Relevant bibliographies by topics / Labor unions Australia Political activity

Academic literature on the topic 'Labor unions Australia Political activity'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 29 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Labor unions Australia Political activity"

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Stanfield, Jared, and Robert Tumarkin. "Does the Political Power of Nonfinancial Stakeholders Affect Firm Values? Evidence from Labor Unions." Journal of Financial and Quantitative Analysis 53, no. 3 (April 29, 2018): 1101–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002210901800008x.

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Whereas corporate political connections are known to enhance equity values, we demonstrate that union political activity can have the opposite effect. We examine the consequences of a recent Australian state law that restricts union political activity but does not change collective bargaining rights. In the wake of this law, the equity values of affected unionized firms significantly increase, and consistent with this market reaction, these firms are able to bargain for more favorable labor contracts than their unionized peers in other states. The evidence strongly suggests that unions use political activism to extract rents from shareholders and benefit their members.
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Robinson, Shirleene. "Queensland Labor and Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Intersex and Queer Policy." Queensland Review 18, no. 2 (2011): 207–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1375/qr.18.2.207.

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Since the Australian Labor Party came to power in Queensland in 1989, social attitudes towards the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, intersex and queer (LGBTIQ) community have undergone significant change. In 1989, the decriminalisation of male-to-male homosexuality was the subject of intense debate, even within the ALP, which ultimately put forward the legislation. Today, policies have evolved considerably, with the Queensland ALP endorsing gay marriage and Anna Bligh, the current Queensland Labor Premier, releasing a YouTube video for the ‘It Gets Better’ campaign to give hope to LGBT youth experiencing harassment and perhaps contemplating suicide. During Labor's time in power, apart from the decriminalisation of male-to-male sexual activity, same-sex relationship laws have been reformed, altruistic surrogacy has been introduced and the presumption of lesbian parenthood has been extended. Some areas of LGBTIQ policy are still being contested, however, with debates surrounding civil unions, an equal age of consent and the existence of the ‘gay panic’ defence continuing. This article considers the progression and limits of these policies and areas of LGBTIQ reform that are still being disputed.
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Humphrys, Elizabeth. "Simultaneously deepening corporatism and advancing neoliberalism: Australia under the Accord." Journal of Sociology 54, no. 1 (March 2018): 49–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1440783318760680.

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Given recent calls for a new social contract between the unions and government, it is timely to consider the relationship of the Australian Labor Party (ALP) and Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU) prices and incomes Accord (1983–97) to the construction of neoliberalism in Australia. Contrary to most scholarly accounts, which posit the ALP and ACTU prices and incomes Accord and neoliberalism as exogenously related or competing processes, this article argues they were internally related aspects of economic transformation. The implementation of the Accord agreement deepened Australia’s existing corporatist arrangements while simultaneously advancing neoliberalism within a highly structured political-economic framework.
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Crampton, Suzanne M., John W. Hodge, and Jitendra M. Mishra. "The Use of Union Dues for Political Activity-Current Status." Public Personnel Management 31, no. 1 (March 2002): 121–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009102600203100111.

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The NLRB, in a significant ruling for organized labor, recently ruled that employees who are forced to pay union dues are entitled to know how their money is being spent. The NLRB ruled in January 1997 that unions must supply financial information to workers who pay dues but who have elected not to join the union. The use of union dues for political activity continues to be a controversial issue for both public and private unions. This paper will provide a brief overview of the legal history of unions in America and the current issues they are encountering. Legal issues relating to the use of union dues for political activities for both public and private unions will also be discussed.
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Ackerly, Brooke. "A discussion of John S. Ahlquist and Margaret Levi's In the Interest of Others: Organizations and Social Activism." Perspectives on Politics 12, no. 4 (December 2014): 857–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592714002187.

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John S. Alquist and Margaret Levi’s In the Interest of Others: Organizations and Social Activism develops a new theory of organizations through a comparative analysis of two activist labor unions (the International Longshore and Warehouse Union in the United States and the Waterside Workers Federation in Australia) and two unions that focus only on pursuing member benefits (the Teamsters and the International Longshoremen’s Association in the United States). Integrating the study of labor politics, social movements, social capital, and the political economy of group organization and mobilization, the book addresses a wide range of political science concerns. We have thus invited a range of political scientists to comment on the book as an account of labor politics and as a broader account of the logic of collective action.— Jeffrey C. Isaac, Editor
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Hall, Richard. "The Politics of Industrial Relations in Australia in 2007." Journal of Industrial Relations 50, no. 3 (June 2008): 371–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185608089994.

