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1
Foley, Meraiah, Sue Williamson, and Sarah Mosseri. "Women, work and industrial relations in Australia in 2019." Journal of Industrial Relations 62, no. 3 (March 18, 2020): 365–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185620909402.
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Interest in women’s labour force participation, economic security and pay equity received substantial media and public policy attention throughout 2019, largely attributable to the federal election and the Australian Labor Party platform, which included a comprehensive suite of policies aimed at advancing workplace gender equality. Following the Australian Labor Party’s unexpected loss at the polls, however, workplace gender equality largely faded from the political agenda. In this annual review, we cover key gender equality indicators in Australia, examine key election promises made by both major parties, discuss the implications of the Royal Commission into Aged Care Quality and Safety for the female-dominated aged care workforce, and provide a gendered analysis on recent debates and developments surrounding the ‘future of work’ in Australia.
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Quirk, Victor. "The light on the hill and the ‘right to work’." Economic and Labour Relations Review 29, no. 4 (December 2018): 459–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1035304618817413.
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In 1945 the Curtin Labor Government declared it had the capacity and responsibility to permanently eliminate the blight of unemployment from the lives of Australians in its White Paper ‘Full Employment in Australia’. This was the culmination of a century of struggle to establish the ‘right to work’, once a key objective of the 19th century labour movement. Deeply resented and long resisted by employer groups, the policy was abandoned in the mid-1970s, without an electoral mandate. Although the Australian Labor Party and union movement urged public vigilance to preserve full employment during 23 years of Liberal rule, after 1978 they quietly dropped the policy as the Australian Labor Party turned increasingly to corporate donors for the money they needed to stay electorally competitive. While few leading lights of today’s Labor movement care to discuss it, it is right that Australians celebrate this bold statement of our right to work, and the 30 years of full employment it heralded. JEL Codes: P16, P35, N37
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Craig, Lyn, Killian Mullan, and Megan Blaxland. "Parenthood, policy and work-family time in Australia 1992—2006." Work, Employment and Society 24, no. 1 (March 2010): 27–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0950017009353778.
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This article explores how having children impacted upon (a) paid work, domestic work and childcare (total workload) and (b) the gender division of labour in Australia over a 15-year period during which government changed from the progressive Labor Party to the socially conservative National/Liberal Party Coalition. It describes changes and continuity in government policies and rhetoric about work, family and gender issues and trends in workforce participation. Data from three successive nationally representative Time Use Surveys (1992, 1997 and 2006), N=3846, are analysed. The difference between parents’ and non-parents’ total workload grew substantially under both governments, especially for women. In households with children there was a nascent trend to gender convergence in paid and unpaid work under Labor, which reversed under the Coalition.
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Shnukal, Anna. "A Failed Experiment: Okinawan Indents and the Postwar Torres Strait Pearlshelling Industry, 1958–1963." International Labor and Working-Class History 99 (2021): 122–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547920000307.
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AbstractThroughout its European history, Australia has solved recurrent labor shortages by importing workers from overseas. Situated on shipping lanes between the Pacific and Indian Oceans, the northern Australian pearlshelling industry became a significant locus of second-wave transnational labor flows (1870–1940) and by the 1880s was dependent on indentured workers from the Pacific and Southeast Asia. Exempted from the racially discriminatory Immigration Restriction Act of 1901, indentured Asian seamen, principally Japanese, maintained the industry until the outbreak of the Pacific War in 1941. The Torres Strait pearlshelling industry, centered on Thursday Island in Far North Queensland, resumed in 1946 amid general agreement that the Japanese must not return. Nevertheless, in 1958, 162 Okinawan pearling indents arrived on Thursday Island in a controversial attempt to restore the industry's declining fortunes. This article is intended as a contribution to the history of transnational labor movements. It consults a range of sources to document this “Okinawan experiment,” the last large-scale importation of indentured Asian labor into Australia. It examines Australian Commonwealth-state tensions in formulating and adopting national labor policy; disputes among Queensland policy makers; the social characteristics of the Okinawan cohort; and local Indigenous reactions. Also discussed are the economics of labor in the final years of the Torres Strait pearling industry. This study thus extends our knowledge of transnational labor movements and the intersection of early postwar Australian-Asian relations with Queensland Indigenous labor policy. It also foreshadows contemporary Indigenous demands for control of local marine resources.
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Helmiyana, Nurlaily. "Analisis Kebijakan Kevin Rudd terkait Pencari Suaka di Australia dalam PNG Solutions." Politeia: Jurnal Ilmu Politik 12, no. 2 (July 13, 2020): 114–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.32734/politeia.v12i2.3918.
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Papua New Guinea Solution is a bilateral relationship between Australia under Prime Minister Kevin Rudd and Papua New Guinea regarding anti-resettlement conducted by people who want to access Australia and obtain refugee status by boat. This solution was taken after Kevin Rudd who came from the Australian Labor Party sent Pacific Solutions which had been used during Prime Minister Howard's administration. The difference in efforts to overcome the arrival of aid can be seen by using the Bureaucratic Model in its analysis. This effort was carried out with the aim of securing Australia. The problem is that Australia ratified the 1951 Refugees conference. The essence of PNG Solutions is individuals or groups who come to Australia who can pass Australia, and without a visa and a clear identity are not allowed into Australia and will be sent in Papua New Guinea. Australia's national interests can hurt ratified conventions. This study uses a qualitative method using secondary resources, and analysis uses the concept of securitization and uses Barry Buzan's research in his book People, State, and Fear. Then the policy analysis is taken by Prime Minister Rudd by using the Bureaucratic Model due to bargaining in Australia's domestic politics.
Keywords: PNG Solutions, Asylum Seeker, Australia’s Foreign Policy
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Filus, Adam. "Stosunek rządu Australii do nielegalnej migracji w latach 1996–2018." Poliarchia 6, no. 1(10) (September 26, 2019): 49–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/poliarchia.06.2018.10.03.
