Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Labor movement – Russia – History'
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1
Mitchell, John A. 1966. "Bolshevik Britain: An Examination of British Labor Unrest in the Wake of the Russian Revolution, 1919." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1993. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc501153/.
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The conclusion of the First World War brought the resumption of a struggle of a different sort: a battle between government and labor. Throughout 1919, government and labor squared off in a struggle over hours, wages, and nationalization. The Russian Revolution introduced the danger of the bolshevik contagion into the struggle. The first to enter into this conflict with the government were the shop stewards of Belfast and Glasgow. The struggle continued with the continued threats of the Triple Alliance and the police to destroy the power of the government through industrial action. This thesis examines the British labor movement during this revolutionary year in Europe, as well as the government's response to this new danger.
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Webster, Barbara Grace. ""Fighting in the grand cause" a history of the trade union movement in Rockhampton, 1907-1957 /." Access full text, 1999. http://elvis.cqu.edu.au/thesis/adt-QCQU/public/adt-QCQU20020715.151239.
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Thesis (Ph.D) -- Central Queensland University, 1999.Submitted as fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, Central Queensland University, August 1999". Bibliography: leaves 425-452. Also available via the World Wide Web.
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Avedissian, Karena. "A tale of two movements : social movement mobilisation in Southern Russia." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2015. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/5966/.
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The thesis employs the political process approach within social movement theory (SMT) to examine in a comparative fashion two distinctly different opposition movements in southern Russia. One is the environmental movement in Krasnodar Krai and the other is the ethno-national Balkar movement in Kabardino-Balkaria. The political process approach focuses on the role and interaction of political opportunities, mobilising structures, and social movement framing for both movements, and seeks to explore their role in social movement mobilisation dynamics in Russia’s non-democratic context. The combination of the analysis of the three variables of political opportunities, mobilising structures, and social movement framing allows for fresh perspectives on both SMT and post-Soviet area studies. The thesis is particularly concerned with networks. It argues that in non-democratic contexts, the role of networks is more important than in democratic contexts.
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Curry, Curtis. "One hundred years of servitude : the Colombian labor movement 1848-1948." FIU Digital Commons, 1992. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/2699.
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The current study seeks not only to place into focus the general patterns of social and economic organization prevalent in Colombia in the late nineteenth century and the early twentieth (such political and economic organization has been ably illustrated by several authors), but also strives to elucidate the systems of thought or 'ideologies' to which such socio-economic and political structures gave rise. It is concerned with the thought-systems that influenced the development of the Colombian labor movement, those of actors external to organized labor and indigenous systems of thought of labor activists themselves.
The hypothesis is that class and party-based interests channelled the early development of organized labor toward a path that would further, or failing that, not conflict with dominant elite interests. Artisans, proudly independent, exerted inordinate influence over the movement, hindering the development of working class consciousness. As the result of dominance by élites external to the labor movement itself, workers were never able to forge an independent voice that would allow them to define their own interests in society.
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Fung, Chi-ming. "History at the grassroots : rickshaw pullers in the pearl river delta of South China, 1874-1992 /." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1996. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B17537058.
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Sucharczuk, Gregory. "A free trade union in a totalitarian society : towards understanding the Solidarity movement in Poland, August, 1980-December, 1981." Thesis, McGill University, 1994. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=28926.
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This thesis attempts to contribute to our understanding of the emergence and the growth of the Solidarity Movement in Poland in the period of August 1980-December 1981. It is argued that Solidarity can be seen as a "hybrid" movement which combined "traditional" economic and syndicalist demands and "new" concerns with democratization of political life. A number of conducive factors, such as the fluidity and homogeneity of the Polish stratification system, the existence of a young, ambitious and alienated working class, concentrated in large enterprises and the perception of the social order in dichotomous terms, contributed to the emergence of an inter-class alliance of urban segments of Polish society against the political elite, which was widely perceived as being responsible for the acute economic, political and moral crisis of the late seventies. Also, the structure of Solidarity appears to contribute to its organizational and political success. It is maintained that the massive and rapid mobilization involved the activation of pre-existing informal ties among Polish workers. In this context, we also stress the importance of the charismatic leadership of Solidarity, especially that of Lech Walesa. Finally, we partly attribute the success of our movement to the failure of the weak, hesitant and internally divided political elite to contain the Solidarity movement and to respond to the crisis facing the nation. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)
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Hunter, Richard William. "Voices of our past: the rank and file movement in social work, 1931-1950." PDXScholar, 1999. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1602.
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During the period of the late 1920s through the late 1940s, a most remarkable event in the history of American social work emerged: the development of a vital radical trade union organizing effort known as the ''rank and file movement." Born within the growing economic crisis of the 1920s and maturing in the national economic collapse and social upheaval heralded by the Great Depression, the rank and file movement would attract the support and membership of thousands of professional social workers and uncredentialed relief workers in efforts to organize social service workers along the lines of industrial unionism. Within its relatively short life span, the rank and file movement would grow in sufficient number and influence to challenge both the prevailing definitions of social work as a profession - its form and identity and the essence of its function - its practice.
