Journal articles on the topic 'Labor unions – Europe, Western – History'
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1
Ebbinghaus, Bernhard. "The Siamese Twins: Citizenship Rights, Cleavage Formation, and Party-Union Relations in Western Europe." International Review of Social History 40, S3 (December 1995): 51–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000113604.
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Prophecies of doom for both working-class party and labor unions have gained popularity in the Western industrial democracies over the last two decades. The “old” Siamese twins, working-class party and labor unions, have a century-long history of their combined struggle to achieve political and industrial citizenship rights for the working class. Both forms of interest representation are seen as facing new challenges if not a crisis due to internal and external changes of both long-term and recent nature. However, despite these prophecies political parties and union movemehts have been differently affected and have responded in dissimilar ways across Western Europe. The Siamese twins, party and unions, as social institutions, their embeddedness in the social structure, and their linkages, were molded at an earlier time with long-term consequences. Hence, we cannot grasp today's political unionism, party-union relations and organized labor's capacity for change, if we do not understand the social and political conditions under which the organization of labor interests became institutionalized. An understanding of the origins and causes of union diversity helps us to view the variations in union responses to current challenges.
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Claeys, Jos. "Christelijke vakbonden van hoop naar ontgoocheling : Het Wereldverbond van de Arbeid en de transformatie van het voormalige Oostblok na 1989." Trajecta. Religion, Culture and Society in the Low Countries 29, no. 1 (July 1, 2020): 49–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tra2020.1.003.clae.
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Abstract The implosion of Communism between 1989 and 1991 in Central- and Eastern Europe (CEE) and the following socio-economic transitions had a strong impact on Western European social movements. The international trade union movement and trade unions in Belgium and the Netherlands were galvanized to support the changing labour landscape in CEE, which witnessed the emergence of new independent unions and the reform of the former communist organizations. This article explores the so far little-studied history of Christian trade union engagement in post-communist Europe. Focusing on the World Confederation of Labour (WCL) and its Belgian and Dutch members, it reveals how Christian trade unions tried to recruit independent trade unions in the East by presenting themselves as a ‘third way’ between communism and capitalism and by emphasizing the global dimensions of their movement. The WCL ultimately failed to play a decisive role in Eastern Europe because of internal disagreements, financial struggles and competition with the International Confederation of Trade Unions.
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Goddeeris, Idesbald. "Lobbying Allies? The NSZZ Solidarność Coordinating Office Abroad, 1982–1989." Journal of Cold War Studies 13, no. 3 (July 2011): 83–125. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00143.
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After the proclamation of martial law in Poland in December 1981, a Solidarność Coordinating Office Abroad was set up. Led by Jerzy Milewski, the organization eliminated any internal opposition and succeeded in being recognized by most Western partners as the foreign representative of Solidarność. The Coordinating Office received most of its financial aid from trade union internationals and from the United States. Initially, the Coordinating Office was active mainly within international institutions such as the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe and the International Labor Organization. From 1984 onward, the organization sought to influence senior politicians and governments and became an important reminder to the Western world of the Polish crisis, as well as providing financial and material aid to the banned Polish trade union. However, it did not have a definitive impact on policymaking and remained largely dependent on its allied organizations.
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BARTEL, FRITZ. "Fugitive Leverage: Commercial Banks, Sovereign Debt, and Cold War Crisis in Poland, 1980–1982." Enterprise & Society 18, no. 1 (June 14, 2016): 72–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eso.2016.19.
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This article examines a familiar Cold War event, the Polish Crisis of the early 1980s, but from an unfamiliar perspective: international financial history. Historians have yet to examine how the growing international activity of Western commercial banks and the Eastern Bloc’s heavy borrowing on international capital markets during the 1970s influenced the course of the late Cold War. This article covers the history of the Eastern Bloc’s largest borrower—Poland—and its road to sovereign default in 1981. It examines how financial diplomacy among banks, communist countries, and the U.S. government catalyzed the formation of the labor union Solidarność (Solidarity). Ultimately, this article speaks to an important theme in the history of U.S. capitalism since World War II; namely, how the construction of global finance influenced U.S. foreign policy. The end of the Cold War in the fall of 1989 was the result not only of communism’s loss of legitimacy among the peoples of Eastern Europe, but also its loss of creditworthiness on global financial markets.
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Shaev, Brian. "Workers’ Politics, the Communist Challenge, and the Schuman Plan: A Comparative History of the French Socialist and German Social Democratic Parties and the First Treaty for European Integration." International Review of Social History 61, no. 2 (July 29, 2016): 251–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859016000250.
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AbstractThe Schuman Plan to “pool” the coal and steel industries of Western Europe has been widely celebrated as the founding document of today’s European Union. An expansive historiography has developed around the plan but labor and workers are largely absent from existing accounts, even though the sectors targeted for integration, coal and steel, are traditionally understood as centers of working-class militancy and union activity in Europe. Existing literature generally considers the role coal and steel industries played as objects of the Schuman Plan negotiations but this article reverses this approach. It examines instead how labor politics in the French Nord and Pas-de-Calais and the German Ruhr, core industrial regions, influenced the positions adopted by two prominent political parties, the French Socialist and German Social Democratic parties, on the integration of European heavy industry. The empirical material combines archival research in party and national archives with findings from regional histories of the Nord/Pas-de-Calais, the Ruhr, and their local socialist party chapters, as well as from historical and sociological research on miners and industrial workers. The article analyses how intense battles between socialists and communists for the allegiance of coal and steel workers shaped the political culture of these regions after the war and culminated during a mass wave of strikes in 1947–1948. The divergent political outcomes of these battles in the Nord/Pas-de-Calais and the Ruhr, this article contends, strongly contributed to the decisions of the French Socialist Party to support and the German Social Democratic Party to oppose the Schuman Plan in 1950.
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Laura, Corradi. "Razzismo di Stato. Stati Uniti, Europa, Italia, edited by Pietro Basso, Milan: Angeli, 2010." Historical Materialism 20, no. 4 (2012): 226–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341270.
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Abstract An important edited collection on US and European migration policies as vehicles or factors of institutional racism are dealt with in this review-essay. In the context of recent literature on migration, Pietro Basso’s State Racism proposes a specifically Marxist approach and represents a sharp critical analysis of the ongoing surge in racism sweeping across Western Europe and North America by offering an investigation into the authoritarian, racialising, and elitist drift of Western democracies and societies. Particular importance is given to the spread of hostility towards migrants among native workers, often due to a condition of isolation, weakness, and vulnerabilities produced by the failures of trade unions and political organisations of the working class. The essays in the collection point towards ways in which these can be effectively thwarted and blocked by renewing collective struggles and solidarity, arguing that solidarity can stimulate the development of anti-racism based on the unity of the working class, capable of combating all types of discrimination through self-organisation, equality, and cooperation between migrant and native workers in the common struggle to assert needs and rights. At the present conjuncture, workers across borders can be the carriers of a new form of civilisation, liberated from the supremacy of the commodity and of money, from the exploitation of labour, and from racism and sexism.
