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Journal articles on the topic "Labor policy Australia"
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Foley, Meraiah, Sue Williamson, and Sarah Mosseri. "Women, work and industrial relations in Australia in 2019." Journal of Industrial Relations 62, no. 3 (March 18, 2020): 365–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185620909402.
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Interest in women’s labour force participation, economic security and pay equity received substantial media and public policy attention throughout 2019, largely attributable to the federal election and the Australian Labor Party platform, which included a comprehensive suite of policies aimed at advancing workplace gender equality. Following the Australian Labor Party’s unexpected loss at the polls, however, workplace gender equality largely faded from the political agenda. In this annual review, we cover key gender equality indicators in Australia, examine key election promises made by both major parties, discuss the implications of the Royal Commission into Aged Care Quality and Safety for the female-dominated aged care workforce, and provide a gendered analysis on recent debates and developments surrounding the ‘future of work’ in Australia.
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Quirk, Victor. "The light on the hill and the ‘right to work’." Economic and Labour Relations Review 29, no. 4 (December 2018): 459–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1035304618817413.
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In 1945 the Curtin Labor Government declared it had the capacity and responsibility to permanently eliminate the blight of unemployment from the lives of Australians in its White Paper ‘Full Employment in Australia’. This was the culmination of a century of struggle to establish the ‘right to work’, once a key objective of the 19th century labour movement. Deeply resented and long resisted by employer groups, the policy was abandoned in the mid-1970s, without an electoral mandate. Although the Australian Labor Party and union movement urged public vigilance to preserve full employment during 23 years of Liberal rule, after 1978 they quietly dropped the policy as the Australian Labor Party turned increasingly to corporate donors for the money they needed to stay electorally competitive. While few leading lights of today’s Labor movement care to discuss it, it is right that Australians celebrate this bold statement of our right to work, and the 30 years of full employment it heralded. JEL Codes: P16, P35, N37
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Craig, Lyn, Killian Mullan, and Megan Blaxland. "Parenthood, policy and work-family time in Australia 1992—2006." Work, Employment and Society 24, no. 1 (March 2010): 27–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0950017009353778.
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This article explores how having children impacted upon (a) paid work, domestic work and childcare (total workload) and (b) the gender division of labour in Australia over a 15-year period during which government changed from the progressive Labor Party to the socially conservative National/Liberal Party Coalition. It describes changes and continuity in government policies and rhetoric about work, family and gender issues and trends in workforce participation. Data from three successive nationally representative Time Use Surveys (1992, 1997 and 2006), N=3846, are analysed. The difference between parents’ and non-parents’ total workload grew substantially under both governments, especially for women. In households with children there was a nascent trend to gender convergence in paid and unpaid work under Labor, which reversed under the Coalition.
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Shnukal, Anna. "A Failed Experiment: Okinawan Indents and the Postwar Torres Strait Pearlshelling Industry, 1958–1963." International Labor and Working-Class History 99 (2021): 122–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547920000307.
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AbstractThroughout its European history, Australia has solved recurrent labor shortages by importing workers from overseas. Situated on shipping lanes between the Pacific and Indian Oceans, the northern Australian pearlshelling industry became a significant locus of second-wave transnational labor flows (1870–1940) and by the 1880s was dependent on indentured workers from the Pacific and Southeast Asia. Exempted from the racially discriminatory Immigration Restriction Act of 1901, indentured Asian seamen, principally Japanese, maintained the industry until the outbreak of the Pacific War in 1941. The Torres Strait pearlshelling industry, centered on Thursday Island in Far North Queensland, resumed in 1946 amid general agreement that the Japanese must not return. Nevertheless, in 1958, 162 Okinawan pearling indents arrived on Thursday Island in a controversial attempt to restore the industry's declining fortunes. This article is intended as a contribution to the history of transnational labor movements. It consults a range of sources to document this “Okinawan experiment,” the last large-scale importation of indentured Asian labor into Australia. It examines Australian Commonwealth-state tensions in formulating and adopting national labor policy; disputes among Queensland policy makers; the social characteristics of the Okinawan cohort; and local Indigenous reactions. Also discussed are the economics of labor in the final years of the Torres Strait pearling industry. This study thus extends our knowledge of transnational labor movements and the intersection of early postwar Australian-Asian relations with Queensland Indigenous labor policy. It also foreshadows contemporary Indigenous demands for control of local marine resources.
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Helmiyana, Nurlaily. "Analisis Kebijakan Kevin Rudd terkait Pencari Suaka di Australia dalam PNG Solutions." Politeia: Jurnal Ilmu Politik 12, no. 2 (July 13, 2020): 114–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.32734/politeia.v12i2.3918.
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Papua New Guinea Solution is a bilateral relationship between Australia under Prime Minister Kevin Rudd and Papua New Guinea regarding anti-resettlement conducted by people who want to access Australia and obtain refugee status by boat. This solution was taken after Kevin Rudd who came from the Australian Labor Party sent Pacific Solutions which had been used during Prime Minister Howard's administration. The difference in efforts to overcome the arrival of aid can be seen by using the Bureaucratic Model in its analysis. This effort was carried out with the aim of securing Australia. The problem is that Australia ratified the 1951 Refugees conference. The essence of PNG Solutions is individuals or groups who come to Australia who can pass Australia, and without a visa and a clear identity are not allowed into Australia and will be sent in Papua New Guinea. Australia's national interests can hurt ratified conventions. This study uses a qualitative method using secondary resources, and analysis uses the concept of securitization and uses Barry Buzan's research in his book People, State, and Fear. Then the policy analysis is taken by Prime Minister Rudd by using the Bureaucratic Model due to bargaining in Australia's domestic politics.
