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1
Vedeneeva, V. "Poland’s Migration Policy: Formation of Paradigm (1989–2019)." World Economy and International Relations 64, no. 12 (2020): 105–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2020-64-12-105-112.
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The article analyzes the development of Poland’s migration policy from the late 1980s until the present time. The transformation of this policy took place in direct proportion to socio-economic and political changes in the country. The first period was related to the beginning of a systemic transformation in Poland and understanding of the need for conceptual approaches to the problem of migration. During these years, the priorities of the migration policy were to ensure the country’s security, as well as to facilitate the access of Poles to the international labor market. The next stage was characterized by preparations for Poland’s accession to the EU. At this time, there was a gradual “Europeanization” of Polish law into which EU directives were implemented. Meanwhile, preliminary work began on the development of basic principles of the Poland’s migration policy. In the third stage, these basic principles were harmonized with European legislation, with priority given to solving national problems, especially in the economy which began to experience a shortage of labor. A number of EU directives concerning labor migrants were implemented in Polish legislation. There was also some liberalization of the access to the Polish labor market for foreigners from third countries – the citizens of six post-Soviet states: Belarus, Russia, Ukraine, Moldova, Armenia and Georgia. During this period, there were changes in the policy of repatriation of ethnic Poles living outside the country. The fourth period includes ongoing changes related to the response to domestic challenges. The further evolution of the Poland’s migration policy and its format are largely determined by such factors as intensification of a negative demographic trend, the direct result of which is an acute shortage of labor and, therefore, high demand for foreign labor, that is growth in labor migration. The answer to these challenges is the development of a new migration strategy.
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BARTEL, FRITZ. "Fugitive Leverage: Commercial Banks, Sovereign Debt, and Cold War Crisis in Poland, 1980–1982." Enterprise & Society 18, no. 1 (June 14, 2016): 72–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eso.2016.19.
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This article examines a familiar Cold War event, the Polish Crisis of the early 1980s, but from an unfamiliar perspective: international financial history. Historians have yet to examine how the growing international activity of Western commercial banks and the Eastern Bloc’s heavy borrowing on international capital markets during the 1970s influenced the course of the late Cold War. This article covers the history of the Eastern Bloc’s largest borrower—Poland—and its road to sovereign default in 1981. It examines how financial diplomacy among banks, communist countries, and the U.S. government catalyzed the formation of the labor union Solidarność (Solidarity). Ultimately, this article speaks to an important theme in the history of U.S. capitalism since World War II; namely, how the construction of global finance influenced U.S. foreign policy. The end of the Cold War in the fall of 1989 was the result not only of communism’s loss of legitimacy among the peoples of Eastern Europe, but also its loss of creditworthiness on global financial markets.
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Keryk, Myroslava. "‘Caregivers with a Heart Needed’: The Domestic Care Regime in Poland after 1989 and Ukrainian Migrants." Social Policy and Society 9, no. 3 (June 1, 2010): 431–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147474641000014x.
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The article discusses the welfare regime that emerged in Poland after the collapse of communism and the introduction of the market economy. It analyses policy in the sphere of child and elderly care, and household strategies related to care. It is argued that the care regime in Poland is a combination of the conservative and the social-democratic model. On the one hand, the state provides equal labour market access to women and men. On the other hand, publicly funded child and elder care is insufficient, resulting in a care deficit. The situation has created demand for domestic care workers, and while Polish women do such work, it is increasingly performed by migrant women, particularly from Ukraine. To summarise, the article argues how gender and care regimes in Poland boost the domestic work sector, where Ukrainian migrants play an important role, and how this development has contributed to changes in the Polish migration regime.
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Delaney, John J. "Totalitarianism: Racial Values vs. Religious Values:Clerical Opposition to Nazi Anti-Polish Racial Policy." Church History 70, no. 2 (June 2001): 271–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3654454.
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Hitler's wars for living space sent millions of Germans abroad and aggravated a severe labor shortage at home. German authorities recruited or forcibly transported up to seven million foreign workers to the Reich from 1939 to 1945. A great many of these civilian workers, POWs, and slave laborers came from Poland, the Ukraine, and western areas of the Soviet Union, that is, homelands the Nazi regime stigmatized as particularly “inferior.” Nazi racial thinking and wartime security concerns produced an extensive set of discriminatory measures aimed at the subjugation and strict control of Slavs. Nazi edicts required Poles and so-called Eastern Workers (Ostarbeiter) to wear a purple “P” or “Ost” badge on their outer clothing. Restrictive measures limited allowable movement to their immediate area of residence and work. The regime also imposed a system akin to apartheid. Racial law thus prohibited unnecessary social contact between members of the so-called master race and their “racial inferiors.”
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Kosiorek, Małgorzata. "International education programmes as an element of educational change in the Polish education system." Studia z Teorii Wychowania XIII, no. 2 (39) (July 18, 2022): 71–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0015.9260.
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The main aim of the article is to present selected international education programmes implemented in Poland (International Baccalaureate, Advanced Placement, International General Certificate of Secondary Education) in the context of educational change. The background of the analyses is the metamorphoses in the Polish education system after the period of political transformation. Literature in the field of education policy, theory of educational systems, normative documents of educational law, European Union directives and programme documents of international organizations conducting and accrediting IB, AP, and IGCSE programmes were used for the research. The author argues that the educational change that took place after 1989 in the organization and structure of the education system made it possible to implement international education programmes and contributed to the democratization and socialization of the Polish education system. Currently, international education programmes constitute an attractive educational offer that provides a chance for continuing education at renowned foreign universities, makes it possible to efficiently find oneself on the global labour market, and also prepares young people to be active members of civil society, guided by such values of political and social life as respect for human rights, democracy, solidarity, freedom of speech, and tolerance.
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Pohromskyi, Victor. "ACTIVITIES OF THE POLISH AMERICAN CHILDREN’S AID COMMITTEE AND THE AMERICAN RELIFE ADMINISTRATION (ARA) ON THE TERRITORY OF POLISH REPUBLIC." European Historical Studies, no. 19 (2021): 74–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2021.19.6.