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Nicolescu, Gabriela. "From Border Fetishism to Tactical Socialism." East Central Europe 45, no. 2-3 (November 29, 2018): 279–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-04502005.
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This article discusses the meeting point of two political systems with their distinctive value imprints on individuals’ everyday lives. It focuses on two stories of care, aesthetics and labor of Romanian women before the fall of the socialist regimes in Eastern Europe and in the first two decades after 1989. The first account comes from an expert, the head of the Union of National Cooperatives of Production (ucecom) during socialist Romania, the main producer of artizanat objects for export. She tells the story of the benefits of employment in state factories for women, and how socialist products were sold for Western markets in the 1970s and 1980s. The second account is of a former Romanian factory worker who after 1989 quit her job in Romania when state socialist factories were about to collapse and became a healthcare worker in Italy, for a larger salary and more stable employment. This second ethnographic example discusses migration for caregiver jobs in Italy as the transborder continuity of autonomy and employment practices that survived socialism. It is also a form of downward migration, where former state socialist professionals are paid as unskilled migrant workers. This article emphasizes the persistence of socialism in post-1989 practices and values embodied by people’s work habits not only in Eastern and Central Europe, but in unexpected places, such as southern Italy. This article applies the idea of “tactical socialism” as a strategy derived from a close analysis of work practices, with their positive accomplished effects, in contexts where jobs are distributed by the state and citizens feel protected.
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Yakupova, Daria, and Roman Yakupov. "Détente as a Factor of Modernization of the USSR in the 1970s - the Beginining of the 1980s in the Analytical Reviews of the Central Intelligence Agency." Journal of Economic History and History of Economics 20, no. 3 (September 30, 2019): 398–424. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2308-2488.2019.20(3).398-424.
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Coverage of the role and importance of the economic policy implemented during the détente period to solve the complex problems of the Soviet Union in the field of intensification of production is relevant in connection with the cyclical completion of the warmer climate between Russia and the West. The study of the historical experience of the development of international cooperation, the analysis of competition for a place in the global division of labor and the results of the struggle for the achievements of the scientific and technical revolution of the XX century make it possible to reconstruct the steps taken by the Soviet leadership to find new foreign economic tools against the background of modernization challenges. The article based on the materials of the electronic archive of the CIA, documents of the State Archive of the Russian Federation, Russian State Archive of Economics and Russian State Archive of Contemporary History funds provide previously unpublished comprehensive information on the size and content of compensation agreements of the USSR with Western Europe, the USA and Japan during the détente period. The authors reveal the role of the banking capital of the USSR to ensure the country's access to hard currency and implementation of the technology transfer policy. Similarity of the strategy of containment of the USSR in the 1970s and Russia today is emphasized on the example of the analysis of the USA intelligence data. The authors come to the conclusion that, despite the considerable mobilization efforts of the Soviet leadership to expand foreign trade operations, the conclusion of large-scale compensation agreements, the creation of sovereign transnational transportation and the development of Soviet financial institutions abroad, the targets set by the modernization of the 1970s were not fully met. The USSR did not maintain the export model in the global economy during the détente period for a number of reasons.
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Colistete, Renato P. "Trade Unions and the ICFTU in the Age of Developmentalism in Brazil, 1953–1962." Hispanic American Historical Review 92, no. 4 (November 1, 2012): 669–701. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-1727972.
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Abstract This article examines the relations between the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) and its local allies in Brazil during the 1950s and early 1960s. Devised as a tool for uniting non-Communist trade unions worldwide, the ICFTU saw its influence limited by US labor policies toward Latin America and the conditions of labor politics in Brazil, contrary to what happened in Western Europe. The developments on both domestic and international fronts of organized labor had important implications for the political economy of growth and inequality, as the confrontational pattern of labor relations undermined the development of a social compact that could promote economic growth and social reform in postwar Brazil.
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Meardi, Guglielmo. "Trade unions in Western Europe: hard times, hard choices." Labor History 54, no. 4 (October 2013): 466–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0023656x.2013.843861.
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Friedman, Gerald. "The Political Economy of Early Southern Unionism: Race, Politics, and Labor in the South, 1880–1953." Journal of Economic History 60, no. 2 (June 2000): 384–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700025146.
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Southern unions were the weak link in the American labor movement, organizing a smaller share of the labor force than did unions in the northern states or in Europe. Structural conditions, including a racially divided rural population, obstructed southern unionization. The South's distinctive political system also blocked unionization. A strict racial code compelling whites to support the Democratic Party and the disfranchisement of southern blacks and many working-class whites combined to create a one-party political system that allowed southern politicians to ignore labor's demands. Unconstrained by working-class voters, southern politicians facilitated strikebreaking and favored employers against unions.
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Alba, Richard, and Nancy Foner. "How successful is immigrant group integration in the United States and Western Europe? A comparative review and analysis." Geografie 122, no. 4 (2017): 409–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.37040/geografie2017122040409.
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This article examines how successful immigrant integration is on the two sides of the Atlantic through a systematic comparison of five countries: four in Western Europe (Britain, France, Germany, and the Netherlands) and the United States. The focus is on low-status immigrant groups, such as Mexicans in the United States and Turks in Western Europe. The comparison reveals that no one country is a clear winner or loser. How successful a country is in integrating immigrants and their children depends on the institutional context or domain being examined. The analysis explores a range of domains: race and religion as well as the labor market, residence, education, mixed unions, and national identities.
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Bhowmik, Sharit K. "India." Work and Occupations 36, no. 2 (May 2009): 126–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0730888409333701.
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This article explores the history of the labor movement in India and the parallel development of labor sociology. It assesses the influence of Western models of labor, stressing their weaknesses in diagnosing the peculiarity of the Indian situation. Because of these models, and also because of the narrow concerns of trade unions, until recently labor studies overlooked the overwhelming proportion of the work force—namely, the informal workers. Despite all the hype about business process outsourcing companies and call centers, it is this sector of the labor force that has increased most rapidly during the past 15 years since the beginning of market liberalization. Although sociological studies are catching up with the transformation of the labor force, there still remain very few contacts between scholars and labor unions or labor activists.
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Kruessmann, Thomas. "Criminal Law and Human Rights - Some Examples from the Emergence of European Criminal Law." Russian Journal of Criminology 14, no. 5 (November 20, 2020): 745–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2500-4255.2020.14(5).745-757.