Keywords: PNG Solutions, Asylum Seeker, Australia’s Foreign Policy
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Filus, Adam. "Stosunek rządu Australii do nielegalnej migracji w latach 1996–2018." Poliarchia 6, no. 1(10) (September 26, 2019): 49–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/poliarchia.06.2018.10.03.
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Australian Governments’ Stance on Illegal Immigration in 1996–2018
Australia is well known for its strict immigration policy. It results from the country’s constant struggle with the flow of illegal migrants, brought to Australian shores through human smuggling. The author analyses immigration policies of five Prime Ministers representing two major Australian parties: the Liberal Party of Australia and the Australian Labor Party. Starting with the premiership of John Howard (1996–2007), and ending with Malcolm Turnbull’s era (2015– –2018), the author examines the situation of illegal immigrants in Australia and changes in immigration and asylum policies.
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Tani, Massimiliano. "Migration Policy and Immigrants’ Labor Market Performance." International Migration Review 54, no. 1 (February 5, 2019): 35–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0197918318815608.
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This article studies whether migration policy is a suitable tool to improve the inefficient use of immigrants’ human capital. This line of investigation complements the traditional analysis of migration policy as a tool to manage labor supply. The effect of migration policy is studied, using a policy change that occurred in Australia in the late 1990s that tightened the selection applied to certain economic immigrants. The empirical analysis, based on data collected by the Longitudinal Survey of Migrants to Australia, confirms that the policy change raised, on average, the human capital of the affected group. It also, however, consistently reveals that the change had no detectable impact on indicators measuring immigrants’ skill utilization. This result suggests that migration policy, by itself, may not be best suited to address issues related to the efficient use of foreign talent in the labor market. Better coordination with employment policy may alleviate this problem. Additional research on migration policy’s effect on efficiency-related issues is also called for.
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Hall, Richard. "The Politics of Industrial Relations in Australia in 2007." Journal of Industrial Relations 50, no. 3 (June 2008): 371–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185608089994.
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Industrial Relations proved to be one of the dominant issues in the 2007 federal election campaign with the Government at first defending, and then moderating, their Work Choices legislation. The Labor Opposition benefited greatly from the successful Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU) campaign against Work Choices and established a significant electoral advantage on the issue. Labor introduced its own IR policy alternative under the banner `Forward with Fairness' and then spent a good deal of 2007 trying to sell its policy to business. The final policy adopted by Labor, and set to become law over the next few years, represents something of a calculated political compromise. When the detail of the policy is considered the influence of the Work Choices laws is still very much apparent.
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Minas, John, Youngdeok Lim, Chris Evans, and François Vaillancourt. "Policy Forum: The Australian Experience with Preferential Capital Gains Tax Treatment—Possible Lessons for Canada." Canadian Tax Journal/Revue fiscale canadienne 69, no. 4 (2021): 1213–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.32721/ctj.2021.69.4.pf.minas.
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This article compares the preferential tax treatment of capital gains in Australia and in Canada, with a view to determining whether there are any lessons from the Australian experience that may be of relevance to Canada. The tax treatment of capital gains is similar in the two jurisdictions in that both apply a 50 percent inclusion rate or the equivalent. Several aspects of the taxation of capital gains in Australia might be considered cautionary from the Canadian perspective. The Australian experience indicates that winning support for an increase in the capital gains inclusion rate can prove difficult, as demonstrated by the unsuccessful proposal by the Australian Labor Party, during the 2019 federal election campaign, to effectively raise the inclusion rate to 75 percent.
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Khoo, Siew-Ean, Peter McDonald, Carmen Voigt-Graf, and Graeme Hugo. "A Global Labor Market: Factors Motivating the Sponsorship and Temporary Migration of Skilled Workers to Australia." International Migration Review 41, no. 2 (June 2007): 480–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7379.2007.00076.x.
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The recruitment of skilled foreign workers is becoming increasingly important to many industrialized countries. This paper examines the factors motivating the sponsorship and temporary migration of skilled workers to Australia under the temporary business entry program, a new development in Australia's migration policy. The importance of labor demand in the destination country in stimulating skilled temporary migration is clearly demonstrated by the reasons given by employers in the study while the reasons indicated by skilled temporary migrants for coming to work in Australia show the importance of both economic and non-economic factors in motivating skilled labor migration.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Labor policy Australia"
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Barry, Sean. "Hard Labor: The Political Economy of Economics Policy Reform in Australia." Thesis, Griffith University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/378091.
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In the closing decades of the twentieth century, a growing consensus emerged about the tailored economic principles that might promote economic growth. There has been less understanding, however, and no consensus, about the political processes conducive to achieving successful economic reform. The obstacles on the path to successful reform are numerous. Consequently, factors conducive to policy success are vital for understanding the process, and enhancing social learning for policy actors.
This dissertation compares instances of economic reform by federal Labor governments in Australia since 1972, to determine factors that contributed to the success or failure of those reforms. To do so, it uses, and assesses the robustness of a multi-hypothesis framework. The research situates itself within a political economy theoretical framework. This framework recognises the inseparability and interdependence of political and economic factors.