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The end of the First World War was a consequence of a whole range of significant problems in the countries of Eastern Europe. These include the general poverty of the population, the decline of the rural industry and industrial production, the general political crisis that increased the popularity of radical communist movements, the change of geopolitical formation in Europe. The main factor that led to the destruction of the imperialist system was World War the first. On the ruins of empires, new independent countries are emerging, including the restored Republic of Poland or the Second Commonwealth. The whole list of problems that often reinforced each other was extremely difficult to overcome solely with the country inner capabilities and reserves. In fact, the period of the 20-30s of the twentieth century becomes the era of the expansion of the international philanthropic organizations activities, among which an important role was taken by American subsidiary organizations. These include the American Relief Administration (ARA), the American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee (JDC) and some religious organizations such as the American Mennonites and others. Quite often these organizations were united, sometimes acting separately, or transferring the relay activity from one to another. The involvement of American philanthropic organizations in dealing with the needy countries of Eastern Europe has become possible due to a number of factors. The following of them are the departure from the policy of isolationism, the rapid increase in the US labor productivity, the crisis of overproduction, the formation within the American society of a humanists and philanthropists layer, mainly among the richest and the most influential entrepreneurs (Andrew Carnegie, John Rockefeller, Jacob Schiff, Herbert Hoover, etc.), who, having earned enormous wealth, created non-governmental charitable foundations with the aim of financing the philanthropic projects. Thus the activity of Herbert Hoover American humanitarian organization (the American Relief Administration (ARA)) which was started in 1919 in the US changed the general economic and social situation. Its main purpose was to provide food for Polish children needs. ARA launched a whole network of dining-rooms throughout Poland.
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Osa, Maryjane. "Contention and Democracy: Labor Protest in Poland, 1989–1993." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 31, no. 1 (March 1, 1998): 29–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(97)00023-8.
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This article analyzes data on labor protests in Poland during the transition period. A bivariate categorical model was used to estimate the effectiveness of different protest strategies. Analysis shows that strike threats and strikes were effective in gaining concessions from the government or employers in over eighty percent of the events in which these strategies were employed. These findings challenge prevailing notions of a weak labor movement in Poland. The implications of the study of protest for evaluating “the two faces of labor” and for democratic consolidation are explored.
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Maier, Marta. "LABOR MARKET POLICY IN POLAND AGAINST AGING SOCIETY." Prace Naukowe Uniwersytetu Ekonomicznego we Wrocławiu, no. 489 (2017): 231–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.15611/pn.2017.489.21.
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Malczyńska-Biały, Mira. "Consumer Policy in Poland in the Period of Transformation." Studia Historiae Oeconomicae 35, no. 1 (December 20, 2017): 129–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sho-2017-0009.
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Abstract The article is based on an analysis of Polish and international legal acts, government programs and literature, and aims at presenting the concept and the scope of consumer policy in the period of systemic transformation in Poland. The publication features an analysis of the major factors shaping consumer policy in Poland in the years 1989-2004. Selected international legal acts affecting consumer protection in the years 1989-1997 were also analyzed. Elements of consumer policy present in selected governmental economic programs in the period of transformation were synthesized. It was assumed that consumer policy in the period of systemic transformation indirectly resulted from the economic policy of the government. Its shape was primarily affected by the social and economic transformation occurring since 1989 and the birth of free market economy. The process of adjusting the Polish legislation to the European Union standards, which began in 1991, and subsequent accession to the European Union in 2004 also played an important role.
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Franka, Paweł, and Anna Wisz. "Polityka pieniężna Narodowego Banku Polskiego od roku 1989." Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego. Studia i Prace, no. 1 (December 5, 2015): 173–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/kkessip.2015.1.8.
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The article discusses the activities of National Bank of Poland during the past twenty-five year and more specifically in the years 1989–2013 with particular emphasis on monetary policy. During this time, the Polish central bank has undergone fundamental change, starting from the position of the so-called monobank, i.e. bank without autonomy in activities, characteristic of planned economy. The article describes the process of transformation of the National Bank of Poland to the role of a central bank operating in a market economy. The paper emphasizes all the important events in the transformation, including building of a two-tier banking system, the gradual replacement of the administrative measures by monetary policy instruments, currency denomination, constitutional guarantees of the role and independence of the National Bank of Poland, creation of the Monetary Policy Council – a departure from the single monetary policy-making in favor of collegiality, changing the monetary policy strategy to direct inflation targeting, bank exchange rates policy, open market operations.
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Paradysz, Stanisław. "Industrialization, deindustrialization and the beginning of re-industrialization in Poland." Wiadomości Statystyczne. The Polish Statistician 60, no. 6 (June 29, 2015): 54–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0016.0828.
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This article aims to provide information about 1634 new industrial workplaces employing 100 or more people, built in Poland in years 1949–1988 and 2276 plants of the same size, existing before 1949 as well as about the transformation of these companies after 1989. The article describes a statistical survey of industrial plants, discusses the industrialization of the country, the scale and causes of liquidation of the factories after 1989. In addition, the state of the industry in Poland after 25 years of transformation and brought closer to the origins of reindustrialization of our country are discussed. The article takes into account the survey results of 3910 industrial enterprises in the years 1988–2014. Also data on the production potential of industry in 1988 from the Statistical Yearbook of Industry in 1989 are used. Production potential of plants is specified by value of production assets, sold production and employment, which allows to calculate relevant indicators of production capital intensity, technical infrastructure and labor productivity.
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Skocpol, Theda, Kenneth Finegold, and Michael Goldfield. "Explaining New Deal Labor Policy." American Political Science Review 84, no. 4 (December 1990): 1297–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1963265.
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The National Labor Relations Act (NLRA) of 1935 represented a turning point in modern labor relations policy in the United States. In the December 1989 issue of this Review, Michael Goldfield examined the effects of worker insurgency and radical organization on the enactment of the new labor law and rejected theories that emphasized the autonomy of the state from societal forces. In this Controversy, Theda Skocpol and Kenneth Finegold argue that the growing strength of liberal Democrats in Congress following the 1934 election and the failure of the National Industrial Recovery Act (NIRA) as an economic recovery measure provided the most important causes for the passage of the NLRA in mid-1935. In response Goldfield argues that the results of the 1934 election were themselves influenced by the protest environment and that the passage of the NLRA was a foregone conclusion before the NIRA was struck down.