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Australian Governments’ Stance on Illegal Immigration in 1996–2018
Australia is well known for its strict immigration policy. It results from the country’s constant struggle with the flow of illegal migrants, brought to Australian shores through human smuggling. The author analyses immigration policies of five Prime Ministers representing two major Australian parties: the Liberal Party of Australia and the Australian Labor Party. Starting with the premiership of John Howard (1996–2007), and ending with Malcolm Turnbull’s era (2015– –2018), the author examines the situation of illegal immigrants in Australia and changes in immigration and asylum policies.
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Tani, Massimiliano. "Migration Policy and Immigrants’ Labor Market Performance." International Migration Review 54, no. 1 (February 5, 2019): 35–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0197918318815608.
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This article studies whether migration policy is a suitable tool to improve the inefficient use of immigrants’ human capital. This line of investigation complements the traditional analysis of migration policy as a tool to manage labor supply. The effect of migration policy is studied, using a policy change that occurred in Australia in the late 1990s that tightened the selection applied to certain economic immigrants. The empirical analysis, based on data collected by the Longitudinal Survey of Migrants to Australia, confirms that the policy change raised, on average, the human capital of the affected group. It also, however, consistently reveals that the change had no detectable impact on indicators measuring immigrants’ skill utilization. This result suggests that migration policy, by itself, may not be best suited to address issues related to the efficient use of foreign talent in the labor market. Better coordination with employment policy may alleviate this problem. Additional research on migration policy’s effect on efficiency-related issues is also called for.
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Hall, Richard. "The Politics of Industrial Relations in Australia in 2007." Journal of Industrial Relations 50, no. 3 (June 2008): 371–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185608089994.
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Industrial Relations proved to be one of the dominant issues in the 2007 federal election campaign with the Government at first defending, and then moderating, their Work Choices legislation. The Labor Opposition benefited greatly from the successful Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU) campaign against Work Choices and established a significant electoral advantage on the issue. Labor introduced its own IR policy alternative under the banner `Forward with Fairness' and then spent a good deal of 2007 trying to sell its policy to business. The final policy adopted by Labor, and set to become law over the next few years, represents something of a calculated political compromise. When the detail of the policy is considered the influence of the Work Choices laws is still very much apparent.
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Minas, John, Youngdeok Lim, Chris Evans, and François Vaillancourt. "Policy Forum: The Australian Experience with Preferential Capital Gains Tax Treatment—Possible Lessons for Canada." Canadian Tax Journal/Revue fiscale canadienne 69, no. 4 (2021): 1213–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.32721/ctj.2021.69.4.pf.minas.
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This article compares the preferential tax treatment of capital gains in Australia and in Canada, with a view to determining whether there are any lessons from the Australian experience that may be of relevance to Canada. The tax treatment of capital gains is similar in the two jurisdictions in that both apply a 50 percent inclusion rate or the equivalent. Several aspects of the taxation of capital gains in Australia might be considered cautionary from the Canadian perspective. The Australian experience indicates that winning support for an increase in the capital gains inclusion rate can prove difficult, as demonstrated by the unsuccessful proposal by the Australian Labor Party, during the 2019 federal election campaign, to effectively raise the inclusion rate to 75 percent.
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Khoo, Siew-Ean, Peter McDonald, Carmen Voigt-Graf, and Graeme Hugo. "A Global Labor Market: Factors Motivating the Sponsorship and Temporary Migration of Skilled Workers to Australia." International Migration Review 41, no. 2 (June 2007): 480–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7379.2007.00076.x.
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The recruitment of skilled foreign workers is becoming increasingly important to many industrialized countries. This paper examines the factors motivating the sponsorship and temporary migration of skilled workers to Australia under the temporary business entry program, a new development in Australia's migration policy. The importance of labor demand in the destination country in stimulating skilled temporary migration is clearly demonstrated by the reasons given by employers in the study while the reasons indicated by skilled temporary migrants for coming to work in Australia show the importance of both economic and non-economic factors in motivating skilled labor migration.
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Stevens, Christine. "Balancing Obligations and Self-Interest: Humanitarian Program Settlers in the Australian Labor Market." Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 6, no. 2 (June 1997): 185–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/011719689700600203.
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Technological and structural changes in the Australian economy have led to a decline in unskilled and semi-skilled employment and this has had a marked effect on labor market opportunities for immigrants. Educational qualifications and English language skills have become increasingly important factors influencing labor market success. With absorptive capacity for the overall immigration program defined more in economic terms, changes have been made to the selection criteria for immigrants. Greater priority is currently given to those with skills and English language proficiency. No such emphasis has been given to the selection criteria for settlers admitted under Australia's humanitarian program. This paper reviews the labor market experience of humanitarian program arrivals and considers the policy implications of high levels of unemployment among this group. It is suggested that humanitarian obligations do not end with entry to Australia, and it is in the interests of the receiving society and humanitarian program arrivals for greater public investment in skills development to help improve labor market outcomes among this group.
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YUAN, Jingdong. "Australia–China Relations at 50." East Asian Policy 14, no. 02 (April 2022): 93–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930522000149.
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Australia–China relations are at a turning point 50 years after diplomatic recognition. While the past five decades have witnessed extensive growth in economic exchanges, in recent years, bilateral ties have experienced serious deterioration. Australia’s alliance with the United States, domestic politics—in particular the two major parties’ approaches to foreign policy—and economic interdependence are important variables in Canberra’s approach to China. There will be no exception for the incoming Australian Labor Party government to deal with these.
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Jackson, Judge Hal. "Policy and Politics: Two recent examples in Western Australia." Australian & New Zealand Journal of Criminology 29, no. 1 (March 1996): 58–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000486589602900105.
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In a state known for consistently high incarceration rates, especially of Aboriginal people, the Labor governments of the 1980s created two criminologically based research or advisory bodies. The paper looks at the background and history of each — the State Government Advisory Committee on Young Offenders and the Crime Research Centre (and the lessons learned therefrom in light of policy making decisions, both by the Labor Government which created them and its successor, the Liberal Government of Richard Court). The first was composed largely of high ranking judicial, police and bureaucratic members, high profile community members and skilled research staff. Its fate was sealed by its insistence on independence. The second is university-based with a statistical and research focus. Independently funded, it survives but what effect has it had? The author was at one time a member of the Committee and a member of the Advisory Board of the Centre.
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Pham, Tien Duc. "Tourism Productivity Theory and Measurement for Policy Implications: The Case of Australia." Journal of Travel Research 59, no. 2 (March 27, 2019): 247–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047287519835972.