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Industrial Relations proved to be one of the dominant issues in the 2007 federal election campaign with the Government at first defending, and then moderating, their Work Choices legislation. The Labor Opposition benefited greatly from the successful Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU) campaign against Work Choices and established a significant electoral advantage on the issue. Labor introduced its own IR policy alternative under the banner `Forward with Fairness' and then spent a good deal of 2007 trying to sell its policy to business. The final policy adopted by Labor, and set to become law over the next few years, represents something of a calculated political compromise. When the detail of the policy is considered the influence of the Work Choices laws is still very much apparent.
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Gentile, Antonina, and Sidney Tarrow. "Charles Tilly, globalization, and labor’s citizen rights." European Political Science Review 1, no. 3 (November 2009): 465–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s175577390999018x.

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Since the 1990s, observers have seen globalization impairing labor’s rights. We take Charles Tilly as an exemplar of this view, subjecting his 1995 article to critical appreciation. We argue that Tilly, known for his work on the National Social Movement, overlooked the fact that some unions under pressure from global neo-liberalism can employ a protest repertoire employing their citizen rights, while others continue to use labor rights. We use port workers, who are directly exposed to globalization, to show how different political opportunity structures and different strategic choices influence these choices. In Sweden, our exemplar of a neo-corporatist system, we find that the employment of labor rights continues to be robust; in the USA, our exemplar of a fully-fledged neo-liberal system, we find much greater recourse to a repertoire calling on citizen rights. Finally, in Australia and Great Britain, countries undergoing a shift to neo-liberalism in the 1980s and 1990s, we show that strategic choice influences how effectively unions adapt to shifts towards neo-liberalism: Australian unions effectively used citizen rights while the British port unions failed to make this strategic shift.
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Fairbrother, Peter, Stuart Svensen, and Julian Teicher. "The Ascendancy of Neo-Liberalism in Australia." Capital & Class 21, no. 3 (October 1997): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030981689706300101.

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On 19 August 1996, thousands of trade unionists and others stormed the Australian Parliament protesting against the Coalition Government's Work place Relations Bill. In a very visible departure from the years of cooperation and compromise with the previous Federal Labor Government, the Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU) called on trade unionists and their supporters to demonstrate their opposition to the proposed legislation. This outbreak of anger might be thought to herald a reaction to heightened attacks on the Australian working class, ushered in by the election of the Coalition Government on 2 March 1996, which ended thirteen years of Labor rule under leaders Bob Hawke (1983-1991) and Paul Keating (1991-1996). However, while indicating a renewed activism by a disenchanted and alienated working class, this outburst of anger was not attributable to a sudden shift in the overall direction of government policy. Rather, it was an expression of a profound disenchantment with thirteen years of Australian ‘New Labor’ and a fear of the future under a Coalition Government committed to the sharp edges of the neo-liberal agenda.
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Colley, Linda. "Union recognition and union security." Journal of Management History 23, no. 1 (January 9, 2017): 95–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jmh-06-2016-0029.

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Purpose Union membership has declined in many countries reducing union capacity to bargain and contribute to economic equality. This paper aims to explore a more hopeful case in an Australian state, where the dramatic anti-union strategies of conservative governments have been reversed by Labor governments. Design/methodology/approach The research frames union recognition and union security in an international context, highlighting differences between US, Canadian, UK and Australian approaches. The research focuses on the Australian state of Queensland, providing an historical account of changes to union recognition and union preference provisions, drawing on legislation, major public service agreements, newspapers and parliamentary transcripts. Findings Conservative governments in Australia have implemented anti-union strategies, and Labor governments have often failed to restore union-friendly provisions when re-elected. In contrast, the Queensland study demonstrates a substantial restoration of union security provisions when Labor governments are re-elected, rebuilding political capital with unions and potentially supporting union membership. This difference is due to unique political and institutional factors that provide governments with unfettered powers to legislate their industrial relations agenda, whether in support or otherwise of unions, and has led to the more distinctive pendulum swings to the right and left than occurred elsewhere in Australia. Originality/value The research contributes to debates about the factors related to declining union membership and highlights a case where unions have achieved restoration of many provisions that increase their influence and potentially their membership.
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Glende, Philip. "Labor Reporting and Its Critics in the CIO Years." Journalism & Communication Monographs 22, no. 1 (February 10, 2020): 4–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1522637919898270.