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Fatalski, Marcin. "Foreign Policy of the Polish People’s Republic on Mexico 1945-1989." Ad Americam 19 (February 8, 2019): 45–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/adamericam.19.2018.19.04.
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In the period between 1945-1989, Polish-Mexican relations were determined by the Cold War rivalry. Poland remained in the Soviet sphere of influence and its sovereignty was limited by Moscow. Although controlled by the Kremlin, Poland had its own initiatives in foreign policy. Warsaw considered Mexico to be the most important partner in Latin America (not to mention the communist ally, Castro of Cuba), thus Polish diplomacy made many efforts to strengthen mutual political, cultural and economic relations. Mexico, with its independent foreign policy, progressive state ideology and tremendous market, seemed a particularly valuable partner in Latin America to the Polish communist leaders. The climax of Polish diplomatic initiatives occurred in the 1970s. Mexico was also interested in cooperation with Poland, especially in its economic dimension but the result of the efforts was mixed. The poor performance of Polish-Mexican economic relations when compared with the Mexican commercial exchange with other East European countries proves that the efforts of the Polish government in the economic sphere were rather futile. Political relations were good, however geopolitically both countries belonged to different spheres. The special, independent position of Mexico in world politics made such friendly relations possible.
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Szulborska-Lukaszewicz, J. "Trends in cultural policy and culture management in Poland (1989-2014)." Zarzadzanie w kulturze, no. 17, 2 (2016): 107–24.
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Szulborska-Lukaszewicz, Joanna. "Trends in Cultural Policy and Culture Management in Poland (1989 - 2014 )." Zarzadzanie w kulturze, no. 16, 3 (2015): 221–40.
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Terry, Sarah Meiklejohn. "Poland's foreign policy since 1989: the challenges of independence." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 33, no. 1 (March 1, 2000): 7–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(99)00024-0.
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In its first decade of post-communist independence, Poland achieved far more than most dared believe in 1989. Despite domestic political and economic turmoil, it has joined Europe as a new member of NATO and a prospective member of the EU. This article traces the evolution of Polish foreign policy since 1989 over four time periods: First, the early uncertainties from 1989 to 1992 when Warsaw — caught between a reunifying Germany and a collapsing USSR — was intent on solidifying its relations with Central European neighbors. Second, the watershed year of 1993, which witnessed changes in every aspect of Poland's external relations — the demise of Visegrad, first moves toward NATO and EU enlargement, the emergence of serious tensions in Warsaw's relations with the East, especially Russia. Third, the years in the anterooms of Europe from 1994 to 1996, when Poland and its central European neighbors lobbied for early accession to the EU and NATO, while relations with Russia remained in the deep freeze. And fourth, the period since 1997, in which Warsaw has been negotiating its “return to Europe”, joining NATO in 1999 and actively pursuing membership in the EU. These gains have not come quickly or easily; rather, they demonstrate a hard earned consistency in Poland's foreign policy agenda, despite numerous changes in domestic politics, as well as an increasingly realistic vision of the country's place in post-Cold War Europe.
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Podgórzańska, Renata. "Polish Involvement in Peacekeeping Operations and Stabilisation Missions from the Perspective of The Foreign Policy." Reality of Politics 5, no. 1 (January 31, 2014): 63–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/rop201405.
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The involvement of Poland in the activities of the international community for strengthening peace, security and stability in conflict-prone states and regions was one of significant elements of the foreign policy pursued afier 1989. It assumed various forms, from diplomatic initiatives and activities, to the direct participation in international peacekeeping operations and stabilisation missions. The involvement of Poland in the activities of the international community for strengthening peace, security and stability in conflict-prone states and regions was one of significant elements of the foreign policy pursued afier 1989. It assumed various forms, from diplomatic initiatives and activities, to the direct participation in international peacekeeping operations and stabilisation missions.
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Kapela, Magdalena. "Labor Costs and Localization in Global Value Chains: Comparative Analysis and Conclusions for Poland." Foundations of Management 11, no. 1 (January 1, 2019): 229–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/fman-2019-0019.
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AbstractLabor costs in Poland are relatively low in comparison to other European Union (EU) countries. After long period of functioning Poland in closed economy, conditions significantly weakened the level of its competitiveness in the international market. When the boards were opened in 1989, it became clear that cheap work force was one of the most important factors to attract foreign investments. At the same time, globalization and internationalization of production created opportunity for entrepreneurs to establish global value chains. Participation in global value chain (GVC) of Poland can extend international trade and increase gross domestic product (GDP). On the other hand, low wages attract investments in low-technology industries and, moreover, place Poland in the middle of value chains, where semi-products are assembled and new value added is exiguous. The aim of the article is: 1) to present polish participation in global value chain, 2) to analyze how much low labor costs contribute to degree of share in global value chain, and 3) to show how level of labor costs contribute to position in value chain and how does it influence on benefits from participating in GVC. In the article, the quantitative and qualitative assessment of Eurostat (European statistic) and Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) statistics data and research on labor costs carried out in Poland were analyzed. The research tools include a critical analysis of literature and descriptive analytical method. More than 50% of polish exports takes place within the global value chains. Low labor costs attract investors to allocate part of their production in Poland. Nevertheless, great part of export constitutes semi-products that do not create new value added so benefits from participation in GVC are not so considerable as expected. It is desirable to shift Poland toward beginning or the end of value chains, where profits are higher.
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Fedorowicz, Krzysztof. "National Identity and National Interest in Polish Eastern Policy, 1989–2004." Nationalities Papers 35, no. 3 (July 2007): 537–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990701368761.
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The processes of democratic social and political changes in Poland that have gained momentum since 1989 have radically altered the foundations and the goals of Polish foreign policy. In addition to re-establishing Polish interests as the basis for foreign policy, they have also started the process of establishing a new element of Polish diplomacy, namely its eastern policy. In these altered political conditions it was the right time to ask the question of how to establish new relationships in the East, how to normalize relations with the USSR and, finally, what stance should be adopted towards the increasing independence claims of individual Soviet republics. The process of establishing a democratic Poland was concurrent with the reconstruction, and later, with the fall of the USSR. In addition, the convoluted history of Polish-Ukrainian and Polish-Lithuanian relationships from the very beginning hindered the attempt of Polish diplomacy to establish new contacts with its eastern partners.