The study draws on economic data and political evidence to examine the actions, circumstances and background of governments and leaders in the relevant periods, using a comparative historical approach and a framework derived from the political economy of reform theory. It utilises a framework encompassing a number of hypotheses about reform, condensed into five ‘clusters’ of: economic conditions, political conditions, role of ideas, economic team, and reform program. This framework is a modified version of one developed by John Williamson and Stephan Haggard in The Political Economy of Policy Reform. This study applies the framework for analysis qualitatively to the three representative case studies of economic reforms.
The first case study examines the 25 per cent across-the-board tariff cut by the Whitlam Government in 1973. Australia had lived behind a ‘tariff wall’ for most of the century, and this reform sought to promote efficiency and innovation by encouraging competition, as well as reducing consumer prices. The second case study explores the Hawke government’s float of the Australian dollar in December 1983. Australia’s approach to its fixed exchange rate had undergone various modifications over the years, but none had allowed the economic flexibility necessary for a country with such a high rate of resource and primary industry exports. The last case analyses the minority Gillard government’s decision to implement the Clean Energy Future Package. It was a significant economic and environmental policy initiative encompassing multiple purposes, including reducing greenhouse gas emissions, decreasing reliance on fossil fuels, and promoting new industries.
The research challenges presumptions that economic reform is driven solely or primarily by ‘economic imperatives’ (such as economic crisis), at least in the Australian context. It finds the landscape of the political economy of policy reform is far more complex. Instead, the political conditions, role of ideas and economic team all influenced the subject reforms to varying degrees. All governments used favourable aspects of the political conditions to pursue reform, exploiting opportunities in their political honeymoons, building social consensus ex post to enhance durability and visionary leadership to support change along the path to reform. These aspects were notable in the earlier two reforms, but largely absent in the third case study and this contributed to the failure of that policy program. All three reforms reflected evolving ideas about the policy prescriptions necessary in the circumstances. The Hawke government’s float of the dollar was a paradigm shift as defined by Peter Hall, which assisted with the durability of the change. The Gillard government’s reform was technically a paradigm shift, but lacked the durability necessary to be a true shift. The governments introduced the reforms during windows of policy opportunity and the most successful program (Hawke) held valence (emotional appeal) within the community, the Gillard reform lacked that support and Whitlam’s valence weakened as economic conditions turned against the government. Of vital importance in all reforms was the role of the economic team. Coherent economic teams supported the executive and the governments, and that assisted the development and introduction of the reforms, and improved the prospects their durability.
It is not possible to unequivocally isolate factors sufficient or necessary for reform to take place in all circumstances. As scholars have recognised, however, there is still considerable value in identifying and exploring a range of contributing factors, even if not all are decisive. This research provides new insights into the political conditions that have been conducive for the pursuit of successful economic reform in Australian conditions. It also demonstrates that the use of a conceptual framework encompassing multiple reform hypotheses provides a richer, more nuanced understanding of reform decisions. This is a viable and useful approach for research in this area of interest, particularly when comparing multiple cases.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Govt & Int Relations
Griffith Business School
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Orchard, Lionel. "Whitlam and the cities : urban and regional policy and social democratic reform." Title page, table of contents and abstract only, 1987. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09pho641.pdf.
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Economou, Nicholas. "Greening the Commonwealth : the Australian Labor Party government's management of national environmental politics, 1983-1996 /." Connect to thesis, 1998. http://eprints.unimelb.edu.au/archive/00000333.
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Ralston, Deborah Jane. "How to protect Australian workers within the APEC political-economy." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 1996.
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This thesis develops options and strategies for Australian unions in protecting and advancing the interests of Australian workers within an internationally competitive environment. Analysis of the APEC arrangements as the trading regime in which Australian workers will be exposed is pivotal to developing these strategies. Economic liberalism and market mechanisms within Australia were adopted during the period 1983 to 1996. Features of this
direction included the deregulation of trade and financial markets, and the shift toward a decentralised and deregulated labour market. This changed focus impacted on workers, in particular in regard to wage outcomes, cash income and wealth dispersion. Unions, and workers, who had traditionally operated within a national market, are required to develop a different approach to a decentralised and deregulated environment from an international perspective. Within an internationalised environment, a different set of responses are required. The capacity for unions to respond is hampered by the international
deregulatory climate, and the conflicting views of APEC member countries to institutionalising labour issues. This requires unions to develop a broader range of strategies to mitigate against the effects that APEC will have on
Australian workers. In considering these strategies, reference is made to the social clause, international unionism and collective bargaining, "good faith" arrangements such as Codes of Conduct, and tying environmental and labour standards to trade and investment restrictions. The ability to generate worker solidarity on an international basis is also discussed. The conclusion is that the combination of a decentralised labour market in Australia and the labour arrangements within APEC does not auger well for workers.
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De, Matos Christine, University of Western Sydney, of Arts Education and Social Sciences College, and School of Humanities. "Imposing peace and prosperity: Australia, social justice and labour reform in occupied Japan, 1945-1949." THESIS_CAESS_HUM_De Matos_C.xml, 2003. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/480.