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Tourism productivity measures are quite diverse, not always compatible and usually based partly on labor productivity for hotels and restaurants. This article develops a holistic approach that integrates the principles of the growth accounting framework and tourism satellite account to measure multifactor productivity, labor productivity and capital productivity for the Australian tourism industry. This study shows that tourism has been identified as a reservoir for other industries through the ebbs and flows of labor demands. Compared with the rest of the economy, the average growth of labor productivity—that is, income per unit of labor—for tourism is stagnant, and has reached an unprecedented low, six times below the market sector average, mainly because of low multifactor productivity. The results are valuable for policy makers and the lobbying groups wanting to identify areas of need for policy changes to ensure the healthy long-term growth of tourism.
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Forsyth, Anthony, and John Howe. "Reaching Across the Ditch? Similarities and Differences in the Trajectory of Australian and New Zealand Regulation of Collective Labour Relations 1988–2018." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 50, no. 2 (September 2, 2019): 215. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v50i2.5743.
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This article compares the development of the law and policy relating to collective aspects of labour relations in Australia and New Zealand over the last 30 years, taking account of historical, social, economic and political context. During that period, there have been many shifts and turns in the direction of regulation, although developments in each country have mostly responded to the broader rise of neo-liberalism in economic and social policy. In this article we examine the differing workplace reform agendas of Labor/Labour and Coalition/National governments in these two countries, alongside the competing policy objectives of these reforms (deregulatory versus protective), and assess the extent to which these reforms have encouraged, undermined, or reflected a position of "state neutrality" toward collective bargaining. In making this assessment, we reflect on similarities and differences in the trajectory of Australian and New Zealand regulation of collective labour relations, and the level of influence that developments in each country has had on the other.
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Martínez, Julia. "The End of Indenture? Asian workers in the Australian Pearling Industry, 1901–1972." International Labor and Working-Class History 67 (April 2005): 125–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547905000116.
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The historical circumstances which led to the end of the indentured labor trade suggest that its abolition was only partially the result of humanitarian concern for the welfare of workers. It was the development of nationalism, both in sending and receiving countries, that prompted a rethinking of the racialized labor organization of indenture. In Australia, the introduction of the White Australia policy in 1901, with its restrictions on non-white immigration and employment, is usually thought to coincide with the abolition of the indentured labor trade. But the Australian pearl-shelling industry continued to employ indentured Asian workers up until the 1970s. This case study extends the historical analysis of indenture well beyond its supposed international abolition. In doing so, it demonstrates a degree of continuity of colonial thought and practice which persisted in the face of global decolonization.
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Pierson, Chris. "Learning from Labor? Welfare Policy Transfer between Australia and Britain." Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 41, no. 1 (March 2003): 77–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713999604.
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Pearse, Warwick, and Chloë Refshauge. "Workers' Health and Safety in Australia: An Overview." International Journal of Health Services 17, no. 4 (October 1987): 635–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/fd8r-4du5-bnbw-x93a.
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In this article we explore some of the precursors and background to the recent wave of administrative and legislative change in the field of occupational health and safety in Australia. The influences of the New Left and women's movement in the late 1960s and early 1970s are seen to be crucial in creating a climate in which the issue of workers' health could be raised. It is then argued that the labor movement has been fundamentally important in determining the shape and extent of reform. Current organizational and legal developments are described and discussed in the context of Australian society.
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Benvenuti, Andrea, and David Martin Jones. "With Friends Like These: Australia, the United States, and Southeast Asian Détente." Journal of Cold War Studies 21, no. 2 (May 2019): 27–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00876.
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A generation of scholars has depicted the premiership of Labor Party leader Gough Whitlam as a watershed in Australian foreign policy. According to the prevailing consensus, Whitlam carved out a more independent and progressive role in international affairs without significantly endangering relations with Western-aligned states in East and Southeast Asia or with Australia's traditionally closest allies, the United States and the United Kingdom. This article takes issue with these views and offers a more skeptical assessment of Whitlam's diplomacy and questions his handling of Australia's alliance with the United States. In doing so, it shows that Whitlam, in his eagerness to embrace détente, reject containment, and project an image of an allegedly more progressive and independent Australia, in fact exacerbated tensions with Richard Nixon's Republican administration and caused disquiet among Southeast Asian countries that were aligned with or at least friendly toward the West.
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Knight, John, Bob Lingard, and Leo Bartlett. "Reforming Teacher Education Policy under Labor Governments in Australia 1983—93." British Journal of Sociology of Education 15, no. 4 (January 1994): 451–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0142569940150401.
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Schofield-Georgeson, Eugene, and Michael Rawling. "Industrial legislation in Australia in 2019." Journal of Industrial Relations 62, no. 3 (April 2, 2020): 425–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185620911682.
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In this 2019 electoral year, a federal Morrison Liberal Government was returned to power with little in the way of an industrial agenda. It failed to implement its key legislation, which mainly included reform to union governance and changes to religious freedom in the workplace. Meanwhile, the state governments, particularly the Victorian Andrews Labor Government, reviewed a swathe of labour law, including wage theft, industrial manslaughter, owner–driver legislation and workers' compensation laws and implemented a host of progressive changes. This year has also seen the continuation of a key policy trend, observable at both state and federal levels of government, towards regulation of aspects of industrial relations by the state that were once exclusively the province of employers and trade unions through a twentieth-century system of conciliation and arbitration.
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Skorobogatykh, Natalya. ""Welfare State" in Australia according to Gough Whitlam's Labor Government." South East Asia Actual problems of Development, no. 4 (53) (2021): 225–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2021-4-4-53-225-239.
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The article examines one of the most important aspects of Gough Whitlam Labor government activities in 1972–1975 – its social policy. Its main directions and the reasons for the short-lived rule of the ALP in the early 1970s are analyzed.
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Cobb-Clark, Deborah A. "Public policy and the labor market adjustment of new immigrants to Australia." Journal of Population Economics 16, no. 4 (November 1, 2003): 655–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00148-003-0153-2.