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Criminal law is often described as the field of law that expresses the strongest national characteristics of a given jurisdiction and is the least amenable to change. Naturally, social rules providing some kind of penalty when violated have existed throughout the history of mankind. In Europe, the current understanding of criminal law has been shaped by Enlightenment thought, the ideas of human rights, liberalism and finally the national movements which led, inter alia, to the famous codifications of criminal law of the 19th century. In Russia, criminal law has certainly (not been isolated from the developments that took place in 19th century Europe. For example, the abolition of corporal punishment is but one good marker of humanisation. But compared to Europe, codified criminal law in Russia has been much less understood as the magna charta of the offender (Franz von Liszt), eventually leading to the study of human rights in criminal law. Rather, it has been viewed as the expression of the Tsars unfettered power to mete out punishment, - a line of thinking which indicates the continuing difficulty in Russian criminal law doctrine to accept limitations on the power of the legislator to criminalize. This paper will not deal with Russian doctrinal approaches to criminal law in a direct way. Instead, its purpose is to demonstrate the European Unions (EUs) current thinking on the effects that human rights have on the development of criminal law. As of today, criminal law is under a variety of influences among which the changing understanding of human rights is a very important one. In the Western world, there is a large amount of literature dealing with human rights and criminal law in general1 [1; 2], and it is hardly possible to come to an overall systematization. To be sure, there are parts of criminal law which have experienced very little change in light of human rights. One central tenet of human rights, for example, is the equality of men2 (in a pre-modern reading to include also women) which leads to the criminalization of slavery, slave trade, forced labor and trafficking in human beings. The smuggling of humans, on the other hand, is a much more controversial topic due to the fact that states show a strong desire to criminalize irregular migration. Another pillar of human rights is the human right to property3 which informs a whole range of criminal law provisions for violations of the right to property on land (theft, robbery, etc.) and on water (piracy). By comparison, the right to life is a more difficult concept. Human rights are behind the global drive for abolishing the death penalty4, but a number of other life-related issues are determined less by human rights than by religious and ethical views, such as the criminalization of abortion, aiding and abetting suicide, and euthanasia. Finally, a number of human rights are experiencing a very lively debate, e.g. freedom of speech5 [3] and freedom of religion, consequently there is also a high impact on the development of criminal law. European criminal law, understood as the total of the harmonized national criminal law systems of the EU Member states, offers a good example to study the effects of human rights. In the literature, there is the argument that changes in the understanding of human rights can lead both to criminalization and to de-criminalization. This has also been described as the «sword» function of human rights (using human rights to call for criminalization) and the «shield» function (using human rights law to call for limits to the use of criminal law and even de-criminalization) [1]. Both functions can be observed in a nutshell when analyzing the European criminal law that has emerged in the course of the last decade. For Russia, this article represents a (hopefully timely) contribution to the still nascent discussion on the effects of human rights on criminal law. Despite the Preamble to the newly adopted Constitution of the Russian Federation (RF) which affirms the role of human rights, Article 15 (4) Constitution RF limits the direct impact of human rights law to the universally accepted norms and principles of international law as well as to treaties concluded by the RF. The Constitution therefore appears to be closing the door to cutting-edge developments in international human rights law which are still not universally accepted.
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Blanchflower, David G., and Richard B. Freeman. "The Attitudinal Legacy of Communist Labor Relations." ILR Review 50, no. 3 (April 1997): 438–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979399705000304.
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This study of workers' attitudes compares data from International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) surveys for former communist countries in Europe with ISSP data for Western countries over the period 1987–93, which covers the beginning of the transition to a market economy for the former communist countries. Consistent with their hypothesis that communist-run economies left an attitudinal “legacy,” the authors find that the citizens of former communist countries evinced a greater desire for egalitarianism, less satisfaction with their Jobs, and more support for strong trade unions and state intervention in the Job market and economy than did Westerners. Over the course of the period studied, however, residents of the former communist European countries perceived sizable increases in occupational earnings differentials, and they adjusted their views of the differentials that “ought to#x201D; exist in their economies in the direction of greater inequality.
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AHLQUIST, JOHN S. "Building Strategic Capacity: The Political Underpinnings of Coordinated Wage Bargaining." American Political Science Review 104, no. 1 (February 2010): 171–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055409990384.
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Encompassing labor movements and coordinated wage setting are central to the social democratic economic model that has proven successful among the nations of Western Europe. The coordination of wage bargaining across many unions and employers has been used to explain everything from inequality to unemployment. Yet there has been limited theoretical and quantitative empirical work exploring the determinants of bargaining coordination. I argue formally that more unequally distributed resources across unions should inhibit the centralization of strike powers in union federations. Using membership as a proxy for union resources, I find empirical evidence for this hypothesis in a panel of 15 OECD democracies, 1950–2000. I then show that the centralization of strike powers is a strong predictor of coordinated bargaining.
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Lis, Catharina, Hugo Soly, and Lee Mitzman. "“An Irresistible Phalanx”: Journeymen Associations in Western Europe, 1300–1800." International Review of Social History 39, S2 (August 1994): 11–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000112921.
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The paths of historical research resemble the forces in the sea. As some topics surface and rise to ever greater heights, others may be dragged to the depths of silence and cease to affect the beating of the waves. In most western European countries, research on journeymen has suffered this second fate. Along with the decline in interest in guild-based economies, the issue of whether pre-industrial journeymen associations were predecessors (or perhaps adumbrations) of modern trade unions, which had inspired widespread debate during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, faded from the agenda following World War II. This trend does not mean that the new generation of social historians has blithely ignored disputes involving journeymen. Nevertheless, many authors designate such events as crowd movements or view them as obvious forms of traditional resistance.
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Gobeyn, Mark. "State-Producer Group Relations and Economic Policy Formation in Postindustrial Society." American Review of Politics 14 (November 1, 1993): 395–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1993.14.0.395-415.
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This paper examines recent attempts to link the emergence of postindustrial/postmaterialist public value structures to the recent decline of corporatist policymaking and interest intermediation practices in western Europe. It is argued that the decline of corporatist forms in Europe can be linked more persuasively to the economic transformation commonly ascribed to the postindustrial phenomenon, than to the “societal value changes” that accompanied that transformation. It is argued here that, in forcing greater discipline upon labor, the structural economic features of postindustrial society have pre-empted the functional role of postwar corporatist political structures. Consequently, capitalists appear no longer willing to maintain centralized concertative linkages with trade unions within state policymaking structures.