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Historiography tends to seek patterns of inevitability, attempting to explain a decided course rather than incorporating other evident, though unfulfilled possibilities. In the case of historiography on the Allied Occupation of Japan, this is particularly obvious. Occupation scholarship appears absorbed by the overarching US presence in Japan during this period, reflects the dominant paradigm of the Cold War and when it does venture past the US remains focused on the US-Japan dichotomy. Australia also participated in the Occupation, also held a vision for a Pacific future and developed a relationship with Japan. Often the Australian perspective did not coincide with that of the US especially on the terrain of ideological and historical experiences and interpretations. The potential for conflict between the two nations’ approaches to post-surrender Japan is particularly evident in labour reform policy and issues of social and economic justice – the focus of this thesis. Australian policies towards labour reform under the Chifley Labor Government are examined in this thesis within the context of the Australian labour movement’s historical legacy, Orientalism and racial stereotypes, the Cold War, US hegemony, idealism and pragmatism and overall Australian policy towards Occupied Japan as a dual-paradigm structure. This thesis investigates attempts to turn labour reform polices and ideals into practice, via the diplomatic control machinery established for the Occupation namely the Allied Council for Japan and Far Eastern Commission and as articulated by Australian government representatives including Dr H.V. Evatt, William Macmahon Ball, Patrick Shaw and Sir Frederick Eggleston. The thesis contests the predominant simplistic harsh peace label given to Australian policy in the current literature. By examining Australian policy towards Occupied Japan from a micro perspective, what emerges is a more complex foreign policy mosaic to which the research in this thesis is a contributionDoctor of Philosophy (PhD)
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Kuhn, Rick. "Paradise on the instalment plan: the economic thought of the Australian labour movement between the depression and the long boom." Phd thesis, http://hdl.handle.net/2123/1271, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/7450.
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The period between the depression of the 1930s and the long post-war boom saw the development of the contemporary shape of the labour movement's economic thought, with its dichotomy between moderate and left nationalist currents. This development is examined in terms of the nature of the main organisations of the labour movement, economic conditions, the ideological proclivities of different classes and the levelof the class struggle. The main areas of economic thought examined are theories of Australia's place in the world economy, the class anatomy of Australian capitalism and of economic crises.
During the late 1930s laborites continued to express a longstanding commitment to national development through tariff protection and wariness of overseas loans. Moderate ideas of the possibilities for overcoming class conflicts increasingly displaced radical Money Power theory after the depression. While monetary and real underconsumptionism continued to be the main explanations of economic crises offered by laborites, both ALP politicians and union officials became aware of Keynesian economics and the legitimacy it provided for longstanding Labor policies. The advent of the Popular Front period in the international communist movement saw the Communist Party of Australia move from a revolutionary internationalist towards a politically more conservative left nationalist position, sharing assumptions with Money Power theorists, despite the rise in the level of industrial struggle. The Communist conviction in radical underconsumptionist theory of inevitable economic crises began to weaken.
World War II and the advent of the Curtin Government saw the leadership of the ALP embrace Keynesian economics and its priorities. This was expressed in both foreign economic and domestic policies, but was qualified by a keen appreciation of the requirements of the Australian economy for both protection and foreign markets and the level of the class struggle. The promotion of Keynesian ideas and divisions in the labour movement was successful after 1947 in countering working class militancy. While retaining a fervent nationalism the Communist Party's policies shifted after the War from strong support for the Government during the War to a very radical and anti-American position after 1947. Bolstered by a return to radical underconsumptionism and a focus on the conspiratorial role of the Collins House monopolists, the Party believed it could challenge the authority of the ALP and the Chifley Government, on the basis of working class industrial struggles. But the Communist Party made its attempt when the level of united struggle was already in decline. Between 1949 and 1952 the balance of class forces shifted sharply in favour of capital.
Moderate laborites have continued to accept the main propositions of orthodox economics, while the bulk of the left in the labour movement has been nationalist and, after the Communist Party's break with Moscow, committed to a version of Keynesian economics. Although the adequacy of both approaches to working class interests is in doubt and they have not consistently promoted its struggles, their hegemony over the labour movement has not prevented the emergence of militant working class action.
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Sesay, Diana Margaret. "A socially just rationale for an Australian curriculum? : a critical thematic policy analysis of political speeches in education (2007-2010)." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2013. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/62675/1/__qut.edu.au_Documents_StaffHome_StaffGroupH%24_halla_Desktop_Diana%20Sesay%20Thesis.pdf.
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In late 2007, newly elected Prime Minister Kevin Rudd placed education reform on centre stage as a key policy in the Labor Party's agenda for social reform in Australia. A major policy strategy within this 'Education Revolution' was the development of a national curriculum, the Australian Curriculum Within this political context, this study is an investigation into how social justice and equity have been used in political speeches to justify the need for, and the nature of, Australia's first official national curriculum. The aim is to provide understandings into what is said or not said; who is included or excluded, represented or misrepresented; for what purpose; and for whose benefit. The study investigates political speeches made by Education Ministers between 2008 and 201 0; that is, from the inception of the Australian Curriculum to the release of the Phase 1 F - 10 draft curriculum documents in English, mathematics, science and history.
Curriculum development is defined here as an ongoing process of complex conversations. To contextualise the process of curriculum development within Australia, the thesis commences with an initial review of curriculum development in this nation over the past three decades. It then frames this review within contemporary curriculum theory; in particular it calls upon the work of William Pinar and the key notions of currere and reconceptualised curriculum. This contextualisation work is then used as a foundation to examine how social justice and equity have been represented in political speeches delivered by the respective Education Ministers Julia Gillard and Peter Garrett at key junctures of Australian Curriculum document releases.