It is the thesis of this study that an understanding of the rank and file movement is central to a modem understanding of our profession. The origin, development and demise of the rank and file movement reflects more than the historical curiosity of a momentary tendency in the evolution of a profession; rather, it reveals the enduring legacy of individuals, organizations and collective intellectual discourse in common struggle for the possibilities of a more just and democratic social order. And, perhaps unlike any other profession, the domain of social work is historically one uniquely born of this struggle, encompassing the self-imposed imperatives and paradoxes of morality, socially purposive service and scientific rationality.
Consequently, this study seeks to inform the terms of this enduring legacy within the dynamic world of social work. It does so by: 1) locating the history of the rank and file movement within the context of an evolving profession; 2) analyzing this specific history of a profession within the context of broader social and political forces that defined both the limits and potentials of that evolution; and 3) assessing the implications of this history for social work in terms of its past, present and future.
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Worrall, David James. "Foreign trade developments in Ukraine, Russia, Poland, Lithuania, Belarus & Moldova (1996-2006)." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2011. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2573/.
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This thesis analyses the key developments in foreign trade for Ukraine, Russia, Poland, Lithuania, Belarus and Moldova on a comparative basis between 1996 and 2006. It examines trade developments and restructuring with the region’s two major trade blocs: the European Union (EU) and the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). Using dependable trade models pioneered by Béla Belassa and Herbert Grubel and Peter J. Lloyd, the analyses involve revealed comparative advantage (RCA) and intra-industry trade (IIT) to determine the extent to which structural changes have or have not occurred, which domestic industries are becoming more competitive and the degree of differentiation present. The reason for choosing the aforementioned measurement indices is straightforward. On one hand, RCA identifies those industries that have become relatively more competitive, and attempts to assess whether a given industry enjoys a comparative advantage in production by means of measuring exports. On the other hand, IIT supposes the opposite of comparative advantage theory, and affirms that differences between countries are not the only rationale for trade, because of the presence of increasing returns in scale economies. Thus, it examines the simultaneous import and export of identical, similar or differentiated products in the same industry often between similar countries. Although both indices are usually considered alternatives to each other, there is good reason to see them as complementary. The results of both indices, therefore, provide critical information from which to assess the degree of trade restructuring.
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Teles, Luciano Everton Costa. "A vida operária em Manaus: imprensa e mundos do trabalho (1920)." Universidade Federal do Amazonas, 2008. http://tede.ufam.edu.br/handle/tede/3718.
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Previous issue date: 2008-10-10Still walking in the sense of to contribute for the process of renewal regional historiográfica and to lessen the field little explored of the Labor History in Amazon to present researches search to understand the universe of the work and, especially, the dimensions of the speech, organization and fight worker in Manaus, in the beginning of the decade of 1920, filtered by the pages of the newspaper Labor Life, one of the most important labor newspapers appeared in Amazon. It is also tried to discuss the own Imprensa Operária, as one of the most important manifestations of the culture of the working classes, inquiring concerning the paper carried out by the newspaper Labor Life inside the journalism amazonense, expressing his/her line editorial and the characteristics that single out him/it inside that press, besides identifying the dimensions (size, composition, characteristics) of the universe of the work and of the urban workers from Manaus, still mapping the demands and accusations concerning the life conditions and work and observing the performance of the newspaper mentioned in the organization processes, understanding and fight worker, punctuating the organizational dilemmas, the internal disputes, you influence them of theoretical currents inside the political movement of the workers amazonenses
Caminhando no sentido de contribuir para o processo de renovação historiográfica regional e minorar o campo ainda pouco explorado da História Operária no Amazonas, a presente dissertação buscou compreender o universo do trabalho e, em especial, as dimensões da fala, organização e luta operária em Manaus, no início da década de 1920, filtradas pelas páginas do Vida Operária, um dos mais importantes jornais operários surgidos no Amazonas. Procura-se também discutir a própria Imprensa Operária, como uma das mais importantes manifestações da cultura das classes trabalhadoras, inquirindo acerca do papel desempenhado pelo jornal Vida Operária no interior do periodismo amazonense, externando sua linha editorial e as características que o singularizam no interior daquela imprensa, além de identificar as dimensões (tamanho, composição, características) do universo do trabalho e dos trabalhadores urbanos de Manaus, mapeando ainda as demandas e denúncias acerca das condições de vida e trabalho e observando a atuação do jornal mencionado nos processos de organização, conscientização e luta operária, pontuando os dilemas organizacionais, as disputas internas e as influenciais das diversas correntes teóricas no interior do movimento político dos trabalhadores amazonenses
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Manderson, Kate. "Fabian socialism and the struggle for Independent Labour Representation, 1884-1900." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape11/PQDD_0003/MQ43910.pdf.
