonstrates the views of the right-wingers on the place of women in the Russian society; their attitude toward feminism and fight for women’ rights; place and role of women in the right monarchical movement. The paper introduces some new sources into the scholarship which enable to reconsider conventional viewpoints on the attitude of rightists toward the question of women’s rights and to enhance the perception of the place of this question in ideology and practice of the pre-revolutionary Russian conservatism. Based on church and patriarchal convictions, the right-wingers largely limited women’s activities by family life, but their views on the issue of women’s rights did not rule out progress in this area. Right-wingers were not opposed to extension of women’s participation in labor activity, albeit with significant reservations. Being foes of feminism and emancipation of women, they tried to shapre a negative image of women’s rights activists, connecting this fight with the revolutionary attacks on traditional social foundations and statehood. At the same time, the right-wingers were utterly alien to misogyny; they celebrated an ideal of womanhood corresponding to their conservative worldview. The right-wingers willingly admitted women into their unions, but tended to perceive them not as party activists and leaders but as a force that would quell political tension inside the monarchical movement and would primarily deal with issues of culture, philanthropy, education, and other “womanish” matters.
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LIBANOVA, E. M., and O. V. POZNIAK. "External Labor Migration from Ukraine: the Impact of COVID-19." Demography and social economy, no. 4 (December 4, 2020): 25–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/dse2020.04.025.
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The article is devoted to the assessment of the impact of COVID-19 on the tendencies of external labor migration from Ukraine. The relevance of the work is due to the limited analytical research on population migration during the pandemic. Until the beginning of 2020, changes in the formation of external labor migration flows occurred mainly under the infl uence of the internal situation in the country and the transformation of Ukraine’s political relations with certain foreign countries, but under COVID-19, the trends of external labor migration from Ukraine have changed radically for reasons independent of the socio-economic situation in Ukraine. The purpose of the article is to assess the changes in the scale of labor migration due to COVID-19 and to determine the prospects for external labor migration of Ukrainians. Relevant analytical developments became the basis for the formation of recommendations for adjusting the migration policy of Ukraine in the pandemic and post-pandemic periods. The novelty of the study is to determine the impact of COVID-19 on the parameters of external labor migration from Ukraine and to assess probable perspective future transformations of migration trends. Abstract-logical and systema tic approaches, the method of expert assessments are used in the study. The analysis of the migration situation in Ukraine in recent years is carried out, the latest changes in the directions and scales of external labor migration are identifi ed. The tendencies of international population movement aft er the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic are analyzed. Prospects for external migration of the population of Ukraine are determined. The future of this process will depend on the pace of economic recovery in Europe and the world at large and the local demand for labor from other countries. It is probable that the employment structure of Ukrainian labor migrants will change by type of activity: migrants who were not employed in agriculture before the pandemic will not resume work so soon, and those who remained in the recipient countries will try to fi nd employment in agriculture and related activities. The geography of working trips will also change, and a new reorientation of some migrants is probable — from Eastern Europe to Western Europe, especially Germany and the United Kingdom, which are far ahead of traditional Ukrainian employment countries (Poland, the Czech Republic and even Italy) in terms of wages. A key element of the policy of keeping some migrants in Ukraine is a radical non-declarative change in the state’s attitude to small and medium-sized businesses. It is necessary to involve representatives of small and medium business to public policy, including policy of withdrawal from quarantine, business support. Eff ective business support programs should also be implemented, in particular following the example of EU countries. For those migrants who, even under the best conditions, are not interested in starting a business in Ukraine, a strategy is needed to ensure that, on the one hand, these people are not lost to Ukraine, and on the other hand, to get the most out of working with the diaspora. This will help both to improve the situation in the economy and to improve the image and strengthen Ukraine’s infl uence in the world.
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Wåhlin, Vagn. "Folkelige og sociale bevægelser. Nyere forskningsretninger og kvalitative forståelser." Grundtvig-Studier 54, no. 1 (January 1, 2003): 7–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/grs.v54i1.16435.