A critical thematic policy analysis is the approach used to examine selected official speech transcripts released by the ministerial media centre through the DEEWR website.
This approach provides a way to enable insights and understandings of representations of social justice and equity issues in the policy agenda. Broader social implications are also discussed. The project develops an analytic framework that enables an investigation into the framing of social justice and equity issues such as inclusion, equality, quality education, sharing of resources and access to learning opportunities in political speeches aligned with the development of the Australian Curriculum Through this analysis, the study adopts a focus on constructions of educationally disadvantaged students and how the solutions of 'fixing' teachers and providing the 'right' curriculum are presented as resolutions to the perceived problem. In this way, it aims to work towards offering insights into political justifications for a national curriculum in Australia from a social justice perspective.
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Norton, Paul C. R., and n/a. "Accord, Discord, Discourse and Dialogue in the Search for Sustainable Development: Labour-Environmentalist Cooperation and Conflict in Australian Debates on Ecologically Sustainable Development and Economic Restructuring in the Period of the Federal Labor Government, 1983-96." Griffith University. Australian School of Environmental Studies, 2004. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20040924.093047.
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The thesis seeks to provide a deeper understanding of the dynamics of interaction between the environmental and labour movements, and the conditions under which they can cooperate and form alliances in pursuit of a sustainable development agenda which simultaneously promotes ecological and social justice goals. After developing an explanatory model of the labour-environmentalist relationship (LER) on the basis of a survey of theoretical and case-study literature, the thesis applies this model to three significant cases of labour-environmental interaction in Australia, each representing a different point on the spectrum from LER conflict to LER cooperation, during the period from 1983 to 1996. Commonly held views that there are inevitable tendencies to LER conflict, whether due to an irreconcilable "jobs versus environment" contradiction or due to the different class bases of the respective movements, are analysed and rejected. A model of the LER implicit in Siegmann (1985) is interrogated against more recent LER studies from six countries, and reworked into a new model (the Siegmann-Norton model) which explains tendencies to conflict and cooperation in the LER in terms of the respective ideologies of labour and environmentalism, their organisational forms and cultures, the national political-institutional framework and the respective places of labour and environmentalism therein, the political economy of specific sectors and regions in which LER interaction occurs, and sui generis sociological and demographic characteristics of labour and environmental actors. The thesis then discusses the major changes in the ideologies, organisational forms and political-institutional roles of the Australian labour movement which occurred during the period of the study, and their likely influence on the LER. The two processes of most importance in driving such changes were the corporatist Accord relationship between the trade union movement and Labor Party government from 1983 to 1996, and the strategic reorganisation of the trade union movement between 1988 and 1996 in response to challenges and opportunities in the wider political-economic environment. The research hypothesis is that the net effect of these changes would have been to foster tendencies towards LER conflict. The hypothesis is tested in three significant case studies, namely: (a) the interaction, often conflictual, between the Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU) and the environmental movement in debates around macroeconomic policy, economic restructuring and sustainable development from the mid-1980s onwards; (b) the complex interaction, involving elements of cooperation, disagreement and dialogue, between the environmental movement and the unions representing coal mining and energy workers in the formulation of Australia's climate change policies; and (c) the environmental policy and campaign initiatives of the Australian Manufacturing Workers Union to improve workplace environmental performance and promote worker environmental education. The case studies confirmed the research hypothesis in the sense that, whilst the LER tended overall towards greater cooperation in the period of the study, the Accord relationship and union restructuring process worked to slow the growth of cooperative tendencies and sustain conflict over particular issues beyond what might otherwise have been the case. The Accord relationship served to maintain conflict tendencies due to the dominance of productivist ideologies within the ACTU, and the union movement's perseverance with this relationship after the vitiation of its progressive potential by neo-liberal trends in public policy. The tripartite Accord processes institutionalised a "growth coalition" of labour, business and the state in opposition to excluded constituencies such as the environmental movement. This was partially overcome during the period of the Ecologically Sustainable Development (ESD) process, which temporarily included the environmental movement as an insider in the political-institutional framework. The long-run effects of union reorganisation on the LER are difficult to determine as the new organisational forms of unions were not in place until almost the end of the period of the study. However, in the short term the disruptive effects of the amalgamations process restricted unions' capacity to engage with environmental issues. Pro-environment initiatives by the AMWU, and cooperative aspects of the coal industry unions' relationship with environmentalists, reflected the social unionist ideology and internal democratic practices of those unions, and the influence of the ESD Working Group process, whilst LER conflict over greenhouse reflected the adverse political economy of the coal industry, but also the relevant unions' less developed capacity for independent research and membership education compared to the AMWU. The LER in all three cases can be satisfactorily explained, and important insights derived, through application of the Siegmann-Norton model. Conclusions drawn include suggestions for further research and proposals for steps to be taken by labour and environmental actors to improve cooperation.
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Norton, Paul C. R. "Accord, Discord, Discourse and Dialogue in the Search for Sustainable Development: Labour-Environmentalist Cooperation and Conflict in Australian Debates on Ecologically Sustainable Development and Economic Restructuring in the Period of the Federal Labor Government, 1983-96." Thesis, Griffith University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/368094.