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Benvenuti, Andrea, and David Martin Jones. "Myth and Misrepresentation in Australian Foreign Policy: Menzies and Engagement with Asia." Journal of Cold War Studies 13, no. 4 (October 2011): 57–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00168.
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The prevailing orthodoxy in the academic literature devoted to the history of Australia's post-1945 international relations posits that a mixture of suspicion and condescension permeated the attitude of the governments headed by Robert Menzies (1949–1966) toward the Asia-Pacific region. Menzies's regional policies, according to this view, not only prevented Australia from engaging meaningfully with its Asian neighbors but also ended up antagonizing them. This article rejects the conventional view and instead shows that the prevailing left-Labor assessments of Menzies's regional policy are fundamentally marred by an anachronistic disregard of the diplomatic dynamics, political challenges, and economic realities of Cold War Asia.
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Fairbrother, Peter, Stuart Svensen, and Julian Teicher. "The Ascendancy of Neo-Liberalism in Australia." Capital & Class 21, no. 3 (October 1997): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030981689706300101.
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On 19 August 1996, thousands of trade unionists and others stormed the Australian Parliament protesting against the Coalition Government's Work place Relations Bill. In a very visible departure from the years of cooperation and compromise with the previous Federal Labor Government, the Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU) called on trade unionists and their supporters to demonstrate their opposition to the proposed legislation. This outbreak of anger might be thought to herald a reaction to heightened attacks on the Australian working class, ushered in by the election of the Coalition Government on 2 March 1996, which ended thirteen years of Labor rule under leaders Bob Hawke (1983-1991) and Paul Keating (1991-1996). However, while indicating a renewed activism by a disenchanted and alienated working class, this outburst of anger was not attributable to a sudden shift in the overall direction of government policy. Rather, it was an expression of a profound disenchantment with thirteen years of Australian ‘New Labor’ and a fear of the future under a Coalition Government committed to the sharp edges of the neo-liberal agenda.
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Soldatic, Karen, and Barbara Pini. "Continuity or Change? Disability Policy and the Rudd Government." Social Policy and Society 11, no. 2 (February 10, 2012): 183–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746411000510.
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This article reports on shifts and continuities in policy relating to disabled people and the administrative apparatus of federal disability policy under the Rudd government (2007–10). It begins with a brief historical overview of disability policy in Australia. It then gives particular attention to highlighting the contentious and dramatic changes to disability policy which were instigated by the Howard government (1996–2007). Following this, attention is focused on the major developments in disability policy and administration with the election of the Rudd Labor government in 2007. Through this discussion, we demonstrate the ways the altered vocabularies, practices and instruments of the state have manifested in relation to disability policy in Australia, ultimately shaping opportunities for either inclusion or exclusion at the national level among disabled people.
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Tran, Van C., Fei Guo, and Tiffany J. Huang. "The Integration Paradox: Asian Immigrants in Australia and the United States." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 690, no. 1 (July 2020): 36–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716220926974.
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Whereas Australia has pursued a skills-based migration policy, the United States has privileged family-based migration. The key contrast between these migration regimes provides a rare test of how national immigration policy shapes immigrant selection and integration. Does a skills-based immigration regime result in a more select group of Asian immigrants in Australia compared to their counterparts in the United States? Are Asian immigrants more integrated into their host society in Australia compared to the United States? Focusing on four groups of Asian immigrants in both countries (Chinese, Indians, Filipinos, and Vietnamese), this article addresses these questions using a transpacific comparison. Despite Australia’s skills-based immigration policy, we find that Asian immigrants in Australia are less hyper-selected than their counterparts in the United States. Asian immigrants in Australia also report worse labor market outcomes than those in the United States, with the exception of Vietnamese—a refugee group. Altogether, these findings challenge the conventional wisdom that skills-based immigration policy not only results in more selected immigrants, but also positively influences their integration into the host society.
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Billings, Peter. "Irregular Maritime Migration and the Pacific Solution Mark II: Back to the Future for Refugee Law and Policy in Australia?" International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 20, no. 2 (2013): 279–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-02002007.
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Following a rise in the number of irregular maritime arrivals seeking refugee protection in Australia, and two successful legal challenges to their refugee processing policies, the Labor Government has resuscitated notorious aspects of the ‘Pacific Solution’ as part of a ‘no advantage’ policy. This strategy seeks to deter ‘irregular’ asylum seekers by treating them no more favourably than refugees seeking protection from overseas awaiting entry to Australia through regular refugee/humanitarian channels. In furtherance of this ‘no advantage’ policy, extra-territorial processing on Nauru and Papua New Guinea has been re-introduced and ‘excision’ provisions are to be extended to mainland Australia placing the continent outside of its ‘migration zone’ and, therefore, asylum seekers beyond the regular laws and processes for protection seekers. This article analyses the seismic shifts in asylum seeker policy that have occurred in Australia over the recent past and the politics underpinning them.
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Byrnes, Andrew, and Hilary Charlesworth. "Federalism and the International Legal Order: Recent Developments in Australia." American Journal of International Law 79, no. 3 (July 1985): 622–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2201890.
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The scope of international law steadily widens. In addition to the traditional concerns of direct relations between states such as warfare and diplomatic immunity, it now includes human rights, labor law and environmental policy, which deal with the relations of a state with its own citizens and territory.
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Callander, Emily J., Faith Allele, Hayley Roberts, William Guinea, and Daniel B. Lindsay. "The Effect of Childhood ADD/ADHD on Parental Workforce Participation." Journal of Attention Disorders 23, no. 5 (November 19, 2016): 487–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1087054716680076.
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Objective: This research aimed to examine the impact of attention deficit disorder (ADD)/ADHD in children on parental labor force participation across different child age groups. Method: This study utilized a longitudinal, quantitative analyses approach. All data were collected from Wave 6 of the Growing Up in Australia: The Longitudinal Study of Australian Children (LSAC) survey. Results: After adjusting for various confounders, mothers whose children were 10/11 years old and had been diagnosed with ADD/ADHD were significantly more likely to be out of the labor force compared with those mothers whose child had not been diagnosed with ADD/ADHD. The impact was more pronounced for single mothers. No significant influence on paternal labor force participation was found. Conclusion: In assessing the cost-effectiveness of interventions for ADD/ADHD, policy makers and researchers must consider the long-term social and economic effects of ADD/ADHD on maternal workforce participation when considering costs and outcomes.