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Simakhova, Anastasiia. "POLICY OF EMPLOYEMENT IN POLAND AND ITS EXPIERENCE FOR UKRAINE." Європейський вектор економічного розвитку 2, no. 31 (2021): 96–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.32342/2074-5362-2021-2-31-8.
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A significant part of the state’s social policy is employment policy, which is one of the most important macroeconomic parameters. Employment affects the income of the population and general well-being. Poland’s positive experience in these matters is especially important for Ukraine, which as a result of the pandemic has found itself in a more difficult social situation than most European countries. In Poland, the issues of social policy models have been undertaken for many years by many researchers: Chojnacka, Gomułka, Frączak and Wygnański, Mendell et al. These authors focused on the issues of social transformation in Poland, social and employment policy, and financial aspects of Poland’s development. The aim of the article is to review the positive experience of employment policy in Poland with a recommendation for its application in Ukraine. The research methods used in the article are literature analysis (review of current research in the field of social policy with special emphasis on employment policy and Polish state statistics) and taxonomic methods used to determine the social development of Poland and changes in the labor market and the method of comparative analysis. The main features of the Polish social model are: stable economic development; low unemployment; increase in average wages; relatively small regional differences in the unemployment rate; labor market stability and its ability to adapt to new challenges. Poland is an attractive country for Ukrainian youth. The key to the economic development of Poland is the intensive development of small and medium-sized enterprises. Appropriate allowances and subsidies for foreign investments have been introduced in Poland, which solve the problem of unemployment and support Polish business thanks to technological innovations. The main problems of employment policy in Ukraine are: low wages; high unemployment; departure of young workers and highly qualified staff abroad in search of higher wages. The main Polish experience of social policy that can be used in Ukraine is: development of corporate social responsibility; entrepreneurial activation of the unemployed; creation of favorable working conditions for employees through cooperation of the public sector with business entities; consultations with Poland and other European countries on the development of the labor market in Ukraine.
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Chełminiak, M., and W. Kotowicz. "The foreign policy of Poland and the Kaliningrad region in 1989—2012." Baltic Region 4 (2012): 52–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.5922/2079-8555-2012-4-6.
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Chałupczak, Henryk. "ETHNIC POLICY OF THE REPUBLIC OF POLAND AFTER 1989. DETERMINANTS AND SPECIFICS." Teka Komisji Politologii i Stosunków Międzynarodowych, no. 8 (July 3, 2015): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/teka.2013.0.8.24.
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Istotą artykułu jest próba pogłębionej refleksji na temat charakteru polityki etnicznej państwa polskiego po roku 1989, a więc w okresie transformacji ustrojowej. Punktem wyjścia rozważań są autorskie odniesienia do specyfiki i istoty polityki etnicznej jako polityki szczegółowej państwa, przede wszystkim w świetle paradygmatu badawczego właściwego badaniom politologicznym. Analizy dotyczą tak zagadnień teoretycznych, jak i praktycznych, w tym determinantów badanej polityki, instytucji/podmiotów ją kreujących, etapów, głównych koncepcji, zakresu realizacji oraz bilansu. Autor konkluduje, że realizowana w okresie transformacji polityka etniczna państwa polskiego zasługuje na pozytywną ocenę, tak w kontekście jej charakteru, jak i skuteczności. Stwierdza, że Polska wypracowała i prowadziła wtedy politykę nastawioną z jednej strony na tworzenie ram państwa demokratycznego, z drugiej pozytywne rozwiązywanie ujawniających się problemów w sferze etnicznej. Zaprezentowane rozważania bazują na wieloletnich badaniach własnych autora, licznych dokumentach oraz literaturze przedmiotu.
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Mayo, Stephen K., and James I. Stein. "Housing and Labor Market Distortions in Poland: Linkages and Policy Implications." Journal of Housing Economics 4, no. 2 (June 1995): 153–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1006/jhec.1995.1008.
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Dredge, Dianne. "Tourism Reform, Policy and Development in Queensland, 1989–2011." Queensland Review 18, no. 2 (2011): 152–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1375/qr.18.2.152.
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Tourism has been a major driver of economic and social development in Queensland since the end of World War II. In 2011, tourism's direct contribution to the economy was estimated to be $7.8 billion, and it generated direct employment of an estimated 118,000 full-time equivalent jobs (Queensland Tourism 2011). The multiplier effects of tourism account for another $9.2 billion, making it the most important component of the state's service sector. These figures suggest that the approach adopted by the Labor government over the last two decades to manage and develop Queensland tourism has generally been positive. However, a closer examination of recent trends and criticisms reveals that visitor demand has flat-lined: the industry is struggling under the weight of global and local pressures, investment has slowed, and there are issues of stagnating demand, competitiveness, service quality, industry capacity and innovation. Moreover, Queensland is losing international market share compared with New South Wales and Victoria (Tourism Research Australia 2011). Given that governments have a key role to play in creating and maintaining policy conditions that contribute to both a healthy economy and social well-being, what have been the Queensland Labor government's contributions to tourism, and what are the key challenges into the future?
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Antonowicz, Dominik, and Mateusz Grodecki. "Missing the goal: Policy evolution towards football-related violence in Poland (1989–2012)." International Review for the Sociology of Sport 53, no. 4 (August 5, 2016): 490–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1012690216662011.
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The article aims to analyse the evolution of governmental policy in regard to football-related violence in Poland. The investigation is seen through a broader political prism of the country’s modernization efforts that were symbolically framed by two major events: the partially free parliamentary elections in 1989 and the finals of Euro 2012 co-hosted by Poland. The paper offers a discussion on policy dynamics stemmed from politicization and instrumentalization of the complex problem of hooliganism. By doing so, it demonstrates how, under external political pressure and in search for internal popularity, the governments introduced superficial legal and institutional solutions thoughtlessly imitating policies adopted in other countries (mainly England), and how this approach led to masking and sidelining social problems rather than offering actual solutions.