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Caulfield, Norman. "Mexican State Development Policy and Labor Internationalism, 1945–1958." International Review of Social History 42, no. 1 (April 1997): 45–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000114580.
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SummaryThe Mexican state's drive toward industrialization during World War II and the post-war years required the cooperation of organized labor. Central to this policy was the role played by American trade unions, which cooperated with US government agencies in providing financial and logistical support for Mexican trade unionists who complied with state development policy. The interests of American labor leaders, US policymakers and Mexican modernizing elites converged in an attempt to eradicate radical unionism and promote US hegemony in the western hemisphere. This study builds upon works that treat the earlier activities of US labor in Mexico.
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Lenger, Friedrich. "Beyond Exceptionalism: Notes on the Artisanal Phase of the Labour Movement in France, England, Germany and the United States." International Review of Social History 36, no. 1 (June 1991): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000110326.
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SUMMARYThe early labour movements in Western Europe and North America were all dominated by urban artisans, a fact reflected most clearly at the programmatic level by the prominence of demands for producers' cooperatives. This article presents a proposal for and an extremely brief sketch of a comparative investigation of this first phase of the labour movement in England, France, Germany, and the United States. Different aspects of class formation, such as the economic situation of the trades, the social relationships within them, or the role of artisanal and corporate traditions in artisanal politics and trade-union organization, are discussed. Comparative labour history, it is argued, must employ such a theoretical framework, one that allows the integration of the many dimensions of class formation; otherwise it will have to sacrifice whatever progress the last generation of labour historians has achieved.
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Berger, Stefan. "‘Organising Talent and Disciplined Steadiness’: the German SPD as a Model for the British Labour Party in the 1920s?" Contemporary European History 5, no. 2 (July 1996): 171–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300003763.
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In comparative Labour history there is a long tradition of adhering to a typology of labour movements which distinguishes south-western European, ‘Latin’ labour movements (France, Spain, Italy) from north-eastern European labour movements (Germany, Austria, Scandinavia, east and south-east Europe) and invokes a third category: Anglo-American labour movements. The British Labour Party is usually subsumed under this latter category, whereas the German SPD is regarded as the spiritual leader of the second. Insofar as these comparisons explicitly deal with the time before the First World War, their argument is indeed a strong one. After all, the SPD was the largest socialist party in the world before 1914, at a time when the Labour Party did not even allow individual membership. At least in its organisational strongholds, the SPD resembled a social movement providing for its members almost ‘from cradle to grave’. The Labour Party, by contrast, is often portrayed as a trade union interest group in parliament with no other purpose than electoral representation. Where the Labour Party avoided any ideological commitment before 1914, the SPD had at least theoretically adopted Marxism as its ideological bedrock after 1890.
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Colistete, Renato P. "Productivity, Wages, and Labor Politics in Brazil, 1945–1962." Journal of Economic History 67, no. 1 (March 2007): 93–127. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050707000046.
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After World War II Brazil experienced exceptionally high economic growth, ranking tenth among the largest economies by 1960. Yet evidence shows that real wages lagged far behind productivity, especially from 1956, the heyday of “developmentalism”—an economic ideology aimed at state-led, accelerated industrialization, with foreign and domestic private capital as active partners. The outcome diverged from that of the “social compact for growth,” the cornerstone of the “golden age” in Europe and Japan. A key reason was that in Brazil left-wingers controlled the main trade unions and pushed an agenda of social reform that was widely rejected by industrialists.
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Barbezat, Daniel. "Looking backwards and living forwards: the EMU and the history of monetary unions in Western Europe." International Journal of Economics and Business Research 2, no. 1/2 (2010): 10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1504/ijebr.2010.029726.
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Barkin, Solomon. "The Flexibility Debate in Western Europe: The Current Drive to Restore Managements' Rights Over Personnel and Wages." Articles 42, no. 1 (April 12, 2005): 12–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/050283ar.
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Managements' drive for the removal of contractual and govemmental restraints on their control of the work force is rationalized in Western Europe as necessary to achieve greater internal and external competitiveness. In support of this view the OECD substituted the advocacy of a flexible manpower policy (including wage policy) under the euphorie title of 'positive adjustment policy' for the prior program of an active manpower policy promoted during the sixties and early seventies. The soundness of the arguments for this change in policy has been questioned by internal research findings as well as reports by consultants and special expert groups appointed by the organization. These studies call for a package of policies and measures negotiated between management and unions to realize the ultimate ends of manpower mobility and job security. The free labor market cannot by itself serve as the mechanism for realizing these goals. Employment security and not segmentation of the work force should be the objective of joint policy making.
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Knotter, Ad, and David Mayer. "Introduction." International Review of Social History 60, S1 (October 9, 2015): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859015000450.
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AbstractThis introduction presents the main topics and analytical concerns of the contributions to this Special Issue about ethnicity and migration in coalfield history in a global perspective. From the nineteenth century the development of industrial and transport technologies required the supply of coal-based energy in every part of the world. Nineteenth- and early twentieth-century globalization, including colonialism, would not have been possible without coal. Coalmining operations were launched in all world regions, and to enable exploitation mine operators had to find, mobilize, and direct workers to the mining sites. This quest for labour triggered a series of migration processes (both from nearby and far away) and resulted in a broad array of labour relations (both free and unfree). This introduction points to the variety of constellations analysed in the different contributions to this Special Issue. These cover cases from Africa (Nigeria, Zimbabwe), Asia (China, Japan), the Americas (USA, Brazil), Turkey, the Soviet Union, and western Europe (France, Germany), and a broad range of topics, from segregation, forced labour, and subcontracting to labour struggles, discrimination, ethnic paternalism, and sport.
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Cobble, Dorothy Sue. "Who Speaks for Workers? Japan and the 1919 ILO Debates Over Rights and Global Labor Standards." International Labor and Working-Class History 87 (2015): 213–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547914000271.
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AbstractContrary to conventional wisdom, some of the most contentious disputes over international labor standards and worker rights occurred not between Western nations and the “rest” but within single nations. To explore the deep fissures in Japanese society over the rights of women and workers, I offer the first scholarly account of Japan's only woman representative to the ILO's inaugural 1919 Washington conference, elite social feminist Tanaka Taka, grandniece of renowned Japanese capitalist Shibusawa Eiichi. I recount her efforts in Japan and in Washington to secure free speech and economic rights for Japan's workers, men and women, and detail the hostilities she encountered from employers and organized labor. In addition, I reconstruct the parallel tale of factory supervisor Masumoto Uhei whose appointment as Japan's labor delegate led to widespread labor protests and a power struggle between trade unions and the state in Japan. The debate over who would speak for Japan's workers at the ILO and whether Japan would accept the labor standards being proposed by Western nations captured worldwide attention. It changed ideas in the East and the West about what Japan's workers deserved and desired and had lasting consequences for global politics and social policy.