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Emenaker, Ryan Eric. "Corporations and resistance in the Redwood Empire : towards a corporate history of Humboldt County (1579-1906) /." [Arcata, Calif.] : Humboldt State University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2148/24.
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Haley, Sandra K. "For Love or Money: Labor Rights and Citizenship for Working Women of 1930s Oaxaca, Mexico." Amherst, Mass. : University of Massachusetts Amherst, 2009. http://scholarworks.umass.edu/theses/221/.
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White, Kirk. "The Development of IAM District Lodge 776 in Fort Worth, Texas, 1942-1946: A Case Study in the Growth of Organized Labor During World War II." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1999. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2205/.
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This thesis concentrates on a local union of the International Association of Machinists (IAM), District Lodge 776, of Fort Worth, Texas, during the war years. The main argument of the thesis runs along three basic lines. First, it demonstrates that the experiences of the Fort Worth Machinists clearly fit into the national labor movement during the war years. Second, it argues that the existence, survival, and strength of the union depended greatly on outside forcesan expanding national economy, a powerful national union, and a generally labor-friendly government. Third, it shows that union officers and rank-and-file members used their bases of strengththe national economy, the national IAM, and the federal governmentto build an effective local labor organization.
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Fitzloff, Chad L. "The limits of American labor‘s influence on the cold war free labor movement: a case study of Irving Brown and the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions in Tunisia and Algeria." Thesis, Kansas State University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/4187.
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Master of ArtsDepartment of History
David A. Graff
Michael Ramsay
In 1988, Irving Brown received the Medal of Freedom from President Ronald Reagan for playing a crucial role in breaking the hold of international communism over postwar Western Europe. By doing so, he can truly be called one of the architects of Western democracy. Brown also made extraordinary efforts to fight international Communism in French North Africa during the 1950s. This paper seeks to answer the question of why these efforts in North Africa failed, and it will show the limits of American labor‘s international influence during the Cold War, in particular in French North Africa. Irving Brown successfully strengthened anti-Communist unions in Europe, and had the financial backing of the Truman Administration for those projects. However, Brown‘s efforts to build anti-Communist trade unions in Tunisia and Algeria did not have the backing of the U.S. government under the Eisenhower Administration. Instead, the AFL-CIO, with Brown as its representative, attempted to use the non-Communist International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) to influence the nationalist movements of Tunisia and Algeria through their respective national unions, the Union générale tunisienne du travail (UGTT) and the Union générale des travailleurs algériens (UGTA). Disagreements within the ICFTU severely inhibited Brown‘s effectiveness and prevented him from fully realizing the AFL-CIO‘s policy goals in North Africa. Brown was overly dependent on Tunisia for his operations with the Algeria labor movement, and the ICFTU was incapable of providing adequate support to the Algerians to compete with its Communist rival, the World Federation of Trade Unions. To the extent that independent Tunisia was Western-oriented, Brown was successful in his efforts. However, in the long run, Brown failed as an architect of Western democracy, as Tunisia became a dictatorship with a socialist economy. In Algeria, the state of war forced the UGTA to turn to the Eastern bloc despite Brown‘s personal dedication to North African independence and development. Furthermore, in independence, Algeria‘s government embraced socialism and single party rule.
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Kent, Timothy. "The Birth of the American Social Spirit: The American Child Labor Reform Movement and Urban Social Consciousness at the Turn of the 20th Century." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1570.
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This paper examines the National Child Labor Movement in America at the turn of the 20th century and how it affected collective American social consciousness and civic engagement. One of the first and most important social movements of the Progressive Era led by the National Child Labor Committee, reformers sought to use multiple focal points to unite the American public around the issue of children and the greater good of the nation’s future. In doing so, the movement embedded a new urban social awareness in which Americans finally caught a glimpse into the lives of their fellow citizens, of all classes and backgrounds, and began to develop empathetic practices to initiate social change. Ultimately, this had a significant effect on the future of urban social reform.
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Fung, Chi-ming, and 馮志明. "History at the grassroots: rickshaw pullers in the pearl river deltaof South China, 1874-1992." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1996. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B17537058.
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Güntzel, Ralph Peter. "The Confédération des syndicats nationaux, the idea of independence, and the sovereigntist movement, 1960-1980 /." Thesis, McGill University, 1991. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=60027.
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During most of the 1960s, the CSN was both an advocate of provincial autonomy and a defender of federalism. In the late 1960s and early 1970s, however, a majority of its leaders and militants came to favour separatism. Many of them saw independence as a precondition for the creation of a socialist Quebec. In 1972, the CSN rejected capitalism, endorsed socialism, and envisaged an internal referendum on the independence issue. The internal debate, however, took place only after the Parti quebecois was elected to power in 1976. Fearing internal divisions and disaffiliations, the CSN did not endorse separatism. Being disappointed with the Parti quebecois' governmental record, the CSN was content to give a critical support to a yes vote in the referendum in 1980.