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Anioł, Wlodzimierz. "On three modernisation narratives in Poland after 1989." International Journal of Social Economics 42, no. 9 (September 14, 2015): 777–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijse-03-2015-0075.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to look at the process of socio-economic modernization experienced by Poland in the period following the fall of communism in 1989 through the lens of three major narratives in domestic public discourse: the neoliberal, the conservative and the social democratic. Each of them distributes differently the accents, not only as regards preferred values and directions of change but also the modality, methods and pace of their introduction. Design/methodology/approach – The reflections are inspired by a constructivist approach, stressing the large impact of ideas, narrative and discourse on social change. Moreover the author proposes in the analysis his own identification of three types of modernization: from below, from above and from beyond. Findings – At least two conclusions follow from the paper. The first asserts that across the entire 25-year period from 1989 to 2014, the most powerful presence in the discourse has been marked by the neoliberal modernization narrative, although the popularity of conservative narrative has been important too. The other conclusion can be expressed in a nutshell as a thesis that impacts “from beyond” have had greatly shaped not only particular narratives but also the very systemic transformation of Poland. Those impacts have assumed forms of various transfers (ideological, institutional, financial and policy), with important roles being played by western governments, epistemic communities and integration structures of the western world. Originality/value – The following analysis of the public discourse about the modernization of Poland in the recent 25 years is an attempt to develop an original approach to the said issue from the perspective of the three narratives identified by the author. The emphasis on international factors in explaining the nature of Polish transformations after 1989 appears to be another asset of the paper.
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Staręga-Piasek, Joanna. "Local government, social policy and social assistance: development paths since 1989/1990." Praca Socjalna 35, no. 4 (August 31, 2020): 5–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.3587.
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The paper discusses the first and second local government reform in Poland. The article describes the essence of social assistance institutions: social assistance centers, county family assistance centers and regional social policy centers. The article ends with consideration of the place of social assistance in local government social policy.
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Fodor, Eva, Christy Glass, Janette Kawachi, and Livia Popescu. "Family policies and gender in Hungary, Poland, and Romania." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 35, no. 4 (December 1, 1997): 475–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(02)00030-2.
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This paper discusses changes and new directions in the gendered nature of the welfare state in three post-state socialist societies: Hungary, Poland and Romania. Relying on an analysis of laws and regulations passed after 1989 concerning child care, maternity and parental leave, family support, unemployment and labor market policies, retirement and abortion laws, the authors identify the differences and the similarities among the three countries, pointing out not only their status in 2001, but also their trajectory, the dynamics and timing of their change. The authors argue that there are essential differences between the three countries in terms of women’s relationship to the welfare state. They also specify some of the key historical and social variables which might explain variation across countries.
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Žídek, Libor. "Transformation in Poland." Review of Economic Perspectives 11, no. 4 (January 1, 2011): 237–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10135-011-0015-x.
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Transformation in Poland The paper analyses transformation process in Poland between 1989 and 2004. The goal of the paper is to clarify the most important steps in the economic policy that were carried out in this period. The structure of the paper follows this general goal. We first of all analyse economic development of the country before the fall of the communist regime because this determined the whole following process. Then we shortly mention political development that had a significant impact on the transformation process, and its results. In the next part we concentrate on the main steps in the economic transformation, and consequently devote place to specific aspects - for example privatisation. The final part analyses the main economic indicators of this period. We conclude that the transformation process achieved its main economic goal and the economy's ability to grow increased.
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Bąk-Pitucha, Aneta. "The policy of the Polish authorities towards national and ethnic minorities after 1989." Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 19, no. 3 (December 2021): 205–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2021.3.9.
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The aim of this article is to analyse the Polish authorities’ policy towards national and ethnic minorities after 1989, after the collapse of real socialism in Poland. The author gives an overview of the historical and sociopolitical situation of these minorities in Poland. The main point of consideration is the position and functioning of national and ethnic minorities on the basis of law, their political activity in parliamentary and local elections, as well as the attitude of leading Polish political parties towards the issues of national and ethnic minorities. National and ethnic minorities are, by definition, less numerous than the rest of the Polish population, but remain Polish citizens and at the same time are aware of their historical community. The article uses the following methods: descriptive and institutional-legal.
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Wichert, Wojciech. "„Exerzierplatz des Nationalsozialismus“ — der Reichsgau Wartheland in den Jahren 1939–1945." Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 40, no. 2 (August 16, 2018): 79–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.40.2.4.
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The aim of the article is the analysis of German policy in Reichsgau Wartheland, an area of western Poland annexed to Germany in the years 1939–1945. In scientific literature German rule in Warthegau with its capital in Poznań is often defined as ,,experimental training area of National Socialism”, where the regime could test its genocidal and racial practices, which were an emanation of the German occupation of Poland. The Nazi authorities wanted to accomplish its ideological goals in Wartheland in a variety of cruel ways, including the ethnic cleansing, annihilation of Polish intelligentsia, destruction of cultural institutions, forced resettlement and expulsion, segregation Germans from Poles combined with wide-ranging racial discrimination against the Polish population, mass incarceration in prisons and concentration camps, systematic roundups of prisoners, as well as genocide of Poles and Jews within the scope of radical Germanization policy and Holocaust. The aim of Arthur Greiser, the territorial leader of the Wartheland Gauleiter and at the same time one of the most powerful local Nazi administrators in Hitler‘s empire, was to change the demographic structure and colonisation of the area by the hundreds of thousands of ethnic Germans Volksdeutschen from the Baltic and other regions in order to make it a ,,blond province” and a racial laboratory for the breeding of the ,,German master race”. The largest forced labour program, the first and longest standing ghetto in Łódź, which the Nazis renamed later Litzmannstadt and the first experimental mass gassings of Jews in Nazi-occupied Europe carried out from autumn 1941 in gas vans in Chełmno extermination camp were all initiated in Warthegau, even before the implementation of the Final Solution. Furthermore, some of the first major deportations of the Jewish population took place here. Therefore in the genesis of the of the Nazi extermination policy of European Jewry Wartheland plays a pivotal role, as well as an important part of ruthless German occupation of Polish territories.
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Malendowicz, Paweł. "Reminiscencja marksizmu-leninizmu w XXI wieku? Przykład Komunistycznej Partii Polski i Polskiej Socjalistycznej Partii Robotniczej." Polityka i Społeczeństwo 19, no. 1 (2021): 70–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/polispol.2021.1.5.