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Pandya, Viral, and Sommala Sisombat. "Impacts of Foreign Direct Investment on Economic Growth: Empirical Evidence from Australian Economy." International Journal of Economics and Finance 9, no. 5 (April 20, 2017): 121. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijef.v9n5p121.
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This paper examines foreign direct investment (FDI) inflows and its impact on economic growth in Australia. FDI inflows are considered to be a vital source of economic growth or development for any economy and it plays big role in growth in gross domestic product (GDP), improvement in infrastructure, employment creation, export and trade performance. This paper examines the relationship between FDI and economic growth of Australia through regression analysis between FDI and different measures of economic growth. The multiple regressions is used to derive conclusion on importance of FDI. The results highlight that FDI inflows contribute to the Australian economy including a growth in GDP, export performance and employment. Mining and quarrying has been identified as an attractive sector in which it has contributed to 7% of GDP, a large amount of capital has been invested and employed intensive labor. The result reflects absence of relationship between FDI and economic growth of Australia as two out three variables shows poor relationship with FDI. The findings provide critical information to Australian policy decision makers to make an informed decision with regard to attractive investment sectors and policies in encouraging foreign investors to invest in the country.
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Ziersch, Anna, Moira Walsh, Clemence Due, and Alex Reilly. "Temporary Refugee and Migration Visas in Australia: An Occupational Health and Safety Hazard." International Journal of Health Services 51, no. 4 (January 28, 2021): 531–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020731420980688.
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Employment and work-related exploitation and discrimination are important social determinants of health. However, little is known about the experiences of people on temporary visas in Australia, particularly those on refugee visas. This article reports on a study of people living on temporary visas in South Australia and their experiences of workforce exploitation and discrimination and impacts on health. Interviews were conducted with 30 people: 11 on non-refugee temporary visas and 19 on refugee temporary visas. Data was analyzed thematically. Analysis identified experiences of exploitation and discrimination in the Australian labor market that included difficulties securing work, underpayment, overwork, and hazardous workplaces. These experiences had negative health effects, particularly on mental health. None had made a formal complaint about their treatment, citing the precarity of their visas, difficulties finding an alternative job, and lack of knowledge about what to do. The impacts were especially evident for refugees who were also grappling with pre-settlement trauma and ongoing uncertainties about their future protection. Overall, these findings of discrimination and exploitation in the workplace and subsequent ill health highlight the pervasive impact of neoliberal agendas and stress the need for industrial, immigration, and welfare reform to protect workers on temporary visas.
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Forsyth, Anthony. "Regulating Australia’s ‘Gangmasters’ through Labour Hire Licensing." Federal Law Review 47, no. 3 (July 3, 2019): 469–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0067205x19856504.
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This article examines the recent introduction of state-based regulation to address the increasingly prominent problem of exploitation of vulnerable workers by labour hire providers around Australia. Mounting evidence of underpayments and other breaches of workplace laws has emerged from a range of state and federal inquiries into the labour hire sector in recent years. The article draws parallels between these abuses and the exploitative activities of ‘gangmasters’ in industrial-era Britain. It then closely analyses and compares the labour hire licensing schemes introduced in Victoria, Queensland and South Australia, which aim to combat noncompliance by introducing barriers to entry and eliminate ‘rogue’ operators from the labour hire market. The article assesses the effectiveness of similar licensing and registration schemes in several overseas jurisdictions, especially the gangmasters licensing scheme operating in the United Kingdom since 2004. The article concludes that the licensing schemes introduced under the three state laws are a timely and, most likely, effective new approach to tackling the problem of noncompliance with workplace and other laws. Alternative responses to exploitation at the federal level are also considered, including the 2017 Vulnerable Workers legislation introduced largely in response to systemic underpayments in the 7-Eleven franchise network. Finally, the article observes that federal reform of the labour hire sector may emerge in the near future, given the Labor Opposition’s policy commitment to introduce a national labour hire licensing scheme. In the meantime, the state labour hire licensing schemes examined in this article represent an important step forward in regulation to combat worker exploitation by contemporary Australian ‘gangmasters’.
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Haskins, Victoria. "Domesticating Colonizers: Domesticity, Indigenous Domestic Labor, and the Modern Settler Colonial Nation." American Historical Review 124, no. 4 (October 1, 2019): 1290–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhz647.
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Abstract The placement of Indigenous girls and young women in white homes to work as servants was a key strategy of official policy and practice in both the United States and Australia. Between the 1880s and the Second World War, under the outing programs in the U.S. and various apprenticeship and indenturing schemes in Australia, the state regulated and constructed relations between Indigenous and white women in the home. Such state intervention not only helped to define domesticity in a modern world, but was integral to the formation of the modern settler colonial nation in its claims to civilizing authority in the United States and Australia. In the context of settler colonialism, domesticity was not hegemonic in this period, but rather was precarious and uncertain. By prescribing and demanding from employers demonstrations of domesticity, the state was engaged in perfecting white women as well as Indigenous women, the latter as the colonized, to be domesticated, and the former as the colonizer, to domesticate.
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Gurmu, Argaw Tarekegn, and Ajibade Ayodeji Aibinu. "Survey of management practices enhancing labor productivity in multi-storey building construction projects." International Journal of Productivity and Performance Management 67, no. 4 (April 9, 2018): 717–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijppm-02-2017-0032.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to identify and prioritize management practices that have the potential to improve labor productivity in multi-storey building construction projects. Design/methodology/approach The study adopted two-phase mixed-methods research design and 58 project managers, contract administrators and project coordinators were involved in the survey. During Phase I, qualitative data were collected from 19 experts using interviews and the management practices that could enhance labor productivity in multi-storey building construction projects were identified. In Phase II, quantitative data were collected from 39 contractors involved in the delivery of multi-storey building projects by using questionnaires. The data were analyzed to prioritize the practices identified in Phase I. Findings Well-defined scope of work, safety and health policy, safety and health plan, hazard analysis, long-lead materials identification, safe work method statement, and toolbox safety meetings are the top seven practices that have the potential to improve labor productivity in multi-storey building projects. Originality/value The research identifies the management practices that can be implemented to enhance labor productivity in multi-storey building construction projects in the context of Australia. Being the first study in the Australian context, the findings can be used as benchmark for international comparison.