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Hanagan, Michael P. "Labor History and the New Migration History: A Review Essay." International Labor and Working-Class History 54 (1998): 57–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900006219.
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Debates over the significance of immigration and demands for its restriction in industrialized nations have been a major feature of political life in the 1980s and 1990s. There are several reasons for this heightened concern. In Western Europe, the 1990s have been a decade of slower growth, particularly compared with the halcyon decades of the 1950s and 1960s when mass migration, severely restricted during the interwar years, again became a routine aspect of European life.Even more persistent and troubling has been the declining position of less skilled workers in the economies of industrial nations. The International Monetary Fund notes that, beginning in the 1970s or the early 1980s, “labor markets in the advanced economies have been characterized by marked increases in wage inequality in some countries between the more skilled and less skilled, and in other countriesby rises in unemployment among the less skilled.” Many less skilled workers believe that migrants are responsible for their declining wages and unemployment.
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Sinyai, Clayton. "Schools of Democracy." Labor Studies Journal 44, no. 4 (November 20, 2019): 373–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160449x19887246.
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In the late 20th century, a wave of democratic transformation swept away dictatorships of the right and left across Europe, Africa and much of Asia; and for the first time in human history most citizens lived under governments they had chosen in free elections. Liberal democracy, characterized by multiparty elections, individual liberties, free enterprise and independent trade unions, seemed poised to dominate the future, but today populist movements challenge the liberal consensus and global public opinion surveys indicate a loss of faith in democratic values. The rapid decline in labor union membership across the developed world may be a contributing factor. Social scientists have documented the function of labor unions as “schools” of democracy where working-class high school graduates learn crucial civic skills, boosting their political participation and reducing the gap between socioeconomic classes. This may explain why AFL President Samuel Gompers’s observation, that “there never yet existed coincident with each other autocracy in the shop and democracy in political life” remains true 125 years later, and highlights a major threat to democracy today.
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French, John D. "The Latin American Labor Studies Boom." International Review of Social History 45, no. 2 (August 2000): 279–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000000146.
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The contemporary North Atlantic world has been marked by a waning enthusiasm for and salience of the study of workers. Yet the current ebb “in the traditional capitalist ‘core’ countries” (not to mention eastern Europe), Marcel van der Linden recently suggested, is far from being a “crisis” in the field of labor history as such. Rather, it is best understood as “only a regional phenomenon” since in much of “the so-called Third World, especially in the countries of the industrializing semi-periphery, interest in the history of labor and proletarian protest is growing steadily”. Citing encouraging recent developments in labor history in Asia, he noted how the field has grown in parallel with “the stormy conquest of economic sectors by the world market [which] has led to a rapid expansion of the number of waged workers, and the emergence of new radical trade unions”. Van der Linden's description fits well the study of labor in Latin America and the Caribbean, where the field first gained visibility in the early to mid-1980s and has now won recognition as an established specialization among scholars of many disciplines. After surveying the Latin American boom and its political context, this article offers a Brazilian/North Atlantic example in order to illustrate the intellectual gains, for students of both areas, that come with the transcendence of geographical parochialism.
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Andes, Stephen J. C. "A CATHOLIC ALTERNATIVE TO REVOLUTION: The Survival of Social Catholicism in Postrevolutionary Mexico." Americas 68, no. 4 (April 2012): 529–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2012.0049.
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Alfredo Méndez Medina, writing from Belgium in January 1911, was possessed by the idea that Mexico's social and economic organization required radical change. Méndez Medina, a Mexican Jesuit priest and developing labor activist, had spent just a few years in Europe, sent by his superiors to learn the techniques, strategies, and ideology of Catholic social action. What he saw and experienced there helped shape his vision for Mexico and guided his work upon his return in late 1912. In Europe, the young Méndez Medina observed firsthand the Catholic unions, ministries, and propagandists of L'Action Populaire, an influential French social Catholic institution founded by Gustave Desbuquois, S.J. (1869-1959) in Reims. In a few brief notes, Méndez Medina wrote that Desbuquois's earthy, no-nonsense way of speaking to ordinary workers, and his profound spirituality, had impressed him deeply. To Méndez Medina, Desbuquois appeared to link seamlessly his religious faith, his social commitments, his sense of duty, and his politics.
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Rosenbloom, Joshua L. "The Extent of the Labor Market in the United States, 1870–1914." Social Science History 22, no. 3 (1998): 287–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200021763.
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During the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries the spread of railroad and telegraph networks in the United States and Europe, the introduction of steamships on transatlantic routes, and the laying of transatlantic telegraph cables initiated a period of pronounced economic integration within and between countries (Williamson 1996; Thomas 1954; Chandler 1977; Perloffet al. 1965; James 1978). This period was also characterized by a rapid pace of growth and pronounced international convergence in standards of living among the countries of western Europe, North America, and Australia (Maddison 1991). Jeffrey Williamson (1996) has recently argued that the increasing integration of factor markets, especially labor markets, in this era was a crucial factor in the pace of international convergence.
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Göler, Daniel. "Elusive Migration Systems. Lessons from Europe’s new migratory map." Glasnik Srpskog geografskog drustva 96, no. 2 (2016): 42–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/gsgd1602038g.
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Europe is facing a new era of migration. During the last decades, the European migration system underwent several shifts due to different reasons. A basic observation is that general changes, on the political map for example, do not necessarily have the same consequences in European regions, even in seemingly similar contexts. The major changes started in 1990 accelerated with the enlargement of the European Union in 2004 and found its continuation by crisis-driven migration from south European countries into Western European labour markets after 2008. All of these "migration waves" have been topped by a massive inflow of refugees in 2015 creating new migratory map of Europe. Thus, important stages of contemporary and present European migration history are interpreted as indicators for a surplus in diversity, flexibility and spontaneity and will serve for formulating the hypothesis of Elusive Migration Systems as an analytical framework and a kind of hypothesis to study new features of migrants? trajectories, which became more and more variable. Being grounded may be the wish of the majority of Europeans and, in effect, the global population, but being on the move, voluntarily or forced, is reality for a certain number of migrants inside and heading towards Europe.
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Shor, Francis. "Left Labor Agitators in the Pacific Rim of the Early Twentieth Century." International Labor and Working-Class History 67 (April 2005): 148–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547905000128.