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In 2002, the Communist Party of Poland and the Polish Socialist Workers’ Party were founded. Their programs were based on Marxism-Leninism. These parties were marginal organizations and did not play any significant role in the Polish political system. They made a positive but biased assessment of the period of socialism in Poland before 1989. This assessment was justified by the communist ideology. The Communist Party of Poland and the Polish Socialist Workers’ Party negatively assessed the political and economic transformation in Poland after 1989. They also criticized Poland's inclusion in the globalization processes, and positively assessed the policies pursued by countries that have not changed their systems, such as Cuba and North Korea. To verify this research hypothesis, the author used the method of qualitative analysis of source materials, including manifestos, policy documents and journalism of the aforementioned politica parties.
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Podgórzańska, Renata. "Public Opinion and Foreign Policy of the State. Analysis from the Perspective of Polish Foreign Policy." Reality of Politics 6, no. 1 (March 31, 2015): 60–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/rop201505.
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For the purposes of this article it has been assumed that public opinion is a rapidly changing state of consciousness of large social groups, made up of more or less stable ideas and beliefs, relating to debatable issues, which has a direct or indirect impact on the current or future interests of society by its properties. This article aims to analyze the impact of public opinion on Polish foreign policy after 1989. The article assumes that: the public opinion has an impact on decisions affecting foreign policy, although the extent of this impact is very different and often is purely indirect; impact of public opinion in Poland on foreign policy increases, but still shall be defined only as incidental impact; public opinion in Poland does not determine foreign policy.
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Yelova, Tetiana. "UKRAINE IN POLISH EASTERN POLICY OF 1990s: THE WAY TO PARTNERSHIP." Міжнародні відносини, суспільні комунікації та регіональні студії, no. 2 (8) (November 26, 2020): 127–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.29038/2524-2679-2020-02-127-136.
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With the collapse of the Soviet system and the start of systemic transformations in Central and Eastern Europe, which began at the turn of the 1980s and 1990s, there was an urgent need to review the existing system of international relations and find new formats for interstate and interethnic relations development. Polish-Ukrainian relations were no exception in this process.
In the period of 1989-1999, Ukraine occupied a very important place in the foreign policy of the Republic of Poland, holding a leading position in Polish Eastern policy. It is at this time that the bilateral relations of young independent states were being formed and developed, which took an evolutionary step by establishing and supporting good neighborly relations to the level of strategic partnership. Eastern policy was the key to the positive dynamics of the development of Polish-Ukrainian relations; it has been tested and successfully implemented by the Polish governments of Solidarity since the early 1990s.
The main goal of Polish Eastern policy was to respond to the changes taking place on the eastern border of the Republic of Poland and to establish relations with the former republics of the Soviet Union, especially those that shared a border with Poland. This was predetermined by the desire to preserve the territorial integrity of the Republic of Poland and by the considerations of national security. The very formation and evolution of Polish-Ukrainian relations in the period of 1989-1999, known in history as the period of Poland's implementation of Eastern policy, are analyzed in this article.
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Filatov, Andrii. "FORMATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF CORPORATE EDUCATION IN POLAND IN THE SECOND HALF OF THE 20TH – EARLY 21TH CENTURY." Osvitolohiya, no. 10 (2021): 99–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2226-3012.2021.1011.
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The article represents an overview and substantiation of the peculiarities of the formation and development of corporate education in Poland in the second half of the 20th - early 21th century. The definition of ‘corporate education’ in the context of adult education is clarified in the text. The importance of the experience of corporate education of the Republic of Poland as a component of adult education for the Ukrainian education system was noted. The purpose of the article is a theoretical substantiation of the peculiarities of the formation and development of corporate education in Poland in the second half of the 20th – early 21th century. It was found that during the existence of the People’s Republic of Poland (1952–1989) no special legislation and regulations on the organization of corporate education were adopted in the country. The problems of formation of corporate education, which have been being solved by the People’s Republic of Poland in the 50-70s of the last century were singled out. In the article was proven the importance of the adoption of the Labor Code (1974), the Employment Act (1989), The Law On the Education System (1991), the Act on Employment and Social Protection in case of Unemployment (1994), the document «Continuing Education Strategy till 2010»; (2003). The following features of formation and development of corporate education in Poland in the second half of the 20th – early 21th century are established as: the centralizing the management of educational institutions and ideologically biased content of education; the transition from the administrative-command method in the management of formal education institutions; the spread of the decentralization of education; laying the foundation for the democratization of corporate education in Poland; the emergence of a regulatory framework for broad autonomy of informal corporate education; the adapting the legal framework of education to European Union standards; the integration of Polish corporate education into the European Community. In the future, it is necessary to study the trends of updating the content, forms and methods of vocational training of adults, taking into account the requirements of international standards for training competitive professionals for the global labor market.
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Robinson, Shirleene. "Queensland Labor and Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Intersex and Queer Policy." Queensland Review 18, no. 2 (2011): 207–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1375/qr.18.2.207.
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Since the Australian Labor Party came to power in Queensland in 1989, social attitudes towards the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, intersex and queer (LGBTIQ) community have undergone significant change. In 1989, the decriminalisation of male-to-male homosexuality was the subject of intense debate, even within the ALP, which ultimately put forward the legislation. Today, policies have evolved considerably, with the Queensland ALP endorsing gay marriage and Anna Bligh, the current Queensland Labor Premier, releasing a YouTube video for the ‘It Gets Better’ campaign to give hope to LGBT youth experiencing harassment and perhaps contemplating suicide. During Labor's time in power, apart from the decriminalisation of male-to-male sexual activity, same-sex relationship laws have been reformed, altruistic surrogacy has been introduced and the presumption of lesbian parenthood has been extended. Some areas of LGBTIQ policy are still being contested, however, with debates surrounding civil unions, an equal age of consent and the existence of the ‘gay panic’ defence continuing. This article considers the progression and limits of these policies and areas of LGBTIQ reform that are still being disputed.
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Zięba, Ryszard. "Twenty Years of Poland's Euro-Atlantic Foreign Policy." International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal 13, no. 1 (November 23, 2011): 33–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10223-011-0004-2.