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This monograph examines daily newspaper coverage of organized labor during the burst of union activity that began in the early 1930s. Three factors influenced labor reporting during this period: the dramatic rise of unions as a political, economic, and cultural force in the New Deal; trends in journalism, including the dominance of objectivity as an operating norm and the shift toward interpretive reporting; and journalists, their sources in labor leadership, and the emergence of the American Newspaper Guild. Union leaders were highly critical of the general circulation press and its coverage of labor issues. I argue that labor news was biased against unions, but that bias was not the result of a deliberate attempt to discredit unions. Despite prounion inclinations of some journalists, news values, news gathering routines, and newsroom practices shaped labor reporting in a way that emphasized organized labor’s role in repeatedly challenging and disrupting the status quo.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Labor unions Australia Political activity"

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Schmutte, Ian. "International union activity politics of scale in the Australian labour movement /." Connect to full text, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/719.

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Thesis (M. Phil.)--University of Sydney, [2004?].
Title from title screen (viewed 30 May 2008). Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Philosophy to the Discipline of Work and Organisational Studies. Includes bibliographical references. Also available in print form.
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Schmutte, Ian Michael. "International Union Activity: Politics of Scale in the Australian Labour Movement." University of Sydney. Work and Organisation Studies, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/719.

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In recent years, industrial relations scholars have begun to discuss the �revitalisation strategies� unions are using to rebuild lost density, power, and political leverage. This thesis studies the role international activities play in the revitalisation of Australian unions. Rather than assert the importance of international activity, or emphasise the value of certain forms of international activity, the thesis seeks to understand why unions choose to engage in particular forms of international activity. International activity in Australian unions takes on a remarkable diversity of forms. The analysis of international activity therefore requires a theory that is capable of describing these different forms of international activity and then explaining why they exist. However most scholars have not examined the role of union agency in choosing international activity. Within industrial relations, there is very little existing theory or research on which to base the kind of analysis proposed for the thesis. Most theories are ideologically driven, prescriptive accounts that either promote or challenge particular institutions or ideas about international activity. The problem is that they deal with international activity as an abstract kind of response to universal pressures of globalisation. These kinds of arguments serve well to articulate the need for unions to �think globally�, but are ill suited to the task of the thesis, which is to explain particular forms of international activity in particular unions. The questions about international activity that the thesis intends to answer form a point of connection between industrial relations and the related discipline of labour geography. In making the connections between labour geography theory and the analysis of union international strategy, the thesis argues for labour geography as a political economic foundation for industrial relations in the tradition of Hyman�s Marxist theory of industrial relations. This provides a critical theoretical perspective and conceptual vocabulary with which to criticise and extend industrial relations research on international activity. The result is a spatialised theory organised according to topics of interest in industrial relations research that can be applied to the study of Australian international activity. The thesis is evenly divided between developing this theory and research on international activity in the Australian union movement. Empirical analysis begins with a study of the international activities and policy of the ACTU, distinguishing different kinds of international activity. By treating the international activities of theACTU as representative of the Australian union movement as a whole, the thesis identifies three functional levels of international activity: strategy-sharing, regional solidarity, and global regulation. The chapter also examines the material and discursive construction of the international scale within the ACTU. The thesis also analyses the international activities of three Australian unions,the TWU, LHMU and CFMEU. While all three unions engage in each level of international activity, the review of their activities shows differences in the focus of each union. The thesis suggests that the explanation for these different ratios depends in part on the spatial structure of the industries that the different unions organise. The kind of research undertaken in this thesis has little precedent. The work of the labour geographers on international activity does not deal with union revitalisation strategy, and the research from industrial relations on the strategic aspects of international activity have not latched on to labour geography. This thesis argues that unions scale their activities internationally for particular reasons, some of which are structural and can be specified up front, and others that are historically contingent and can only be explored on a case-by-case basis. In examining this �politics of scale� the thesis redefines many of the issues in the discussion of international activity and proposes a new conceptual background for industrial relations generally.
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Leymon, Ann, and Ann Leymon. "Fighting for a Fair Economy? The Response of Labor Unions to Economic Crisis." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/12343.