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As part of the global circulation of capital and labor in the early twentieth century, labor and left activists traveled throughout the Pacific Rim. Highlighting the biographical and political journeys of two important left labor agitators of the period, Patrick Hickey and J. B. King, this essay considers the role of the agitator and the meaning of the left for the mobilization of working people during the first three decades of the twentieth century. Hickey and King both had early experiences with radical unions in North America, Hickey with the Western Federation of Miners in Utah and King with the Industrial Workers of the World in British Columbia. Their paths intersected in the formation of the left Federation of Labour (the “Red Feds”) in New Zealand. Both went on to play significant roles in Australian left labor circles in the years before, during, and after the First World War. Diverging over strategy and tactics during this time, Hickey became involved with the Labor Party of Australia and King eventually joined the Communist Party of Australia. Their biographical and political journeys reveal significant insights into the splits within the left and the public role of left labor agitators in the Pacific Rim during this period.
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Kistaubayeva, А. K. "Labor immigration of Kazakhs to France." BULLETIN of the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University. Historical sciences. Philosophy. Religion Series 133, no. 4 (2020): 77–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2616-7255-2020-133-4-77-86.
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This article examines the state of labor immigration of the Kazakh Diaspora, as well as studying the possibilities of conditions for economic adaptation of Kazakhs in developed capitalist countries. The purpose of this study is to identify the causes of labor migration of Kazakhs to France. Based on this goal, the study solves the following tasks aimed at studying the history and current situation of Kazakhs living in France, in the focus of analyzing the policy of the French government in relation to immigration workers and employees in the 1945- 1980-ies; the reasons for labor immigration of Kazakhs to France. Western Europe has become a center of attraction for foreign workers coming here, primarily from the less developed countries of the continent, as well as from Turkey. In the last ten years, inter-state migration of workers in Western Europe has grown to unprecedented proportions. Every year, more than a million workers were sent from one European country to another in search of work. The reasons lay in the political and economic crisis, the increase in the unemployment rate, which was the result of an increase in the number of migrants among Kazakhs in France. The post-war economic situation caused the demand for workers to restore the economy destroyed by the war, and led to an increase in the level of tariffs (wages). Scientists believe that the active replenishment of the French labor market with cheap foreign labor from other countries is due to the convenient location of France.
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von Bülow, Mathilde. "Beyond the Cold War: American Labor, Algeria’s Independence Struggle, and the Rise of the Third World (1954–62)." Journal of Social History 53, no. 2 (2019): 454–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jsh/shz103.
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Abstract During the late 1950s, trade unions came to be vital actors in the solidarity movements of the Global South, especially in pan-African initiatives. The case of the Union générale des travailleurs algériens (UGTA) is particularly illustrative of this development. Algeria’s long and brutal independence struggle was championed throughout the Afro-Asian bloc, and the UGTA became an important auxiliary in the bloc’s campaigns to secure that end. In this essay, the case of Algeria and the UGTA serves as a prism through which to study how some of the most powerful Western trade union federations of the day—especially the American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO)—responded to the “subaltern” internationalisms engendered by decolonization and the “spirit of Bandung,” whether in the guise of positive neutrality or the project for pan-African unity. In this way, this essay sheds new light on the nature and role of labor internationalism in the context of the global Cold War. The case of Algeria is emblematic of the ways in which decolonization and the “spirit of Bandung” came to challenge traditional understandings of labor internationalism, whether as an identity or a practice. What is more, the case of Algeria allows us to reconceptualize AFL-CIO attitudes and designs vis-à-vis the decolonizing world. In highlighting American weakness when confronted by non-Western agency, this essay argues that the polarized view of the federation as an anticommunist crusader with an imperialist agenda is flawed.
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Siegelbaum, Lewis H. "The Condition of Labor in Post-Soviet Russia." Social Science History 28, no. 4 (2004): 637–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200012876.
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Labor (meaning both wage workers as well as their collective representation) in Russia was a major loser in the decade following the collapse of the Soviet Union. Aggregate data on prices, average wage and pension levels, wage arrears, and unemployment indicate a serious decline in workers’ standard of living that is unprecedented in the post-World War II era, while strike data show an upsurge in this form of worker militancy during the mid-1990s but a decline thereafter.This article seeks to explain both why these developments occurred and what prevented workers from adequately defending their collective interests. Four explanations have been advanced by Western and Russian scholars. The first is that workers were victims of state policies pursued in line with the“Washington consensus” on how to effectuate the transition from an administrative-command to a market-based economy. The second points to workers’ attitudes and practices that were prevalent under Soviet conditions but proved inappropriate to post-Soviet life. The third, claiming that several key indices of workers’ standard of living are misleading, denies that labor has been a loser. The fourth and most compelling of the explanations is derived from ethnographically based research. It argues that despite changes in the forms of property and politics, power relations at the enterprise level remained intact, leaving workers and their unions dependent on the ability of management to bargain with suppliers of subsidies and credits. The article concludes with some observations about workers’ survival strategies and the extent to which collective dependence on economic and political strongmen has worked against structural change in favor of labor.
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Gabaccia, Donna R., and Fraser Ottanelli. "Diaspora or International Proletariat? Italian Labor, Labor Migration, and the Making of Multiethnic States, 1815-1939." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 6, no. 1 (March 1997): 61–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.6.1.61.
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We offer a transnational and comparative analysis of the “nationalization” of foreign-born workers in western nation states of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. An analysis of this complex historical moment is an important foundation for assessing present-day fears of the imminent collapse of nation states. Canadians and Italians wrestling with demands for regional autonomy; German and French voters opting for a “fortress Europe” united against new waves of migrations; and Americans anticipating the disintegration of the United States into ethnic and religious fragments, often believe that today’s nation states face unprecedented threats to their unity. In fact, nation states have long faced competition from regional loyalties (Weber) and from the cultural diversity produced by international migrations and the globalization of capital (Potts; Cohen. New Helots; Strikwerda). In the past, they also faced internationalist labor movements dedicated to ending capitalist oppression around the world in all its forms.
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Vorobiev, A. A. "Peculiarities of the Research of the History of Western European Countries, Case of Norway." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 5(44) (October 28, 2015): 14–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-5-44-14-23.
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Abstract: Researcing of history of small advanced countries of Western Europe has a number of specific features, which are connected to its socio-economic level and dynamic development and the dependence on the external economic factor. So the article is devoted to the analysis of regularity of the development of the industry of Norwegian economic specialization (energy sector) in the international division of labour as an important element of its historical development. The author of the article analyzes the influence of the energy sector on the political life of the country, the balance of political forces, legislation, foreign policy priorities, and the history of the development of society. At the same time he uses the interdisciplinary approach to determine the relationship of cause and effect between historical events to compile a complete historical picture. The author concludes that the regularities in history are universal and concern all small highly developed countries of Western Europe including Norway. The complex of economic, social, political, financial, legal, tax, environmental and other measures of state support to specialized branches of the national economy is the main semantic rod of historical events in many of the small countries of Western Europe. Analysis of individual industries of the economy in the international division of labor should be an integral part of researches of the historical development of small countries which have a narrow structure of economy, because it helps to understand the peculiarities of the historical development of nations.