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During the years 1989-1991, after a deep transformation of the internal system and the international order in Europe, Poland pursued a sovereign foreign policy. The new policy had the following general goals: 1) to develop a new international security system which would guarantee Poland’s national security; 2) to gain diplomatic support for the reforms conducted in Poland, including primarily the transformation of the economy and its adaption to free market mechanisms, which were designed to result in economic growth; and 3) to maintain and increase the international prestige of Poland and the Poles, who had been the first to commence the struggle to create a democratic civil society in the Eastern bloc. Implementing this new concept of foreign policy, Poland entered the Council of Europe in November 1991. The following year, Warsaw started to strive for membership of NATO, which was achieved in March 1999. A few years later, Polish leaders pursued policies in which Poland played the role of a “Trojan horse” for the USA. This was manifested most clearly during the Iraqi crisis of 2003, and in the following years, particularly in 2005-2007. From spring 1990 Poland aspired to integration with the European Community; in December of the following year it signed an association agreement, which fully entered into force in February 1994. In the period 1998-2002 Poland negotiated successfully with the European Union and finally entered this Union in May 2004. In subsequent years Poland adopted an Eurosceptic and sometimes anti-EU position. The new Polish government, established after the parliamentary election of autumn 2007, moved away from an Eurosceptic policy and pursued a policy of engagement with European integration.
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Pogodzinski, J. M. "The Effect of Housing Market Disequilibrium on the Supply of Labor: Evidence from Poland, 1989-1990*." Real Estate Economics 23, no. 4 (December 1995): 497–527. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1540-6229.00676.
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Szczepaniak-Sienniak, Joanna. "Transformations of State Family Policy in Poland from 1989 to the Pandemic Period." EUROPEAN RESEARCH STUDIES JOURNAL XXIV, Issue 4B (November 1, 2021): 883–900. http://dx.doi.org/10.35808/ersj/2777.
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Borecki, Paweł. "Zasada niezależności państwa i związków wyznaniowych w prawie polskim – zagadnienia podstawowe w ujęciu krytycznym." Studia Iuridica, no. 89 (May 2, 2022): 9–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/2544-3135.si.2022-89.1.
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The principle of independence of the state and the Church is one of the fundamental norms of religious relations in contemporary Poland. It is permanently embedded in the Polish legal system. It appears in the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of 1997 and in the Concordat of 1993. It was also expressed in the Act of 1989 on Guarantees of Freedom of Conscience and Religion and in individual denominational acts of 1989‒1997. On the other hand, this principle is contradicted by the denominational laws of 1928 and 1936. The principle of independence of the state and religious associations appears in Polish law together with the principle of autonomy and cooperation of these entities. Guaranteeing the principle of independence of the state and religious associations is especially the result of the negative experiences of the state’s denominational policy in the years 1944‒1989. In the field of juridization of the principle of independence of the state and the Church, there are clear similarities between the relevant provisions of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland and the Polish Concordat. Certain legislative standardization is also present in the denominational acts of 1989‒1997. Appropriate models were provided primarily by the Act of 1989 on the attitude of the State to the Catholic Church in the Republic of Poland. From 1989, the Polish legislator put emphasis primarily on guaranteeing the rights of religious communities towards the state. Paradoxically, among the religious associations with an individual statutory regulation from 1989‒1997, few, although the most far-reaching, restrictions on independence (self-government) in relations with the state were provided for the Catholic Church. However, the independence of the state from the Church was not sufficiently ensured.
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Millard, Frances. "The Influence of the Catholic Hierarchy in Poland, 1989-96." Journal of European Social Policy 7, no. 2 (May 1997): 83–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095892879700700201.
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Szczepański, Andrzej. "Jewish education in post-war Legnica asa component of ethnic policy of the ‘People’s Poland’." Zeszyty Naukowe Państwowej Wyższej Szkoły Zawodowej im. Witelona w Legnicy 3, no. 44 (September 30, 2022): 55–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0016.1791.
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Ethnic policy pursued in Poland i.e. in the years 1944 –1989 was characterized by the lack of a uniform approach to dealing with non-Polish residents of the state. Although its main objective was to create a nationally homogeneous society, ethnic fragmentation of the country was allowed at selected times, granting certain privileges to national minorities. Consequently, their education, which is an immanent part of the aforementioned policy, was also subject to significant modifications, among others, in organizational, ideological and programme terms. The overriding objective of the article was to attempt to characterize education of Jewish minority in Legnica, in ethnic policy terms of the ‘People’s Poland’, including educational policy.
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Skawińska, Mirosława. "The Desired Public Policy Model for Poland during the Transformation Period." Polish Political Science Yearbook 35, no. 1 (March 31, 2006): 120–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2006009.
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While entering the transformation period, Poland started changes in economics, which was run by the state and was characterized by the lack of market equilibrium and low degree of satisfying the nation’s needs. The change of the state’s role in the economic system became the major challenge for Poland, which started transformations of the system in 1989. The ending of this major phase of transformation can be gauged not only by the degree of state’s withdrawal from the role of the owner and a manager, and replacing this role by a stable set of systemic rules, but also by introducing new market organizing institutions and the degree of nancial independence of economic entities from the domination of politics.
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KORDAS, Jerzy, and Andrzej KUDŁASZYK. "POLAND BETWEEN USSR (RUSSIA) AND FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY (GERMANY) IN THE FIRST STAGE OF TRANSFORMATION (1989-1992). SELECTED PROBLEMS." Scientific Journal of the Military University of Land Forces 160, no. 2 (April 1, 2011): 119–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0002.2971.
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The paper presents the first years of transformation in Polish policy referring to relations with USSR (Russia) and Federal Republic of Germany (Germany), after the year 1989.Radical reorientation of Polish foreign and commercial policy from east to west was described as well. The process was taking place smoothly not to disturb the course taken by Mikhail Gorbachev, which was supported by both Poland and the West. It rested on building bonds between Poland and Germany, which were introducing Poland to “stay for good” in the Western World. It was accompanied by building a brand new “security architecture” in Europe. It allowed to create in solely few years a foundation for durable presence of Poland in structures of the West for the first time within ages to such an extent.
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Black, Peter R. "Rehearsal for “Reinhard”?: Odilo Globocnik and the Lublin Selbstschutz." Central European History 25, no. 2 (June 1992): 204–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000893890002032x.