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Miceli, Stephen R. "Industrialization and Immigration: Labor at the River's Bend." Connect to full text in OhioLINK ETD Center, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=toledo1241383946.
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Gorman, Louise Gwenyth. "State control and social resistance : the case of the Department of National Defence Relief Camp Scheme in B.C." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/25414.
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This thesis constitutes a sociological analysis of the establishment and operation of the Department of National Defence Relief Camp Scheme in British Columbia. During the Great Depression of the 1930s, unemployment reached unsurpassed levels, when the dependent Canadian economy could not export its primary resources. Faced with a fiscal crisis, the Canadian state was unable to support the dramatically increased number of destitute. The position of B.C. was particularly serious due to its economic dependence upon the export of raw resources. Thousands of single unemployed men who had been employed in resource industries, and for whom no adequate relief provisions were available, congregated on the west coast and became increasingly militant in their demands for 'work and wages'. The radicalization of this group was perceived as a threat that was beyond the capacity of usual state social control mechanisms. As a result, the Canadian state was obliged to undertake exceptional, repressive measures to contain these unemployed. This was accomplished through the Department of National Defence Relief Camp Scheme. Despite this extended state action, the dissident unemployed were not adequately suppressed, and the B.C. camps were characterized by a high level of militancy. The violent Regina Riot of July 1, 1935 served to break the momentum of the radical, single unemployed relief camp inmates. In 1936 the DND relief camp scheme was dismantled, and the single unemployed were dispersed. The DND relief camp scheme is examined in light of theories of the capitalist state and its role in society. It is concluded that the fiscal crisis of the 1930s rendered the Canadian state unable to mediate between the demands of the unemployed and the requirements of capital. The ensuing social crisis necessitated exceptional state coercion -- the Department of National Defence Relief Camp Scheme.Arts, Faculty of
Anthropology, Department of
Graduate
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Van, Zyl-Hermann Danelle. "White workers and South Africa's democratic transition, 1977-2011." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708951.
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Osipova, Zinaida. "Engineering a Soviet Life: Gustav Trinkler's Bourgeois Revolution." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1588365551985983.
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Balfour, Sebastian Michael. "The remaking of the Spanish labour movement : social change, urban growth and working class militancy, Barcelona, 1939-1976." Thesis, Bucks New University, 1987. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.714455.
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Poutanen, Mary Anne 1952. "For the benefit of the master : the Montreal needle trades during the transition 1820-1842." Thesis, McGill University, 1985. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=66049.
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Visser, Wessel Pretorius. "Die geskiedenis en rol van persorgane in die politieke en ekonomiese mobilasasie van die georganiseerde arbeiderbeweging in Suid-Afrika, 1908-1924." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52202.
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Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2001.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: During the course of the 20th century the press played an absolutely crucial role as a source of information, a medium of communication and propaganda, educator, critic, public watchdog and in forming and influencing opinion. In this respect the press may also be regarded as a reflection of South African society. This study investigates the role that the press played and the influence that it exercised in the political and economic mobilisation of the organised labour movement during the period 1908 to 1924. In view of the racial divisions that have prevailed in South Africa, the focus here is specifically on the white labour movement, because it was this manifestation of the organised labour force that virtually dominated the first few decades of the twentieth century. During this time the black labour movement was still to a large extent under-developed and began to emerge only around the 1920s. Organised labour flourished during the period under review. This period is characterised as one of political turbulence, as well as of large scale and serious industrial unrest, as part of the cathartic process in which the relationship between the state and its subjects in the field of labour took shape. The study adopts as its point of departure the year 1908, when the National Convention began its deliberations on the unification of South Africa, which in turn led to the official founding of the South African Labour Party in October 1909. The Labour Party operated independently until 1924, when the alliance between the National Party and the Labour Party won the election held in that year and formed the Pact coalition government. From an economic point of view there were two clear positions. On the one hand, there were the so-called establishment press organizations. These included Afrikaans-language newspapers, although - because of their ethnic commitments - they were strongly in favour of the protection of the