Full textAbstract:
The thesis seeks to provide a deeper understanding of the dynamics of interaction between the environmental and labour movements, and the conditions under which they can cooperate and form alliances in pursuit of a sustainable development agenda which simultaneously promotes ecological and social justice goals. After developing an explanatory model of the labour-environmentalist relationship (LER) on the basis of a survey of theoretical and case-study literature, the thesis applies this model to three significant cases of labour-environmental interaction in Australia, each representing a different point on the spectrum from LER conflict to LER cooperation, during the period from 1983 to 1996. Commonly held views that there are inevitable tendencies to LER conflict, whether due to an irreconcilable "jobs versus environment" contradiction or due to the different class bases of the respective movements, are analysed and rejected. A model of the LER implicit in Siegmann (1985) is interrogated against more recent LER studies from six countries, and reworked into a new model (the Siegmann-Norton model) which explains tendencies to conflict and cooperation in the LER in terms of the respective ideologies of labour and environmentalism, their organisational forms and cultures, the national political-institutional framework and the respective places of labour and environmentalism therein, the political economy of specific sectors and regions in which LER interaction occurs, and sui generis sociological and demographic characteristics of labour and environmental actors. The thesis then discusses the major changes in the ideologies, organisational forms and political-institutional roles of the Australian labour movement which occurred during the period of the study, and their likely influence on the LER. The two processes of most importance in driving such changes were the corporatist Accord relationship between the trade union movement and Labor Party government from 1983 to 1996, and the strategic reorganisation of the trade union movement between 1988 and 1996 in response to challenges and opportunities in the wider political-economic environment. The research hypothesis is that the net effect of these changes would have been to foster tendencies towards LER conflict. The hypothesis is tested in three significant case studies, namely: (a) the interaction, often conflictual, between the Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU) and the environmental movement in debates around macroeconomic policy, economic restructuring and sustainable development from the mid-1980s onwards; (b) the complex interaction, involving elements of cooperation, disagreement and dialogue, between the environmental movement and the unions representing coal mining and energy workers in the formulation of Australia's climate change policies; and (c) the environmental policy and campaign initiatives of the Australian Manufacturing Workers Union to improve workplace environmental performance and promote worker environmental education. The case studies confirmed the research hypothesis in the sense that, whilst the LER tended overall towards greater cooperation in the period of the study, the Accord relationship and union restructuring process worked to slow the growth of cooperative tendencies and sustain conflict over particular issues beyond what might otherwise have been the case. The Accord relationship served to maintain conflict tendencies due to the dominance of productivist ideologies within the ACTU, and the union movement's perseverance with this relationship after the vitiation of its progressive potential by neo-liberal trends in public policy. The tripartite Accord processes institutionalised a "growth coalition" of labour, business and the state in opposition to excluded constituencies such as the environmental movement. This was partially overcome during the period of the Ecologically Sustainable Development (ESD) process, which temporarily included the environmental movement as an insider in the political-institutional framework. The long-run effects of union reorganisation on the LER are difficult to determine as the new organisational forms of unions were not in place until almost the end of the period of the study. However, in the short term the disruptive effects of the amalgamations process restricted unions' capacity to engage with environmental issues. Pro-environment initiatives by the AMWU, and cooperative aspects of the coal industry unions' relationship with environmentalists, reflected the social unionist ideology and internal democratic practices of those unions, and the influence of the ESD Working Group process, whilst LER conflict over greenhouse reflected the adverse political economy of the coal industry, but also the relevant unions' less developed capacity for independent research and membership education compared to the AMWU. The LER in all three cases can be satisfactorily explained, and important insights derived, through application of the Siegmann-Norton model. Conclusions drawn include suggestions for further research and proposals for steps to be taken by labour and environmental actors to improve cooperation.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Australian School of Environmental Studies
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Merkes, Monika, and monika@melbpc org au. "A longer working life for Australian women of the baby boom generation? � Women�s voices and the social policy implications of an ageing female workforce." La Trobe University. School of Public Health, 2003. http://www.lib.latrobe.edu.au./thesis/public/adt-LTU20051103.104704.
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With an increasing proportion of older people in the Australian population and increasing health and longevity, paid work after the age of 65 years may become an option or a necessity in the future. The focus of this research is on Australian women of the baby boom generation, their working futures, and the work-retirement decision. This is explored both from the viewpoint of women and from a social policy perspective. The research draws on Considine�s model of public policy, futures studies, and Beck�s concept of risk society. The research comprises three studies. Using focus group research, Study 1 explored the views of Australian women of the baby boom generation on work after the age of 65 years. Study 2 aimed to explore current thinking on the research topic in Australia and overseas. Computer-mediated communication involving an Internet website and four scenarios for the year 2020 were used for this study. Study 3 consists of the analysis of quantitative data from the Healthy Retirement Project, focusing on attitudes towards retirement, retirement plans, and the preferred and expected age of retirement. The importance of choice and a work � life balance emerged throughout the research. Women in high-status occupations were found to be more likely to be open to the option of continuing paid work beyond age 65 than women in low-status jobs. However, the women were equally likely to embrace future volunteering. The research findings suggest that policies for an ageing female workforce should be based on the values of inclusiveness, fairness, self-determination, and social justice, and address issues of workplace flexibility, equality in the workplace, recognition for unpaid community and caring work, opportunities for life-long learning, complexity and inequities of the superannuation system, and planning for retirement. Further, providing a guaranteed minimum income for all Australians should be explored as a viable alternative to the current social security system.
Books on the topic "Labor policy Australia"
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Howard, R. J. Unemployment in Australia: The problem, its causes, policy responses. 3rd ed. Collingwood, Vic: VCTA Pub., 1992.