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Ma, Xiao, Zhe Zhang, Yan Han, and Xiao-Guang Yue. "Sustainable Policy Dynamics—A Study on the Recent “Bust” of Foreign Residential Real Estate Investment in Sydney." Sustainability 11, no. 20 (October 22, 2019): 5856. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su11205856.
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We undertook an autopsy of the drivers of individual foreign real estate investment ‘bust’ in Australia through a new theoretical lens of ‘habitus’. Our autopsy data drew contours around the individual foreign real estate capital ‘boom and bust’ cycle, as well as the long-term commitment of professionals in the real estate sector to Australia’s real estate market. More specifically, we showed that the foreign capital ‘boom and bust’ cycle began in earnest in about 2010 (starting at A$8.7 billion), grew to A$72.4 billion in 2016–2017, and then declined to A$12.5 billion in 2017–2018. This decline in foreign capital into Australian real estate occurred within a domestic real estate market in Sydney that also started to slow in 2017. Based on 20 semi-structured interviews with real estate professionals in Sydney and public material culture data, we found out that the off-the-plan apartment sales and global policy landscape changes contributed to the decline of foreign real estate investment in Australia. The three possible implications for Sydney’s future residential real estate development: (1) The loss of investors, (2) the evolution of the labor force, and (3) the diversification of housing products, have been raised as part of a future research road map.
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Saunders, Malcolm, and Neil Lloyd. "Holding Australia to Ransom: The Colston Affair, 1996–2003." Queensland Review 17, no. 1 (January 2010): 59–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1321816600005262.
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Probably no one who has entered either federal or state Parliament in Australia departed from it as loathed and despised as Malcolm Arthur Colston. A Labor senator from Queensland between 1975 and 1996, he is remembered by that party as a ‘rat’ who betrayed it for the sake of personal advancement. Whereas many Labor parliamentarians – most notably Prime Minister ‘Billy’ Hughes in 1917 have left the party because they strongly disagreed with it over a major policy issue or a matter of principle, in the winter of 1996 Colston unashamedly left it to secure the deputy presidency of the Senate and the status, income and several other perquisites that went with it. Labor's bitterness towards Colston stems not merely from the fact that he showed extraordinary ingratitude towards a party that had allowed him a parliamentary career but more especially because, between his defection from the party in August 1996 and his retirement from Parliament in June 1999, his vote allowed the Liberal-National Party government led by John Howard to pass legislation through the Senate that might otherwise have been rejected.
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Dredge, Dianne. "Tourism Reform, Policy and Development in Queensland, 1989–2011." Queensland Review 18, no. 2 (2011): 152–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1375/qr.18.2.152.
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Tourism has been a major driver of economic and social development in Queensland since the end of World War II. In 2011, tourism's direct contribution to the economy was estimated to be $7.8 billion, and it generated direct employment of an estimated 118,000 full-time equivalent jobs (Queensland Tourism 2011). The multiplier effects of tourism account for another $9.2 billion, making it the most important component of the state's service sector. These figures suggest that the approach adopted by the Labor government over the last two decades to manage and develop Queensland tourism has generally been positive. However, a closer examination of recent trends and criticisms reveals that visitor demand has flat-lined: the industry is struggling under the weight of global and local pressures, investment has slowed, and there are issues of stagnating demand, competitiveness, service quality, industry capacity and innovation. Moreover, Queensland is losing international market share compared with New South Wales and Victoria (Tourism Research Australia 2011). Given that governments have a key role to play in creating and maintaining policy conditions that contribute to both a healthy economy and social well-being, what have been the Queensland Labor government's contributions to tourism, and what are the key challenges into the future?
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Ongley, Patrick, and David Pearson. "Post-1945 International Migration: New Zealand, Australia and Canada Compared." International Migration Review 29, no. 3 (September 1995): 765–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839502900308.
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New Zealand's immigration policies and trends since 1945 are compared with those of Canada and Australia. For most of this period, Australia has pursued the more expansive immigration policy while Canada and New Zealand have tended to link immigration intakes to fluctuations in labor demand. All three countries initially discriminated against non-European immigrants but gradually moved towards nondiscriminatory policies based on similar selection criteria and means of assessment. New Zealand has traditionally been more cautious than both Canada and Australia in terms of how many immigrants it accepted and from what sources, but it has recently followed the other two in raising immigration targets and encouraging migration from nontraditional sources, particularly Asian countries. Historical, global and national factors are drawn upon to explain the degree of convergence between these three societies.
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McMahon, Samantha. "Literature Review: What can we learn from the Childcare and Early Education Literature?" Children Australia 40, no. 1 (March 2015): 87–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cha.2014.48.
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Samantha McMahon is a final year Social Work student who has completed her studies at Deakin University and had the unusual final fieldwork experience of being in the office of the Federal Member for Bendigo, Lisa Chesters MP, where she was able to observe political processes at work, visit Canberra and conduct a research study to inform the Australian Labor Party's interest in early childhood care and education. Lisa Chesters MP is the co-chair of the Parliamentary Friendship of Early Childhood and the secretary of the ALP Social Policy Caucus committee. The following is a review of the literature based on the research Samantha conducted. This demonstrates that we have quite a long way to go in Australia if we are to gain the benefits other countries have had from their early childhood service system.
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Seminikhyna, N. "BUILDING LEADERSHIP COMPETENCE WHILE TRAINING MASTERS OF EDUCATION IN UNIVERSITIES OF AUSTRALIA." Aesthetics and Ethics of Pedagogical Action, no. 22 (December 27, 2020): 165–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.33989/2226-4051.2020.22.222018.