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Political opportunity theory suggests that social movement organizations will increase political action efforts during times of opportunity, such as economic crises. On the other hand, business cycle theory predicts that economic crisis will be detrimental to unions, reducing membership and subsequently dues and power. This dissertation involves historical case studies of innovative and conservative labor unions, comparing organizational behavior during the Great Depression and the economic crisis of 2008. The dissertation also includes a QCA analysis of ten labor unions' political, organizing, and bargaining activity during the crisis of 2008. How do labor unions adjust their organizing strategies during an economic crisis? What tactics do unions use to redefine their role in the economy through social policy? What organizational characteristics define unions' varied responses to the crisis? This research found that characteristics consistent with organizational flexibility were consistent with the ability to identify and respond to the political opportunity present in economic crisis. While some unions decreased bargaining and organizing activity to shift resources towards political activity, this was not always the case. It also contributes a systematic description and analysis of typical labor union political activity. The data suggest that leader-based political action is a primary locus of activity, demanding further investigation into the varied campaigns and strategies unions take. More research is necessary to understand the interaction between the organizational political activity of labor unions and the political beliefs of union members.
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Gay, Morgan K. "Organized labour and the Quebec state, neo-corporatism, nationalism and trade union consensus, 1988-1998." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ48574.pdf.

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Wan, Ho-in Eric, and 溫浩然. "A study of the political participation of Hong Kong's labour movement leadership in the transitional period." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1993. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31211021.

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De, Bruno Giselle Audrey. "An analysis of the role of Latin American labor unions under democratization: the Argentine CGT's role under president Carlos Menem." FIU Digital Commons, 1993. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3013.

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Labor unions have played an important role in Latin American society. This is particularly true in Argentine, where the labor union movement gained strength in 1946 under the populist government of Juan Domingo Peron. When Carlos Menem, from the Peronist party, assumed presidency in 1989, the CGT, Argentina's labor confederation, expected traditional populism to return. Instead, Menem abandoned populism and aligned with the Conservative right to implement a neoliberal agenda. This thesis explores the processes by which Argentine labor unions lost strength during the dual processes of democratization and market reforms. By analyzing the CGT since Menem become president, this study attempts to explain the role of labor unions under democracy, and the relationship between organized labor and government in the context of economic reforms and political transformation. Furthermore, this thesis argues that the decline of the CGT resulted form the implementation of neoliberal reforms.
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Bryans, Andrew Nils. "The response to left-wing radicalism in Portland, Oregon, from 1917 to 1941." PDXScholar, 2002. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3565.

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In the early twentieth century industrial, political, and social conflicts occurred throughout the United States during a period of rapid industrialization and modernization. Examples of these disputes, such as labor strikes and political struggles, have frequently been the subjects of scholarly investigations. Yet certain aspects of these conflicts remain relatively unknown, particularly on the community and local levels. The purpose of the present study was to explore and provide the context for a better understanding of the motives behind the responses of antiradicals to left-wing radicalism. What were some of the social, cultural, and economic motivations of local antiradicals in the city of Portland from 1917 to 1941?
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Charlton, Christopher, and University of Lethbridge Faculty of Arts and Science. "An analysis of the links between the Alberta New Democrats and organized labour." Thesis, Lethbridge, Alta. : University of Lethbridge, Dept. of Political Science, 2009, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10133/2526.