economic position of the Afrikaner workers. On the other hand, there were anti-capitalist press organisations that wished to promote proactive steps in favour of the workers, which in tum often resulted in industrial conflict in the form of strikes. These tensions in the economic terrain spilled over into the political sphere elections, and here too the press played a central role in the often tense relationship between state and subject. In order to understand a meaningful analysis of the social role of the press, the following press organs and study materials were selected: The Star was the mouthpiece of the powerful Witwatersrand gold-mining industry. Die Burger and Ons Vaderland played a great role in the political and economic mobilisation of the Afrikaner working class whose sympathies lay with the National Party. The following labour-orientated and socialist papers reflected and interpreted the political and economic points of view of the labour movement in the period 1908 - 1924: Voice of Labour, The Worker, The Eastern Record, The Evening Chronicle, The War on War Gazette, The International, The Labour World, The Bolshevik and The Guardian. In addition, the role of a number of extremist strike newspapers In mobilising workers during the strikes of 1913, 1914 and 1922, is also investigated. The press played an important role in exposing a number of cardinal issues that dominated the discourse within the labour movement to greater public criticism and discussion. The effect of this was to raise the struggle between labour and capital for hegemony in the political and economic life of South Africa - as happened every time during election campaigns - to the level of the national political debate. Furthermore, the press, and specifically the right-wing labour and left-wing socialist press organs, also reflected the deep ideological divisions in the labour movement. In this respect, it was particularly the views of these press organs on race and the place of black people in the industrial dispensation that determined and influenced their political creeds. The mobilising power of the press was vividly illustrated by the strike papers. By propounding militant extremism these papers often succeeded in sweeping up industrial unrest among workers to the level of violence, which meant that the authorities were compelled to suppress these publications by means of martial law proclamations. It is probable that the SALP, and especially the socialist organisations, on the periphery of the political spectrum, would not have survived for long in South African politics without the communicative support of their mouthpieces.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Gedurende die 20ste eeu het die pers, as bron van inligting, kommunikasie- en propagandamedium, opvoeder, kritikus, openbare waghond en meningsvormer en -beihvloeder, 'n uiters belangrike samelewingsrol vertolk. In hierdie opsig kan die pers ook as 'n weerspieeling van die Suid-Afrikaanse samelewing beskou word. Hierdie studie ondersoek die rol wat die pers gespeel het en die invloed wat dit as openbare memngsvormer met betrekking tot die politieke en ekonomiese mobilisasie van die georganiseerde arbeiderbeweging gedurende die tydperk 1908 tot 1924 uitgeoefen het. Gegewe die historiese rasseverdeeldheid in Suid-Afrika, is daar spesifiek op die blanke arbeiderbeweging gekonsentreer, aangesien dit die arbeidsterrein gedurende die eerste paar dekades van die twintigste eeu feitlik oorheers het. Die swart arbeiderbeweging was in daardie stadium nog grootliks onderontwikkeld en het eers om en by die twintigerjare begin ontwaak. Die betrokke tydperk was 'n tydperk van hoogbloei VIr die georganiseerde blanke arbeiderbeweging. Dit word veral gekenmerk as 'n tydperk van politieke onstuirnigheid, asook van groot en ernstige endemiese nywerheidsonrus en konflik, as dee 1van 'n katarsis waardeur die verhouding tussen staat en onderdaan op die arbeidsterrein uitgekristalliseer het. Die vertrekpunt van die studie is 1908, toe die sittings van die Nasionale Konvensie met die oog op die unifikasie van Suid-Afrika 'n aanvang geneem het en ook aanleiding gegee het tot die amptelike stigting van die Suid-Afrikaanse Arbeidersparty in Oktober 1909. Dit strek tot 1924, toe die verkiesingsalliansie van die Nasionale Party en die Arbeidersparty die oorwinning by die stembus behaal en die Pakt-koalisieregering gevorm het. Vanuit 'n ekonomiese oogpunt gesien, was daar twee duidelike stellingnamens. Enersyds was daar die sogenaamde establishment-persorgane. Hieronder ressorteer ook Afrikaanstalige koerante, alhoewel hulle as gevolg van 'n etniese verbondenheid sterk ten gunste van die beskerming van die ekonomiese posisie van die Afrikanerwerkers was. Andersyds was daar anti-kapitalistiese persorgane wat 'n pro-aktiewe optrede ten behoewe van die werkers, wat dikwels op nywerheidskonflik in die vorm van stakings uitgeloop het wou bevorder. Hierdie gespannenheid op ekonomiese terrein het oorgespoel na die politieke sfeer van verkiesings en ook daarin het die pers, in die dikwels gespanne verhouding tussen owerheid en onderdaan, 'n sentrale rol gespeel. Ten einde 'n sinvolle ontleding van die samelewingsrol van die pers te kon doen, is die volgende persorgane as studiemateriaal geselekteer: The Star was die mondstuk van die magtige kapitalistiese, Witwatersrandse goudmynindustrie. Die Burger en Ons Vaderland het 'n groot rol in die politieke en ekonomiese mobilisasie van die Nasionaalgesinde Afrikanerwerkersklas vervul. Die volgende arbeider- en sosialistiese blaaie het die politieke en ekonomiese uitgangspunte van die arbeiderbeweging in die tydperk 1908 tot 1924 weerspieel en vertolk: Voice of Labour, The Worker, The Eastern Record, The Evening Chronicle, The War on War Gazette, The International, The Labour World, The Bolshevik en The Guardian. Daarby is ook