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Mandel, Maud S. "One Nation Indivisible: Contemporary Western European Immigration Policies and the Politics of Multiculturalism." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 4, no. 1 (March 1995): 89–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.4.1.89.
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Since World War II, policies with regard to immigrant populations have changed dramatically and repeatedly throughout Western Europe. From 1945 to 1955, Western European nations absorbed an enormous number of refugees uprooted during the war. Until the 1970s, governments did not limit migration, nor did they formulate comprehensive social policies toward these new immigrants. Indeed, from the mid-1950s until 1973, most Western European governments, interested in facilitating economic growth, allowed businesses and large corporations to seek cheap immigrant labor abroad. As Georges Tapinos points out, “For the short term, the conditions of the labor market [and] the rhythm of economic growth . . . determined the flux of migrations” (422). France, Britain, Germany, Belgium, and the Netherlands welcomed the generally young, single male migrants as a cheap labor force, treating them as guest workers. As a result, few governments instituted social policies to ease the workers’ transition to their new environments. Policies began to change in the 1960s when political leaders, intent on gaining control over the haphazard approach to immigration that had dominated the previous 20 years, slowly began to formulate educational measures and social policies aimed at integrating newcomers.
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Druxes, Helga, and Patricia Anne Simpson. "Pegida as a European Far-Right Populist Movement." German Politics and Society 34, no. 4 (December 1, 2016): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2016.340401.
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Historian Geoff Eley argues that the idea of Europe has contracted from the ideal of a pluralistic community with the potential to integrate cultural “Others” to a “narrowly understood market-defined geopolitical drive for the purposes of competitive globalization.” Global deregulation, he states, has produced streams of labor migrants and the tightening of Europe’s external borders, while the economic expansion of Europe to more member countries since 1992 has opened up new divisions and inequalities among them. Aftereffects from the break-up of the East bloc can be felt in the escalation of antiminority violence in Central and Eastern Europe, as well as “the smouldering slow burn of the legacies of colonialism” in Western Europe. These diverse pressures and anxieties coalesce on the spectral figure of the Islamic fundamentalist at Europe’s gates.
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HEISLER, BARBARA SCHMITTER. "Immigrant Settlement and the Structure of Emergent Immigrant Communities in Western Europe." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 485, no. 1 (May 1986): 76–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716286485001007.
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Throughout modern history the majority of immigrants have occupied inferior socioeconomic positions and have settled in segregated communities. The migrant workers who came to the advanced industrial countries in Western Europe have had similar experiences. A closer examination of the legal and political circumstances surrounding their unanticipated prolonged presence reveals significant differences between the Western European situation and that encountered elsewhere. The original contract labor system legally provided sending countries with the opportunity to establish networks of organizations and institutions in the countries of destination. Although the sending countries' networks may vary in specifics, each represents an important dimension of that national community and helps to maintain an ideology of return. This, in turn, represents an important force in defining the situation for all participants—host societies, sending countries, and immigrants. The argument that one cannot approach all aspects of the European experience using theoretical models that may be appropriate for other situations is illustrated by examples of sending-country organizations active in the Federal Republic of Germany.
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Lejeune, Catherine, and Manuela Martini. "The fabric of irregular labor migration in twentieth-century Western Europe and North America: a comparative approach*." Labor History 56, no. 5 (October 20, 2015): 614–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0023656x.2015.1116825.
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Cohen, Lizabeth. "Katznelson's Working Within the System Now." International Labor and Working-Class History 46 (1994): 33–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900010796.
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Germany has been reunified. The Soviet Union and Eastern Europe have fractured into ethnically defined nationalist republics trying to dismantle decades of communist political and economic structures and replace them with free markets and free marketplaces of ideas. It seems only fitting that Ira Katznelson should publically embrace liberal political theory with a new “zest for political engagement”, enthusiastically endorsing the old liberal vision of political science as a discipline, and thrusting both onto labor historians as the perfect solution to political and epistemological crises in their field.In response, I would say to Katznelson, “You're working within the system now, but do we all need to?” Even more significantly, did the working-class populations we study operate within a liberal framework sufficiently enough to make liberal, state-centered concerns—the relationships and negotiations between actors in civil society (particularly articulated through unions and parties) and the liberal state—the “most potent tools” for political and historical analysis?
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Lederhendler, Eli. "Classless: On the Social Status of Jews in Russia and Eastern Europe in the Late Nineteenth Century." Comparative Studies in Society and History 50, no. 2 (April 2008): 509–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417508000224.
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In this paper I examine the economic and political factors that undermined the social class structure in an ethnic community—the Jews of Russia and eastern Europe at the end of the nineteenth century. Compared with the documented rise and articulation of working classes in non-Jewish society in that region, Jews were caught in an opposite process, largely owing to discriminatory state policies and social pressures: Among Jews, artisans and petty merchants were increasingly reduced to a single, caste-like status. A Jewish middle class of significant size did not emerge from the petty trade sector and no significant industrial working class emerged from the crafts sector. Historians have largely overlooked the significance of these facts, in part because they have viewed this east European situation as a mere preamble to more sophisticated, modern class formation processes among immigrant Jews in Western societies, particularly in light of the long-term middle-class trajectory of their children. Those historians interested in labor history have mainly shown interest in such continuity as they could infer from the self-narratives of the Jewish labor movement, and have thus overstated the case for a long-standing Jewish “proletarian” tradition. In reassessing the historical record, I wish to put the Jewish social and economic situation in eastern Europe into better perspective by looking at the overall social and economic situation, rather than at incipient worker organizations alone. I also query whether a developing class culture, along the lines suggested by E. P. Thompson, was at all in evidence before Jewish mass emigration. This paper is thus a contribution to the history of labor—rather than organized labor—as well as a discussion of the roots of ethnic economic identity.
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Weinstein, Barbara. "Where Do New Ideas (About Class) Come From?" International Labor and Working-Class History 57 (April 2000): 53–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900212702.