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Like its counterparts in other provinces, the Alberta New Democratic Party has a formal relationship with organized labour. This thesis will examine the logic of the underlying relationship that persists between the two parties despite the difficult political and economic environment in Alberta. This thesis will discuss the complex and changing relationship between labour and the NDP in Alberta, making use of data from a variety of sources, but will rely heavily on data gathered from a series of interviews conducted with union and party officials in 2008. The thesis will deal particularly with the increasing fragmentation of the union movement in Alberta and the increasing independence of labour union campaigns during elections as challenges for the Alberta NDP in the future.
vi, 176 leaves ; 29 cm
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Güentzel, Ralph Peter. "In quest of emotional gratification and cognitive consonance : organized labour and Québec separatist nationalism, 1960-1980." Thesis, McGill University, 1997. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=42049.

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This thesis examines the reaction of organized labour to Quebec separatist nationalism for the period between 1960, the year of the creation of the Rassemblement pour l'independance nationale and the beginning of the Quiet Revolution in Quebec, and 1980, the year of the first referendum on Quebec's constitutional status. The thesis investigates four labour organizations: the Canadian Labour Congress (CLC), the Federation des travailleurs et travailleuses du Quebec (FTQ), the Confederation des syndicats nationaux (CSN), and the Centrale de l'enseignement du Quebec (CEQ). It shows in which ways the positions of the four centrals have been informed by their members' national identifications and the emotional and cognitive mechanisms that resulted from these identifications.
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Güntzel, Ralph Peter. "The Confédération des syndicats nationaux, the idea of independence, and the sovereigntist movement, 1960-1980 /." Thesis, McGill University, 1991. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=60027.

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During most of the 1960s, the CSN was both an advocate of provincial autonomy and a defender of federalism. In the late 1960s and early 1970s, however, a majority of its leaders and militants came to favour separatism. Many of them saw independence as a precondition for the creation of a socialist Quebec. In 1972, the CSN rejected capitalism, endorsed socialism, and envisaged an internal referendum on the independence issue. The internal debate, however, took place only after the Parti quebecois was elected to power in 1976. Fearing internal divisions and disaffiliations, the CSN did not endorse separatism. Being disappointed with the Parti quebecois' governmental record, the CSN was content to give a critical support to a yes vote in the referendum in 1980.
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Books on the topic "Labor unions Australia Political activity"

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Sound of trumpets: History of the labour movement in South Australia. Netley, S. Aust: Wakefield Press, 1985.

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Carney, Shaun. Australia in accord: Politics and industrial relations under the Hawke government. South Melbourne: Sun Books, 1988.

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Power in coalition: Strategies for strong unions and social change. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2010.

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1956-, Thornton Harold, ed. Labor in Queensland: From the 1800s to 1988. St Lucia, Qld., Australia: University of Queensland Press, 1989.

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Dufty, Norman Francis. Unions and politics: The five day week campaign for Western Australian bankers. Nedlands, W.A: Dept. of Industrial Relations, University of Western Australia, 1985.

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Finnane, Mark. When police unionise: The politics of law and order in Australia. Sydney: Institute of Criminology, University of Sydney, 2002.

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Simms, Marian. Militant public servants: Politicisation, feminisation, and selected public service unions. South Melbourne: Macmillan, 1987.

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Gregory, Mark. Sixty years of Australian union songs: The Australian folk revival and the the Australian Labour Movement since the Second World War. [Sydney: Mark Gregory, 2007.

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Macquarie University. Dept. of Contemporary Music Studies., ed. Sixty years of Australian union songs: The Australian folk revival and the the Australian Labour Movement since the Second World War. [Sydney: Mark Gregory, 2007.

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Australia's first Fabians: Middle-class radicals, labour activists, and the early labour movement. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993.

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Book chapters on the topic "Labor unions Australia Political activity"

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Clayworth, Peter. "An Agitator Abroad." In Frontiers of Labor. University of Illinois Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252041839.003.0016.