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Folkelige og sociale bevagelser. Nyere forskningsretninger og kvalitative forstaelser[Popular and Social Movements. Recent Research Approaches and Qualitative Interpretations]By Vagn WahlinHowever fascinating Grundtvig himself is as a central figure in 19th century Denmark, we, the citizens of the Third Millennium, have to ask why and how he is also interesting today and how his word, work and influence spread. Part of the answer to that fundamental question lies in the fact that he was the right man at the right place at the right time, with the right tidings to tell some clergymen and many peasant farmers on their dominant, middle size, family farms that they were the core of the nation. But part of the answer is to be found in the fact that his followers managed to elevate him to the influencing position as an inspirer and prophet of a broad popular movement that lasted for generations after his death. This popular, national and Christian movement of the Grundtvigians interacted in the social and political development of more than a hundred years with the other broad popular and ideological movements of Denmark such as the Labour Movement, the more Evangelical movement of the Home Mission, the Temperance movements, the Suffragists and women’s organizations, the associations of the world of sport, the political and youth organizations, etc. They were all active on the local level and soon also on the national level and, from the 1880s and onwards, established more firm organizations and institutions to deal with practical matters such as schools, boy scouts, community houses, soccer stadiums, magazines, newspapers, political associations, trade unions, as well as organized economic and anticapitalistic activities by co-operative dairies, breweries, slaughterhouses, export companies etc. As long as the agrarian sector of society (until around 1960-1970) dominated the national export to pay for the large import of society, that pattern of popular movements, also in the urban industry, influenced most of Danish history and life - and is still most influential in today’s post-modern society.During absolutism (1660-1848), organized social activities and associations were forbidden or strictly controlled. Yet a growing and organized public debate appeared in Copenhagen in late 18th century, followed by literary and semi-political associations amongst the enlightened, urban bourgeoisie. Around 1840 the liberals had organized themselves into urban associations and through newspapers. They were ready to take over the power of the society and the state, but could only do so through an alliance with the peasant farmers in 1846 followed by the German uprising in 1848 by the liberals in Schleswig-Holstein.In Denmark there existed a rather distinct dividing line - economic, cultural, social and in terms of political power - between two dominant sectors of society: Copenhagen, totally dominant in the urban sector, in contrast to the agrarian world, where 80% of the population lived.In the urban as well as in the agrarian sectors of society, the movements mostly appeared to be a local protest against some modernization or innovative introductions felt as a threat to religious or material interests - except for a few cases, where the state wanted an enlightened debate as in the Royal Agrarian Society of 1769. Whether the said local protesters won or lost, their self organization in the matter could lead to a higher degree of civil activity, which again could lead to the spread of their viewpoints and models of early organization. The introduction of civil liberties by the Constitution of 1849 made it more easy and acceptable for the broad masses of society to organize. However, with the spread of organizations and their institutions in the latter part of the 19th century, an ethical and social understanding arose that the power of the organized citizens should be extended from the special or vested interests of the founding group to the benefit of the whole of society and of all classes.So everybody who contributes positively, little or much, to the upholding and development of Danish society should be benefited and embraced by the popular movements. Around 1925 the Labour Movement as the last and largest in number and very influential had finally accepted that ethical point of view and left the older understanding of the suppressed army of toiling and hungry workers. The people, the ‘folk’, and the country of all classes had then been united into ‘Danmark for folket’ (a Denmark o f by and fo r the people).So while a social movement may be an organization of mere protest or vested interests or a short-lived phenomena, a ‘folkelig bevagelse’ (popular movement) became what it was at first - in the understanding of the majority of the Danes, but not in the eyes of the 19th century bourgeois and landowner elite - a positive label. It is still so today, though it is now questioned by many of the more internationally-minded members of the new elite. The word ‘folk’ in the term ‘folkelig bevagelse’ is so highly valued that nearly all political parties of today have included it in their names. For the majority of people, Danish and popular and movements stand for the organized societal activity of those who accept the language, history, culture including religion, landscapes, national symbols, etc. of Denmark and who incorporate all this as a valid part of their self-understanding just as they actively take part in the mutual responsibility for their fellow countrymen. This general attitude is most clearly demonstrated when it is severely breached by some individual or group.With the addition of the Church and the Christian dimension, we have what is the essence of Grundtvig’s heritage. Without this source of inspiration, the popular movements up to a generation ago would have been different and perhaps of less importance, and without the popular movements, Grundtvig’s influence would have been less important in Denmark of the last hundred years. We may best understand this as a process of mutual dependency and of a mutual societal interaction.
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Arlyapova, E., and E. Ponomareva. "The Economy of Self-Declared Kosovo." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 4 (2021): 58–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-4-58-70.
Full textAbstract:
Received 30.10.2020. Intensification of the final resolving processes over the Kosovo issue made it necessary to pay closer attention to social and economic features of the self-declared polity, which are often underestimated losing scores in favor of political, not economical, agenda. With emphasis on the most recent data (2015–2020), Kosovo official statistics, international and local organizations, mass media materials, with high involvement of interviews and surveys conducted during working trips to the Balkan region, and long-term observations, this paper is urged to remove this gap and to answer the question of economic independence and viability, directly concerned with the fundamental matter of sovereignty. Despite the thesis on favorable starting conditions in a form of abundance of various natural resources and ready-made industrial base, widely used in public rhetoric during separatist movement, the words have mostly remained just words – no significant structural changes have taken place in Kosovo’s economy since its self-declared independence in 2008. Reports reflect some increase of economic activity since 2015, but in almost all key directions – administrative reform, fundamental rights, fight against corruption and organized crime, regional cooperation development, etc. – there has been a very little progress up to date. Huge informal sector, desperate situation with youth’s unemployment, gender disproportion in the labor and legal fields – these are among the strongest economic challenges and the highest barriers for Kosovo on its way to European integration. In recent years, local economy drivers were state investments into infrastructure and private consumption, which is still mostly based on large transactions from abroad, together with increasing salary rates and lending. Economic diversification goes slowly. Base metals and mineral products dominate – same as during previous years – in regional export of goods, providing slightly less than a half of its entire volume. Excessive reliance on import is another feature of economic development in contemporary Kosovo. List of services and goods providers remains stable for the past decade, led by Germany and Italy, with growing influence of China and Turkey. Some improvement of business climate co-exists with essential economic problems. Kosovo’s economy still highly depends on external incomes and internal trade sector. Local educational system does not match local labor market needs. Financial discipline, efficient distribution of resources, optimization of sectoral interaction, fight against corruption and crime – these tasks remain the ones of high priority and are still in the current economic agenda today, like they were five and 10 years ago. Kosovo’s real investment attractiveness is in question; however, much work has been done in the legal field to speed up and secure the fundraising process. Unresolved problems of property rights and lack of political will to handle these issues hurt investment perspectives and slow down economic development. COVID‑2019 brings additional damage to Kosovo’s economy, but its overall results are to be yet evaluated.