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In my comment I raise two main questions about the Eley/Nield essay. First, I express some doubts about whether the issues discussed in their essay can be unproblematically transposed to historiographical debates in areas beyond Western Europe and North America. Certain themes, such as the need to reemphasize the political, are hardly pressing given the continual emphasis on politics and the state in Latin American labor history. Closely related to this, I question whether the state of gender studies within labor history can be used, in the way these authors seem to be doing, as a barometer of the sophistication and vitality of labor and working-class history. Despite recognizing the tremendous contribution of gendered approaches to labor history, I express doubts about its ability to help us rethink the category of class, and even express some concern that it might occlude careful consideration of class identities. Instead, pointing to two pathbreaking works in Latin American labor history, I argue that the types of questions we ask about class, and primarily about class, can provide the key to innovative scholarship about workers even if questions such as gender or ethnicity go unexamined. Finally, I point out that class will only be a vital category of analysis if it is recognized not simply as “useful,” but as forming a basis for genuinely creative and innovative historical studies.
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Argamakova, Alexandra A. "History of Social Engineering Theories." Russian Journal of Philosophical Sciences 64, no. 7 (July 15, 2021): 85–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.30727/0235-1188-2021-64-7-85-108.
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The first mentions of “social engineering” and “social technologies” concepts started from the 19th century. Until the present moment, different lines of this story have been left neglected and insufficiently researched. In the article, initial meanings and authentic contexts of their usage are explained in more details. The investigation reaches the 1920s−1930s and is finished at the intersection of the Soviet and the American contexts concerned with scientific organization of labor, business optimization and economic planning. In conclusion, recent modifications of social engineering are briefly characterized. They are connected with development of information technologies and automation of smart cities. The research appeals toward histories of scientific management in North America and Western Europe, its industrial roots and unexplained foundations. Meanwhile, it is philosophically substantial due to conceptual analysis and explication of presuppositions of our thinking in respect of society and ways of changing social reality. After Sir Karl Popper, social engineering has been associated with the Soviet methods of planning and centralized governance. However, one can be assured that until now this concept has evolved by different, alternative trajectories within the context of industrial modernization of Europe and America. Within post-industrial world, the vision of social engineering has been enriched by IT-analogies, and social practice is interpreted in light of organizational, cultural, mental, or historical algorithms, which are the subject of purposeful manipulation and modification.
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Eakin, Marshall C. "Guest Editor's Introduction." Americas 58, no. 4 (April 2002): 509–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2002.0043.
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Western science has played a fundamental role in the creation of the modern world.1 The emergence of modern science in Europe in the Renaissance accompanied and helped propel European overseas expansion.2 It played an important role in the conquest and colonization of Latin America, and in the "second conquest" in the aftermath of independence in the nineteenth century. Despite its importance, the history of science in Latin America has been inadequately cultivated, especially in comparison to themes such as land tenure, labor systems, slavery, and political power. A few Latin American nations-most notably Argentina, Mexico, Cuba, and Venezuela-have venerable traditions in the publication of works on the history of science that in some cases date back to the beginnings of the discipline in the early twentieth century.3 Only in recent years, however, have North American scholars begun to turn their attention to the history of Latin American science rather than the more intensely studied scientific traditions of Europe and the United States
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Nickel, James W. "What Future for Human Rights?" Ethics & International Affairs 28, no. 2 (2014): 213–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679414000203.
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Like people born shortly after World War II, the international human rights movement recently had its sixty-fifth birthday. This could mean that retirement is at hand and that death will come in a few decades. After all, the formulations of human rights that activists, lawyers, and politicians use today mostly derive from the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and the world in 1948 was very different from our world today: the cold war was about to break out, communism was a strong and optimistic political force in an expansionist phase, and Western Europe was still recovering from the war. The struggle against entrenched racism and sexism had only just begun, decolonization was in its early stages, and Asia was still poor (Japan was under military reconstruction, and Mao's heavy-handed revolution in China was still in the future). Labor unions were strong in the industrialized world, and the movement of women into work outside the home and farm was in its early stages. Farming was less technological and usually on a smaller scale, the environmental movement had not yet flowered, and human-caused climate change was present but unrecognized. Personal computers and social networking were decades away, and Earth's human population was well under three billion.
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MARX, CHRISTIAN. "Reorganization of Multinational Companies in the Western European Chemical Industry: Transformations in Industrial Management and Labor, 1960s to 1990s." Enterprise & Society 21, no. 1 (July 22, 2019): 38–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eso.2019.28.
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Multinationals experienced a great growth after the European postwar boom. Factors in the 1970s included increasing competition from the United States, the emerging European market, as well as ongoing economic crises and changes in the international economy. The articles analyzes three case studies of Western European chemical companies—Hoechst, Akzo, and Rhône-Poulenc—to show the consequences of structural changes on management and the workforce. This article argues that (1) domestic export-oriented supplement investments lost importance, and the domestic workforce had a harder time meeting qualification requirements; (2) organizational changes incorporated divisional competitive elements into a company’s organization of work; and (3) managers had to learn to respect national path dependencies and specific skills of the local workforce. Furthermore, it illustrates the developments of the workforce in Europe and abroad and stresses the importance of nationality within the management of multinationals.
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Daragan, Tetiana, and Oksana Vlasyuk. "THE ROLE OF EUROPEAN PRACTICES OF THE YOUTH POLICY IMPLEMENTATION IN THE FORMATION OF YOUNG POLITICAL ELITE IN UKRAINE." Educational Analytics of Ukraine, no. 3 (2022): 119–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.32987/2617-8532-2022-3-119-127.
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The article is devoted to the study of the organization of student self-government in two European countries, such as France and England. The relevance of the study is due to the need to analyze and thus introduce the best experience of leading universities in Western Europe on the functioning of student unions. Student activity in European HEIs is aimed not only at obtaining high-quality higher education but also at active social and public activities. As a result, in various unions, students acquire primary skills in organizing election companies and acquire the basics of management and political experience. The article reveals that the activities of student self-government in France are mainly reflected in the work of the various student unions. Students should be elected and work in councils of students and, therefore, gain experience in electoral campaigns. Student unions are politically oriented, and their members have certain political preferences, but they do not openly support any political party. Student union activity in England is characterized by excessive politicization, which is a consequence of the history of its establishment. Hence, all forms of political life in England are reflected in the activities of student unions. Through their activities, student unions seek to involve more young people in public life. For this, seminars and conferences are held, various manuals are printed and different projects are implemented. Financial support for the work of student councils not only creates good conditions for their activities but also requires justification for the use of funds and is constantly monitored. Thus, students acquire the skills of correct and balanced use of finance and timely reporting on expenditures. According to the results of the study, the authors found that the experience of student government in France and England is essential for the development of student democracy in Ukraine, as well as for determining the form of youth involvement in social and political life (both within their community and within the state). Prospects for further research include an analysis of the impact of the activities of student self-government bodies of Ukrainian HEIs on the formation of the civic position of youth, as well as the development of a new political elite of the country.