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Patrick Hodgens Hickey, a New Zealander, was a labor activist who introduced American ideas of revolutionary industrial unionism and socialist political action to the country of his birth. Hickey grew up in rural New Zealand at a time of industrial peace under a compulsory arbitration system and initially had little interest in unions or socialism. He learned mining skills while working as an itinerant laborer in the United States, becoming part of a transnational network of mine workers. He was radicalized by his experiences of American class conflict and his involvement with the militant Western Federation of Miners. Returning to New Zealand, he became a leader of a workers’ revolt against the compulsory arbitration system in the period from 1907 through to 1914. Hickey was a key organizer of the union peak body that became the New Zealand Federation of Labour, the “Red Feds.” Following the defeats of the Waihi strike of 1912 and the Great Strike of 1913, Hickey suffered blacklisting. He went to Australia in 1915 to escape the blacklist and the threat of wartime conscription. In Australia he worked as a union activist and anticonscription campaigner. Hickey’s life and career illustrate the transnational migration of workers and their ideas in the early twentieth century.
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Kirk, Neville. "Unfolding Differences, Enduring Similarities." In Transnational Radicalism and the Connected Lives of Tom Mann and Robert Samuel Ross. Liverpool University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5949/liverpool/9781786940094.003.0005.

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Notwithstanding continuing similarities, Mann’s and Ross’s socialism was increasing characterised by differences. These similarities and, especially so, differences constitute the subject matter of chapter four. Mann and Ross continued to share commitments to the Social Revolution, labour movement unity and ethical and scientific socialism. Yet against these were Mann’s developing syndicalism, his downgrading of the political, especially parliamentary, means to socialism, and his synthesis of syndicalism and Bolshevism, as manifested in his membership of the Communist Party of Great Britain. He also had a positive impression of the Soviet Union right up to his death. In contrast, Ross increasingly attached equal importance to political and economic means, and in the 1920s worked actively in the Australian Labor Party. He opposed the application of the Soviet Bolshevik revolutionary model to Australia and fought against Australian communists. Ross’s growing attachment to Rationalism also signified that he was becoming more outspoken than Mann in his opposition to most kinds of religion. Yet, remarkably, the two men remained good friends and comrades. In conclusion, their case sheds new light upon the origins and character of late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century socialism.
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Barrett, James R. "Gatekeepers and “Americanizers”." In Frontiers of Labor. University of Illinois Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252041839.003.0009.

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This essay focuses on the later rather than the Famine-era migrants, on the American-born Irish, and on their impact on working-class America. Irish American workers were entrenched in workplaces and unions by the late nineteenth century, and their attitudes and actions had enormous consequences as the American working-class population was continually remade through later waves of migration. Too often their actions marginalized immigrants, the unskilled, women, and people of color, tendencies that left an enduring mark on the labor movement in the United States. They were architects of the conservative business unionism that came to dominate the labor movement and of the political machines that dominated many cities. But I also stress a tradition of progressive labor activism that helped lay the foundation for a new multiethnic movement in the course of the early twentieth century. This was especially true during the organizing drives in basic industry during World War I and in the unsuccessful efforts to organize an independent labor party in the wake of the war. We find important differences between the US and Australian cases in terms of the role of the Church, the character of Irish nationalism, the attitude toward independent labor politics, and elsewhere, but we risk misunderstanding Irish workers in both societies if we ignore the nuances in the narratives.
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Stromquist, Shelton. "Domestic “Dogs of War” Unleashed." In Frontiers of Labor. University of Illinois Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252041839.003.0004.

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Municipal politics offers an opportunity to assess the impact of the Great War on the lives of workers in Australia and the United States and the fortunes of labor and socialist parties. Although both countries lay on the periphery of the European conflict, each contributed significant manpower and economic resources to the war effort. Each also faced the disruptive impact of the war on their economies. Locally soaring prices, spot unemployment, housing shortages, and the loss of breadwinners’ income put great stress on working-class families that labor and socialist parties sought to address. In the pre-war period, these parties in both countries contested for power in cities but more successfully in the United States, despite limits on municipal home rule. A pre-war surge in strike activity was also more intense in the United States. These circumstances shaped the local politics of the war years in which locally mobilized anticonscription and antiwar activity in Australia surged at the local level. In the United States, urban elites successfully used socialist opposition to the war to severely repress and ultimately disable socialists’ capacity to maintain their pre-war strength in cities. As a consequence, while US socialists’ gains eroded during and after the war, in Australia successful local mobilization against conscription enabled the Labor Party to make gains in municipal as well as state and national politics. The war dramatically changed the political landscape for labor and socialists in both countries—for the worse in the United States and for the better in Australia.
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