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Academic leadership plays a crucial role in promoting teaching and learning in higher education. In today's changing world future teachers should play a leading role in professional development. One of the main tasks of master's student training is innovative improvement of university education, which provides gradual and continuous development of general (universal) competencies, competitiveness in the foreign labor market, creating favorable conditions for professional development and development of leadership competence. The aim of our article is to identify and analyze the organizational and pedagogical features of leadership qualities in training masters of education at Australian universities. Leadership plays an important role in every aspect of students' lives, as they go through many stages of career development, where they need leadership skills, primarily related to employment issues and conflicts between what is desired and useful. Therefore, it is important that the teacher learns to navigate the models and styles of leadership, understand the impact of leadership on the personality development, gain the basics of leadership ethics and, as a result, create their own philosophy of leadership.Over the last four decades, Australia's higher education system has undergone significant changes. This was facilitated by social, economic and demographic changes in society and the country. It is they who have led to government reforms in Australia's education policy that promote quality and affordable higher education that builds, including leadership competence. Leadership skills help to overcome challenges, solve problems and analyze career choices. Therefore, it is important that leaders of leaders, i.e research and teaching staff, develop leadership skills in students. Higher education in Australia is responding quickly to the demands and needs of educational circles, expanding opportunities for educators to improve the quality of their training, in particular through postgraduate leadership programs, which are characterized by their flexibility and diversity. They have the opportunity to get a holistic view of pedagogical activities not only from the position of a teacher who implements educational policy, formed externally, but also from the position of the subject of educational policy of the state.It has been found that Australian universities offer teachers postgraduate leadership programs, including master's programs, leadership certification programs as an additional specialization, and leadership programs at the education specialist level. Leadership education is an integral part of leadership development and requires a structured and formal educational environment, which allows through specially organized training to form and improve the leadership qualities of future teachers. The cognitive component is an important component of leadership education.
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Gale, Peter. "Rights, responsibilities, and resistance: Legal discourse and intervention legislation in the Northern Territory in Australia." Semiotica 2016, no. 209 (March 1, 2016): 167–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sem-2016-0010.
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AbstractIn the shadow of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, adopted and endorsed by 143 nations on 17th September 2007, the then Howard Government suspended the Racial Discrimination Act in Australia to implement the Northern Territory Emergency Response Bill, commonly referred to as the Northern Territory intervention. This legislation included the compulsory acquisition of townships; the suspension of the permit system to access Aboriginal communities; the removal of customary law or cultural practices in any legal considerations in sentencing; the abolition of the Community Development Employment Projects; and the quarantining of a proportion of welfare benefits for all recipients in designated communities. While Australia was one of only four nations who did not endorse the Declaration in 2007, the UN Declaration was subsequently adopted and endorsed in April 2009 by the then Rudd Labor Government. The ratification of the UN Declaration may appear to reflect a change of policy, yet amidst significant Indigenous opposition and criticism of the United Nations, the Gillard Labor Government continued the central tenants of the NT Intervention for a further ten years in the form of the Stronger Futures legislation in 2012. This essay explores some of the tensions and contradictions inherent within legal and political discourse in the recognition of rights between the rights of the child on the one hand, and Indigenous rights and citizenship rights within the Northern Territory Intervention legislation and policy of Stronger Futures in the Northern Territory.
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Reid, P. C. "RECENT CHANGES TO AUSTRALIA'S OFFSHORE PETROLEUM REGIME." APPEA Journal 26, no. 1 (1986): 102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/aj85011.
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Australia's offshore petroleum legislation is the product of a constitutional compromise enshrined in the Offshore Constitutional Settlement of 1979 between the Commonwealth and the States. Whilst it is current Federal Australian Labor Party policy to dismantle the Offshore Constitutional Settlement and re-assert exclusive Commonwealth jurisdiction from the low-water mark seawards, the Hawke Labor Government has been reluctant to implement this particular policy.A practical consequence of the Offshore Constitutional Settlement for the industry is that many offshore titles are now being split into two separate titles — one under State legislation within the three-mile territorial sea and the other under Commonwealth legislation for the Adjacent Area beyond the territorial sea. The Commonwealth proposal to introduce cash bonus bidding for highly prospective offshore exploration permits after being defeated in the Senate in the first half of 1985 was subsequently passed in November 1985.An APEA proposal for the introduction of a new form of title under the Petroleum (Submerged Lands) Act (PSLA) to protect currently non-commercial reserves has been adopted by legislation.Following the cash bidding debate the Commonwealth Minister has proposed a new set of guidelines for the award of offshore permits which will contain both a fixed dry-hole commitment plus a discretionary program in the event of technical encouragement.The paper concludes with some recommendations for establishing a more secure and certain system of title under the PSLA and to minimize the current administrative delays being experienced by industry. Finally it urges that the current level of consultation between Government and industry on matters of interest arising under the PSLA should be allowed to continue.
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Christopher, Karen, Paula England, Timothy M. Smeeding, and Katherin Ross Phillips. "The Gender Gap in Poverty in Modern Nations: Single Motherhood, the Market, and the State." Sociological Perspectives 45, no. 3 (September 2002): 219–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sop.2002.45.3.219.
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In this article we examine gender gaps in poverty in the United States and seven other Western nations, asking how single motherhood, market earnings, and welfare states affect gender inequality in poverty. Our analyses speak to the theoretical literature emphasizing the gendered logic and effects of welfare states and labor markets. We find that single-mother families have higher poverty rates than other families in all nations except Sweden, though the degree of their poverty varies. Regarding welfare states, we find that the tax and transfer systems in Sweden and the Netherlands most effectively reduce gender inequality in poverty. Gender inequality in market earnings is worst in the Netherlands and Australia, though among full-time workers, Australia has the lowest gender gap. We conclude by discussing the policy issues raised by our findings.
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Kulu-Glasgow, Isik, Djamila Schans, and Monika Smit. "The Dutch battle for highly skilled migrants: policy, implementation and the role of social networks." Migration Letters 15, no. 4 (September 30, 2018): 517–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v15i4.7.
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In recent years a growing competition for talent has emerged among developed nations. Policymakers across North-America, Australia and Europe have implemented targeted migration programs to attract global talent in order to gain the net positive effects associated with skilled migration. Research so far has mainly focused on analyzing such programs in traditional destinations for highly skilled migrants such as the United States, Canada and Australia. In this article we take the Netherlands as a case study of the more recent European involvement in the ‘race for talent’. We first describe how ‘highly skilled’ migrants are categorized in the various skilled migration schemes that exist in the Netherlands. Secondly, by using primary data on highly-skilled migrants who participated in one of these schemes we look at whether the policy measures attracted the intended target group. We conclude that policy measures that favor highly skilled migrants by themselves are not enough to attract talent. Having social capital in the Netherlands as well as the recruiting efforts of Dutch employers are more important in attracting highly skilled migrants. Also, being highly skilled does not necessarily mean that access to the Dutch labor market is without obstacles.