die mobiliseringsrol wat 'n aantal ekstremistiese stakersblaaie in die stakings van 1913, 1914 en 1922 gespeel het, ondersoek. Die pers het 'n belangrike rol gespeel om 'n aantal kardinale kwessies, wat die diskoers binne die arbeidergeledere oorheers het, ook aan groter openbare kritiek en bespreking bloot te stel. Sodoende is die stryd tussen arbeid en kapitaal om die hegemonie van die Suid-Afrikaanse politieke en ekonomiese lewe byvoorbeeld telkens tydens verkiesingsveldtogte tot die nasionale debat verhef. Daarbenewens het die pers, spesifiek by monde van die regse arbeider- en linkse sosialistiese persorgane, ook die diepe ideologiese verdeeldheid in arbeidergeledere weerspieel. In hierdie opsig was dit veral hulle rassebeskouings en die posisie van die swart man in die nywerheidsbestel wat die politieke credo van hierdie persorgane bepaal en befuvloed het. Die mobiliseringsmag van die pers is treffend dem stakerblaaie gemustreer. Dem militante ekstremisme te verkondig, kon sodanige blaaie dikwels daarin slaag om nywerheidsonrus onder werkers tot die vlak van geweld op te sweep sodat die owerheid dan genoop was om hierdie publikasies dem middel van Krygswetproklamasies te onderdruk. Synde op die periferie van die politieke spektrum, sou die SAAP, en veral die sosia1istiese organisasies, sonder kommunikatiewe ondersteuning van hulle spreekbuise waarskynlik slegs 'n kortstondige politieke bestaan in die Suid-Afrikaanse politiek gevoer het.
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Wisnor, Ryan Thomas. "Workers of the Word Unite!: The Powell's Books Union Organizing Campaign, 1998-2001." PDXScholar, 2017. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4162.
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The labor movement's groundswell in the 1990s accompanied a period of intense competition and conglomeration within the retail book sector. Unexpectedly, the intersection of these two trends produced two dozen union drives across the country between 1996 and 2004 at large retail bookstores, including Borders and Barnes & Noble. Historians have yet to fully examine these retail organizing contests or recount their contributions to the labor movement and its history, including booksellers' pioneering use of the internet as an organizing tool. This thesis focuses on the aspirations, tactics, and contributions of booksellers in their struggles to unionize their workplaces, while also exploring the economic context surrounding bookselling and the labor movement at the end of the twentieth century. While the United Food and Commercial Workers (UFCW) auspiciously announced a national campaign in 1997 to organize thousands of bookstore clerks, the only successfully unionized bookstore from this era that remains today is the Powell's Books chain in Portland, Oregon with over 400 workers represented by the International Longshore and Warehouse Union (ILWU) Local 5.
Local 5's successful union campaign at Powell's Books occurring between 1998 and 2000 is at the center of this study and stands out as a point of light against a dark backdrop of failed union attempts in the retail sector during the latter decades of the twentieth century. This inquiry utilizes Local 5's internal document archive and the collection of oral histories gathered by labor historians Edward Beechert and Harvey Schwartz in 2001 and 2002. My analysis of these previously unexamined records demonstrates how Powell's efforts to thwart the ILWU campaign proved a decisive failure and contributed to the polarization of a super majority of the workforce behind Local 5. Equally, my analysis illustrates how the self-organization, initiative, and unrelenting creativity of booksellers transformed a narrow union election victory to overwhelming support for the union's bargaining committee. Paramount to Local 5's contract success was the union's partnership with Portland's social justice community, which induced a social movement around Powell's Books at a time of increased political activity and unity among the nation's labor, environment, and anti-globalization activists. The bonds of solidarity and mutual aid between Local 5 and its community allies were forged during the World Trade Organization (WTO) demonstrations in Seattle in 1999 and Portland's revival of May Day in 2000. Following eleven work stoppages and fifty-three bargaining sessions, the union acquired a first contract that far exceeded any gains made by the UFCW at its unionized bookstores. The Powell's agreement included improvements to existing health and retirement benefits plus an 18 percent wage increase for employees over three years.
This analysis brings to light the formation of a distinct working-class culture and consciousness among Powell's booksellers, communicated through workers' essays, artwork, strikes, and solidarity actions with the social justice community. It provides a detailed account of Local 5's creative street theater tactics and work stoppages that captured the imagination of activists and the attention of the broader community. The conflict forced the news media and community leaders to publicly choose sides in a labor dispute reminiscent of struggles not seen in Portland since the 1950s. Observers of all political walks worried that the Portland cultural and commercial intuition would collapse under the weight of the two-year labor contest. My research illustrates the tension among the city's liberal and progressive populace created by the upstart union's presence at prominent liberal civic leader Michael Powell's iconic store and how the union organized prominent liberal leaders on the side of their cause. It concludes by recognizing that Local 5's complete history remains a work in progress, but that its formation represents an indispensable Portland contribution to the revitalized national labor movement of the late 1990s.