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The essential goal of Hitler's National Socialist ideology and its implementation by Heinrich Himmler's SS was the military conquest of “living space” from the eastern borders of the Reich to the Ural Mountains. Within this newly won territory, peoples perceived to be of “alien” race—and hence a danger to the future German Reich—were to be eliminated entirely or intellectually decapitated through the elimination of their political, cultural, and religious elites, leaving a “residue” to provide manual labor for German settlers. Himmler's appointment as Reich Commissar for the Strengthening of German Nationhood (Reichskommissar für die Festigung deutschen Volkstums—RKFDV) on 7 October 1939, in the wake of the successful Blitzkrieg against Poland, established his SS and police as the primary executive apparatus for this project. The elimination of the Jews formed an integral part of this “racial restructuring of Eastern Europe.”
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Longhurst, Kerry. "Where from, where to? New and old configurations in Poland’s foreign and security policy priorities." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 46, no. 3 (July 2, 2013): 363–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2013.06.005.
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The past 20 years have seen profound shifts in Polish foreign and security policy. Like other states in Central Europe Poland became part of the Euro-Atlantic sphere upon gaining first NATO and then EU membership. Despite such broad similarities, Poland’s trajectory since 1989 has been marked by some specific and defining features. Poland has become the most significant player in Central Europe and tends to be viewed in the region as a leader, twinned with this, due to its size and relative strength, Poland is taken seriously at the EU table. At the same time, there has been a palpable shift in Polish Atlanticism and a more skeptical view of the US has emerged. This article explores the sources of these reconfigurations and considers their potential implications.
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Melnyk, Hanna. "LABOR MIGRATION OF UKRAINIANS TO THE REPUBLIC OF POLAND 2014–2022." European Historical Studies, no. 23 (2022): 44–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2022.23.3.
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The purpose is to analyze the evolution of the migration policy of Ukraine and Poland since the beginning of the Russian-Ukrainian war in 2014 and in the conditions of the aggravation of migration flows after the Russian large-scale invasion in February 2022. Among the methods, a systemic method was used to study the Polish economic thought regarding the profitability and prospects of attracting Ukrainian labor resources, a comparative analysis of the results of Ukrainian labor migration was also conducted, taking into account the requirements of Polish laws. The position of Poland regarding changes in the direction of Ukrainian migration flows has been analyzed. It has been proven that for Ukrainian citizens, the Republic of Poland remains a country where it is possible to implement social and economic expectations. Official Warsaw provides tangible assistance to Ukraine in its confrontation with Russia, providing jobs for migrant workers and social protection for their family members. The deterioration of Ukraine’s security and foreign economic situation is pushing for more active development of the Polish labor market. Currently, the Polish border has become a border against the hybrid expansion of the Russian Federation, so it will be necessary for official Kyiv to ensure the stability and flexibility of its own monetary policy and permit system in order to preserve the possibilities of reproduction of production processes It has been concluded that Polish economists hold a picture that the liberalization of the Polish migration policy towards Ukrainians will contribute to the steady growth of the economy. Recommendations have been made that active steps taken by official Warsaw regarding the growing interest in Ukrainian labor resources would lead to the implementation of vital steps taken by the Polish government to protect against aging tendencies of the Polish nation. It has been highlighted that the implementation of Ukrainian migration policy is dependent on Russian, European and Polish strategies. Under the conditions of the Russian-Ukrainian war, the Polish policy of facilitating the obtaining of legal residence rights and employment of Ukrainian citizens is encouraged by the Ukrainian authorities as an opportunity to receive remittances from abroad, therefore official Kyiv seeks to gain the experience of Poland to attract and use European structural, regional and industry programs and funds. Therefore, Ukraine and Poland, in cooperation with European structures, are able to promote a new quality of security against hybrid attacks of the Russian Federation with the aim of preserving and sustainable development of their own economies and the economies of partners.
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Wieczorek, Paweł. "Developing an economy based on knowledge and innovation in the context of the middle income trap." Wiadomości Statystyczne. The Polish Statistician 60, no. 10 (October 28, 2015): 56–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.8269.
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The article is a contribution to the discussion on the necessity to change the current model of economic growth of Poland for model of economy based on knowledge and innovation. In this way, our country will be able to overcome the threats that might push the economy into the trap of the average income, expressed in long-term slowdown in GDP growth. The endogenous growth theory, formed after 1989 and characterized by duplication of Western technology, enabled relatively rapid growth by over 20 years. Currently, Poland to ensure an economic growth is facing the need for innovative technologies and innovation. Risks associated with middle income trap are very real because of the disappearance of comparative advantage, which results from relatively low labor costs. The creation in Poland conditions to accelerate economic growth requires action to increase the propensity of entrepreneurs to reach for new technologies and innovation and attractive market offer from the national centers for research and development.
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Goddeeris, Idesbald. "Lobbying Allies? The NSZZ Solidarność Coordinating Office Abroad, 1982–1989." Journal of Cold War Studies 13, no. 3 (July 2011): 83–125. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00143.
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After the proclamation of martial law in Poland in December 1981, a Solidarność Coordinating Office Abroad was set up. Led by Jerzy Milewski, the organization eliminated any internal opposition and succeeded in being recognized by most Western partners as the foreign representative of Solidarność. The Coordinating Office received most of its financial aid from trade union internationals and from the United States. Initially, the Coordinating Office was active mainly within international institutions such as the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe and the International Labor Organization. From 1984 onward, the organization sought to influence senior politicians and governments and became an important reminder to the Western world of the Polish crisis, as well as providing financial and material aid to the banned Polish trade union. However, it did not have a definitive impact on policymaking and remained largely dependent on its allied organizations.
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Addison, John T., and W. Stanley Siebert. "Recent Developments in Social Policy in the New European Union." ILR Review 48, no. 1 (October 1994): 5–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979399404800102.
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This paper assesses the recent progress and future direction of labor policy in the European Community, now the European Union. The authors show that most of the mandates foreshadowed under the December 1989 Community Social Charter have now been enacted into law. They analyze the possible costs, as well as the benefits, of these firstphase mandates and show the link between these adjustment costs and the Community's policy of providing subsidies to its poorer member states. They also demonstrate how the new Treaty on European Union, agreed to at Maastricht in December 1991, has increased the scope for Community-level labor market regulation.