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Munawar, Hafiz Suliman, Sara Imran Khan, Fahim Ullah, Abbas Z. Kouzani, and M. A. Parvez Mahmud. "Effects of COVID-19 on the Australian Economy: Insights into the Mobility and Unemployment Rates in Education and Tourism Sectors." Sustainability 13, no. 20 (October 13, 2021): 11300. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su132011300.
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Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19) has affected global economies due to lockdowns, business closures, and travel and other restrictions. To control the spread of the virus, several countries, including Australia, imposed strict border restrictions and lockdown measures. Accordingly, international borders have been closed, and all incoming international passengers are mandated to a 14-day hotel quarantine. Residents’ movements and businesses have been limited to essential services only. Employees have been directed to work from home while businesses moved to a remote working model. Due to such stringent measures, small and medium businesses such as cafes, restaurants, hotels, childcare centers, and tourism-based institutions incurred heavy losses, pushing a considerable portion of such small businesses to close. The airlines, education, tourism, and hospitality sector were the worst impacted among all. Due to such closures and associated effects of COVID-19, the unemployment rates are assumed to be significantly increased in countries like Australia. However, a study investigating this unemployment and reporting its status does not exist for Australia. Therefore, in this study, we investigated the effects of COVID-19 control measures such as travel restriction and lockdown on Australia’s employment status and labor markets. The data for the local transport network, unemployment rates and impacts on the tourism industry in Australia were extracted from the public data sources to assess the unemployment rates at both national and state-wide levels. Further, we also looked into the rehabilitation measures by the Australian government, such as the Job Keeper and Job Seeker programs in March 2020, that aim to provide support to people who are unable to run their businesses or have lost their jobs due to the pandemic. Overall, we observed that despite the global crisis, the Australian unemployment rate has reduced in the last year.
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Bicheno, Sharna, and Sadie Geraghty. "Exploring the Professional Issue of Group B Streptococcus Screening in Pregnancy." International Journal of Childbirth 5, no. 4 (2015): 224–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/2156-5287.5.4.224.
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Throughout pregnancy, women are offered various screenings and diagnostic procedures. Group B Streptococcus (GBS) screening is currently a routine screening process in Australia, but not in the United Kingdom, which is offered to women at 35–37 weeks gestation. The results of GBS screening alter a woman’s course of care for labor and the postnatal period. This article is a review of evidence, policy, and clinical practice and aims to determine whether GBS screening is necessary and whether the screening has a positive or negative impact on women and their babies.
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FURUOKA, FUMITAKA. "UNEMPLOYMENT DYNAMICS IN THE ASIA-PACIFIC REGION: A PRELIMINARY INVESTIGATION." Singapore Economic Review 62, no. 05 (December 2017): 983–1016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s021759081550085x.
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This study empirically examined unemployment dynamics in 12 countries in the Asia-Pacific region, namely, China, Hong Kong, Taiwan, South Korea, Japan, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, Australia and New Zealand. It used quarterly data on the unemployment rates from the first quarter of 1980 to the first quarter of 2013. This paper employed three different econometric methods, including the recently-developed powerful unit root test with structural break (Lee and Strazicich, 2003, 2004) and the nonlinear unit root test (Enders and Lee, 2012). The findings indicated that the unemployment rates in five countries of the region, namely, China, Taiwan, South Korea, the Philippines and Thailand, had highly dynamic labor markets in which higher-than-normal unemployment rates would revert to the normal level. The other seven Asia-Pacific countries had less dynamic labor markets. The findings of this study have some important policy implications.
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Warburton, A. M., and S. E. Singleton. "THE EMERGING MARKET IN CARBON CREDITS IN AUSTRALIA." APPEA Journal 47, no. 1 (2007): 347. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/aj06025.
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Climate change policy in Australia is in a state of upheaval.The Federal Government, after years of opposing mandatory carbon constraints, has changed tack and is now investigating emissions trading as a possible means of reducing greenhouse gas emissions.With a federal election looming, the Labor Opposition has committed to ratifying the Kyoto Protocol and reducing greenhouse gas emissions by 60% (against 1990 levels) by 2050. Not to be left out, the State governments say they will introduce an emissions trading regime themselves, if the federal government of the day does not move quickly enough.It now seems clear that there will be some form of carbon price signal in Australia within the next five to 10 years. What is unclear is the form that the carbon constraints might take.Amid this policy uncertainty, large energy producers and users are starting to invest in emissions reduction projects in Australia, as a form of risk management for potential future carbon liabilities. These projects are unusual in that the carbon rights that are being traded are not recognised under any existing Australian statutory scheme, nor are they part of the Kyoto mechanisms. Consequently, they are not recognised by law and do not have any real value today. Their value is largely potential future value under some form of emissions trading scheme or carbon tax regime (which places a price on carbon emissions).These projects raise some novel issues for project developers and purchasers. What is the carbon right that is being sold? How do you frame it to maximise flexibility for use under a future carbon constraint regime?How do you ensure ongoing validity of the carbon right for an indefinite period into the future? For carbon sink projects, the purchaser will want some comfort regarding permanence of abatement of CO2 emissions.Project developers are often small start-up companies with few assets and limited cash flow. They may not be in a position to offer securities for performance. What mechanisms can a purchaser use to assist with start-up funding and also secure the rights they are purchasing?What pricing structures are available, particularly for future sales, against the background of a possible future carbon market?What obligations should the developer/seller have in relation to verification, monitoring and reporting of avoided emissions?How might projects be structured to involve multiple buyers to support the project and facilitate development of a market?
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Zihniah, Namirah. "The policy regime and shift of emissions trading scheme by Australian Labor Party and Emissions Reduction Fund by the coalition in Australia year 2013-2018." IOP Conference Series: Earth and Environmental Science 716, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 012002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1088/1755-1315/716/1/012002.
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