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Russell, John. "The role of socialist competition in establishing labour discipline in the Soviet working class, 1928-1934." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 1987. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/1290/.
Full textAbstract:
Between 1928 and 1934 Soviet society experienced what amounted to two industrial revolutions: the adaptation of a largely non-industrial working population to industry and the introduction of new technologies and methods of management. These radical changes inevitably gave rise to problems of labour discipline, expressed most graphically in soaring rates of labour turnover and absenteeism. These problems were exacerbated by the pace, intensity and scope of Soviet industrialisation and by the social policies that accompanied this drive. As in any such process these problems had to be tackled by utilising a blend of measures based on compulsion, conviction and incentive. The present work examines the blend employed by the Soviet regime during the period under review to stimulate, in the shortest possible time scale, a general will for industrialisation and, having established that will and destroyed opposition to it, channel the energies thus generated into the desired directions. The distinctive element in this blend is identified as socialist competition, which the regime utilised to stimulate support for and stifle opposition to industrialisation, and, subsequently, to raise work skills to the level required by the modern industry being constructed. Moreover, socialist competition allowed the regime to implement a management system geared to the maximum priority of production interests, while preserving a commitment, albeit in abstract terms, to the concept of a workers' state.
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Caldwell, Marc Anthony. "Struggle in discourse the International's discourse against racism in the labour-movement in South Africa (1915-1919)." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002872.
Full textAbstract:
The International, as the weekly newspaper of the International Socialist League, articulated from 1915 to 1919 an ideology which stood opposed both to organised labour and nationalist movements in South Africa. This situation reflected significant historical struggles during this period, which constitutes essential background to the discourse of the International. The International's writers opposed the institution of trade unionism in the labour movement because it was fragmented on the lines of skill and race. They opposed both the National Party and the South African Native National Congress because they advocated racial (and national) rather than working class interests. Instead, these writers, according to their international socialist paradigm, advocated a working class united irrespective of race and skill at the level of industry. To analyse these ideological positions, discourse analysis provides a fruitful method for locating its dynamics in relation to other positions and extra-ideological (contextual) practices: The International's writers g~nerated a socialist position against racism by engaging in an ideological struggle in discourse. They articulated their anti-racist position from international socialism's critique of the 'languages' of both militarism and trade unionism in the discourse of labour. Within the discourse of militarism, the working class was signified as divided between hostile nations. These writers applied this as a metaphor to the division of the local labour movement and criticised the latter accordingly. In their view, just as workers were divided between the nations (nationalism), so they were divided within the nation (racism) in South Africa. One context cohered with the other, and both agreed with imperatives of international capitalism. This was fundamentally opposed to the principles of international socialism which characterised the International's discourse. Within the dominant discourse oflabour, workers were signified as divided between different trade unions on the basis of skills. Furthermore, in the South African context, trade unions organised only white workers, and ignored the far larger proportion of black labour. In this context, the International advocated industrial unionism, and criticised the narrow base of the white trade unions for fragmenting and weakening the working class in South African. The International's writers were thus led by the discourse of international socialism to a new discourse, whereby not white workers alone, but a racially-united working class movement would be the key to a socialist future in South Africa. Their struggle entailed a bid in and over discourse to rearticulate the sign of the 'native worker' within their own discourse as the dominant discourse type. Underpinning their struggle was a fundamental opposition to capitalist class relations.
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Waugh-Benton, Monica. "Strike Fever: Labor Unrest, Civil Rights and the Left in Atlanta, 1972." unrestricted, 2006. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-07282006-153554/.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2006.1 electronic text (136 p.) : digital, PDF file. Title from title screen. Clifford Kuhn, committee chair; Ian C. Fletcher, committee member. Description based on contents viewed Apr. 5, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p. 133-136).
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Tang, Kung. "The Search for Order and Liberty : The British Police, the Suffragettes, and the Unions, 1906-1912." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1992. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc279136/.
Full textAbstract:
From 1906 to 1912 the British police contended with the struggles of militant suffragettes and active unionists. In facing the disturbances associated with the suffragette movement and union mobilization, the police confronted the dual problems of maintaining the public order essential to the survival and welfare of the kingdom while at the same time assuring to individuals the liberty necessary for Britain's further progress. This dissertation studies those police activities in detail.
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Baines, Gary. "The Port Elizabeth disturbances of October, 1920." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001858.