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Unemployment in Australia: The problem, its causes, policy responses. 2nd ed. Collingwood [Vic.]: VCTA Pub., 1987.
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Latham, Mark. Civilising global capital: New thinking for Australian labor. St Leonards, Australia: Allen & Unwin, 1998.
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Geoffrey, Castles Francis, Gerritsen Rolf 1947-, and Vowles Jack 1950-, eds. The great experiment: Labour parties and public policy transformation in Australia and New Zealand. St. Leonards, NSW, Australia: Allen & Unwin, 1996.
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Australia. Dept. of Trade. Australia reconstructed: A report by the Mission Members to the ACTU and the TDC. Canberra: Australian Govt. Pub. Service, 1987.
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Vincent, Vandenberghe, and Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development., eds. Australia. Paris: OECD, 2009.
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Ferguson, James. The Australian rural labour market. Barton, A.C.T: National Farmers' Federation, 1995.
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Lever-Tracy, Constance. A divided working class: Ethnic segmentation and industrial conflict in Australia. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1988.
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The longest decade. Carlton North, Vic: Scribe Publications, 2008.
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Jenny, Corbett, ed. Laggards and leaders in labour market reform: Comparing Japan and Australia. Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2009.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Labor policy Australia"
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Cobb-Clark, Deborah A. "Public policy and the labor market adjustment of new immigrants to Australia." In How Labor Migrants Fare, 377–403. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-540-24753-1_17.
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Parr, Ben L. "The Gillard Labor Government (including Rudd 2013)." In Australian Climate Policy and Diplomacy, 25–74. Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2020. |: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429451195-5.
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Maxwell-Stewart, Hamish, and Michael Quinlan. "Convict Eastern Australia: Labour Bureaucracy or Police State?" In Palgrave Studies in Economic History, 55–84. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-7558-4_3.
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Broadway, Barbara, and Guyonne Kalb. "Labour Market Participation: Family and Work Challenges across the Life Course." In Family Dynamics over the Life Course, 177–200. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-12224-8_9.
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AbstractHaving a job is an important indicator of economic and social wellbeing, and two-earner families are becoming the norm rather than the exception. As a result, many more women, including mothers, are in the labour force now than ever before. Balancing family and work responsibilities therefore becomes ever more important, not just for women but also men who are sharing the caring load with their partners, especially when young pre-school children are present. However, employment is not equally distributed across families, and some families have noone in a job which leads to financial vulnerability. Even one-earner families that depend on a low-skilled, low-wage earner may struggle to get by and provide their children with the opportunities to succeed in life and achieve mental, physical and financial wellbeing. This may lead to the intergenerational transmission of disadvantage and poor outcomes from parents to children. Gender inequality and ongoing inequalities relating to gender divisions in work and family may lead to women being particularly vulnerable in terms of earnings capacity and retirement savings when a relationship ends. One-parent families are specifically at risk as they often have no partner with whom to share the care-taking role, making work-family balance difficult to achieve. In this chapter we review the Australian evidence on these issues and provide policy implications.
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Malcolm, Elizabeth, and Dianne Hall. "Catholic Irish Australia and the Labor Movement." In Frontiers of Labor. University of Illinois Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252041839.003.0008.
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The Australian and American labor movements attracted the support of many Irish Catholic immigrants. Yet in Australia, the relationship between the Catholic community and organized labor was never an easy one. State funding of church schools was a perennial problem: Catholic leaders demanded it, while the Australian Labor Party (ALP) equivocated over the issue. This chapter investigates two further issues that also seriously tested the relationship: one involving race, the other nationalism. In the 1890s, the labor movement supported a ban on “colored” immigration, yet the Catholic Church aspired to play a leading role in missions to China. In debates around immigration restriction, Cardinal Moran of Sydney therefore sought to avoid offending the Chinese by attacking instead British attempts to dictate Australia’s immigration policy. During World War I, the ALP, which supported Britain and the empire, found the rise of anti-British republicanism in Ireland a difficult issue to manage. As a result, although sympathetic to Irish grievances, labor newspapers were very selective in their reporting and sought to impose a class, rather than a nationalist, interpretation on events. In both these cases conflict was contained, and it was not until the 1950s that a major split involving Catholics and the ALP occurred, this time over the issue of communism.
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Jerrard, Marjorie A., and Patrick O’Leary. "Union-Avoidance Strategies in the Meat Industry in Australia and the United States." In Frontiers of Labor. University of Illinois Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252041839.003.0007.
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The meat industries in the United States and in Australia share a number of common features, including similar economic and industrial development, overlapping ownership patterns, the nature of the work, a trend toward relying on a migrant workforce, and similar management union-avoidance strategies. There are industry differences between the two countries due primarily to the unique labor-relations regulatory system in each country. Australian legislation since the mid-1990s has enabled industry employers to follow more closely the pattern of union avoidance established in the United States, but protections are still found in Australian industry awards and the industrial tribunal. Both countries have witnessed a deunionization of the industry at the cost of declines in workers’ wages and conditions, and worker exploitation is increasingly common due to the neoliberal ideology that influences government policy and legislation and encourages employers to individualize the employment relationship.
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Stromquist, Shelton, and Greg Patmore. "Conclusion." In Frontiers of Labor. University of Illinois Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252041839.003.0018.
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Comparative history provides an opportunity for scholars to move beyond national boundaries and reflect on their own societies in new light. But such comparisons are not always straightforward. While both Australia and the United States have federal governments, the state played a more coercive role against organized labor and radicals in the United States than in Australia. Several factors softened the impact of the state on labor in Australia: a stronger trade union movement, the formation of labor parties, and a political consensus on regulating industrial relations at least until the 1980s. In the United States, unbridled hostility of large corporations toward organized labor governed state policy. Despite these differences, labor in both countries found political space to promote progressive policies and modify the harsh behavior of governments....
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Crowley, Kate, and Cath Hughes. "Minority Government in Australia." In Minority Governments in Comparative Perspective, 283–305. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192871657.003.0014.
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Abstract In Australia’s two-party dominant Westminster system, federal minority government is rare, however this chapter argues that, as the two-party vote declines, there will be more frequent incidences. It explains minority government in the Australian political context, where single-party federal majority government has been the norm. Crucially, the major parties expect to win elections and govern alone, and, at the federal level, have offered only policy tradeoffs rather than cabinet posts to their supporters. In Australia, the formation of a minority government is affirmed by testing the will of the house with a parliamentary vote, and by the endorsement of the Crown, represented by the Governor General. The minority government is sustained by independents, and at times by minor parties, backing all budget (supply) bills, and by not partaking in votes of no confidence sufficient to bring it down. This chapter reviews the experience of the 2010–13 Labor minority government, the most substantive federal minority government to date. It never lost a vote, ran full term, and was a reformist government, and Australia’s most legislatively successful federal government; but it failed to be re-elected and its supporters largely suffered in its aftermath. Nevertheless, the lessons offered in this chapter are that, while Australian federal minority government is rare, it can form, govern, and deliver, and may in future include power sharing despite its Westminster context.
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Burkhauser, Richard V., and Mary C. Daly. "Lessons for US Disability Policy from Other OECD Countries." In Work and the Social Safety Net, 183—C8.P79. Oxford University PressNew York, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190241599.003.0008.
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Abstract Although industrialized countries have long provided public protection to working-age people with disabilities, their specific policies and programs have evolved over time. The impetus for change has been multifaceted: rapid growth in program costs, greater awareness that people with impairments are able and willing to work, and increased recognition that protecting the economic security of people with disabilities might best be done by maintaining their connections with the labor market. This chapter describes the evolution of the Social Security Disability Insurance (SSDI) program in the United States and the importance that policy has played in its rapid growth. Based on the shared experiences of the Netherlands, Sweden, Great Britain, Germany, and Australia, this chapter outlines lessons for US policymakers as they consider reforms to more effectively control SSDI growth.
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Cooper, Rae, Bradon Ellem, and Chris F. Wright. "Policy and the labour movement." In Policy Analysis In Australia, 231–44. Policy Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447310273.003.0015.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Labor policy Australia"
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Sabyrbekov, Rahat. "Software Development in Kyrgyzstan: Potential Source of Economic Growth." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c02.00256.
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In recent years, software development in the Kyrgyz Republic demonstrated 60-70% growth rate. Kyrgyz software products are exported to Central Asian neighbors and to the Western countries such as Italy, Australia and Holland. With the highest Internet penetration in the region and pool of qualified staff Kyrgyzstan has real chances to sustain the growth rate of the industry. Moreover, the cheap labor creates comparative advantage for local software producers. The break-up the Soviet Union lead to bankruptcies of traditional industries in the Kyrgyz Republic and thousands of highly qualified engineers were left unemployed. Simultaneously since independence Kyrgyz government implemented number of reforms to encourage development of Information and Communication Technologies which lead to the establishment of ICT infrastructure in the region.
The paper analyzes the development trend of the software production industry in the Kyrgyz Republic. We will also overview international experience as in the leading software producers as well as in neighboring countries. The study also builds projections for the next decade and draw on certain policy implications. In addition the paper will provide policy recommendations. The data used is from by the Association on IT companies, questionnaires, National Statistics Committee, Word Bank and Asian Development Bank.
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Kumar Debnath, Ashim, Tamara Banks, and Ross Blackman. "Beyond the Barriers: Road Construction Safety Issues From the Office and the Roadside." In Applied Human Factors and Ergonomics Conference. AHFE International, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe100162.
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Conceptually, the management of safety at roadworks can be seen in a three level framework. At the regulatory level, roadworks operate at the interface between the work environment, governed by workplace health and safety regulations, and the road environment, which is subject to road traffic regulations and practices. At the organizational level, national, state and local governments plan and purchase road construction and maintenance which are then delivered in-house or tendered out to large construction companies who often subcontract multiple smaller companies to supply services and labor. At the operational level, roadworks are difficult to isolate from the general public, hindering effective occupational health and safety controls. This study, from the State of Queensland, Australia, examines how well this tripartite framework functions. It includes reviews of organizational policy and procedures documents; interviews with 24 subject matter experts from various road construction and maintenance organizations, and on-site interviews with 66 road construction personnel. The study identified several factors influencing the translation of safety policies into practice including the cost of safety measures in the context of competitive tendering, lack of firm evidence of the effectiveness of safety measures, and pressures to minimize disruption to the travelling public.
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Subedi, Mukti Nath. "EFFECTS OF MACROECONOMIC POLICY SHOCK ON THE LABOUR MARKET DYNAMICS IN AUSTRALIA." In 5th Economics & Finance Conference, Miami. International Institute of Social and Economic Sciences, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.20472/efc.2016.005.026.
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