Full textAbstract:
Chapter one suggests thet trade and merchant capital, which were crucial to Port Elizabeth's economic development during the nineteenth century, was subsumed by the rise of manufactures and industrial capital after the First World War. Industrial expansion was cut short by the post-war recession, which caused un- and underemployment. The black worker, who experienced a severe loss in real earnings on account of the increased cost of living, became involved in a struggle with employers for wage increases. Chapter two shows how the policy of segregation was applied in Port Elizabeth, which meant that the workers were subjected to an increasing degree of control and regulation of their daily lives. The conditions of reproduction in the black townships fostered inter-racial and cross-class mobilisation which culminated in the formation of a general labour union, the Port Elizabeth Industrial and Commercial Workers' Union (PEICWU). Chapter three will suggest links between the tradition in Port Elizabeth of worker resistance and the unionisation of black workers in the post-war period. Thus, the first three chapters attempt to provide a historical perspective for analysing the underlying causes of the 1920 Port Elizabeth disturbances. The immediate cause of the disturbances was the arrest of the Union leader, Masabalala, after he called for a general strike. Chapter four will show how the intervention of the local authorities provoked a spontaneous act of defiance on the part of Union members. A demonstration outside the Baakens Street Police Station to demand the release of Masabalala, precipitated the tragic shootings of 23 October 1920. The repressive violence which left 22 dead (with two further deaths resulting indirectly from the incident) was unprecedented in South African history. The resolution of the crisis brought the workers no nearer to obtaining a reasonable settlement of the wage issue. If anything, the resolve of employers to deny wage demands was hardened by the actions of the local authorities, who attributed the disturbances to ' agitation '. Such thinly-disguised justifications of the shootings by the dominant classes, however, provoked recriminations from other quarters. Chapter five examines the legal and political ramifications of the Port Elizabeth shootings. The circumstances of the shootings prompted the Smuts Government to appoint a Commission of Enquiry in the face of public pressure. The Commission found that the Police and vigilantes were largely to blame for the high death toll. But the Government's 'whitewash' of the findings could not absolve the Police from culpability entirely, nor could it sidestep its own responsibility and liability to victims of the shootings. Finally, in Chapter six, an attempt will be made to assess the long term impact of the shootings on the PElCU and the black labour movement in Port Elizabeth generally. The outcome of the episode was a victory for employers, which dealt a body blow to worker organisation which only became resurgent in the 1950s.
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Jansson, Martin. "Förberedelsernas år : Deltagande och subjektsformering kring den svenska socialdemokratin 1889-1891." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för idé- och lärdomshistoria, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-322870.
Full textAbstract:
This master’s thesis revolves around the means of participation established around the newly formed Social Democratic Party in Sweden at the end of the 19th century. In 1889 the party was organized in close proximity to the editorial office of the party newspaper, Social-demokraten, and dependent on the support of its subscribers to uphold and increase circulation. Simultaneously, the consolidation of the Second socialist international provided a new framework for the national organisations as it was decided that May 1 of 1890 would be the date of synchronized mass- demonstrations for the legislation of the 8-hour working day. The thesis examines the means of participation and the associated construction of participatory political subjects in relation to the newspaper, the demonstration and the question of work time regulation. The analysis shows that the Swedish campaigns promoted an increased sense of self-awareness and obligation towards the larger organizational structures as well as society as a whole. Participation was put forth as a means of confessing to a genuine and unadulterated identity. This identity and its assigned biological features, as they were portrayed in relation to the question of work time regulation, created the physical characteristics of the participant as a focal point of the political project. The question was used to create knowledge about the participant as an objective outset in the quest for legitimacy. This process can also be seen as the creation of a situated public as an origin of power.
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Yalcin, Zeki. "Facklig gränspolitik : Landsorganisationens invandrings- och invandrarpolitik 1946 - 2009." Doctoral thesis, Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-11264.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis concerns the trade union reaction to immigration as a phenomenon and toimmigrants as a labour force on the Swedish labour market. It concerns trade union politicsregarding immigration and immigrants, from the political decision taken in 1946 to recruitworkers from other countries because of the labour shortage in Sweden, to 2009 when theconflict in the Swedish town of Vaxholm, that was a consequence of the EU’s expansion to theeast and which received such enormous attention in the Swedish media, was given its finalverdict and the continued existence of the “Swedish model” was placed under question. Thestudy focuses on the labour movement’s central trade union organisation in Sweden, in otherwords the Swedish Trade Union Confederation (Landsorganisationen, or LO as it is commonlyabbreviated in Sweden).The basis for the thesis has been that the process of immigration must naturally in the longterm lead to the addition of workers on the labour market, and consequently increasedcompetition amongst workers. The question has been how the interest organisation LO, whoseprimary mission is to protect the wage rates and social conditions for its members, and whichhas the restriction of competition as an overriding strategy, would handle the phenomenon ofimmigration and the existence of immigrants as a labour force on the Swedish labour marketand within the trade union movement, during the course of the study. The choice of LO as afundamental starting point for the study, being as it is an interest organisation with the shorttermobjective of protecting its members’ interests, but also given the organisation’s more longtermobjectives of being an important actor on the labour market and within society, hasinfluenced the choice of the thesis’ central theoretical concepts; strategy, restriction ofcompetition, calculability, power and hegemony. This very starting point, but also the natureof the source materials and a reflection over the immigration process (from immigration toimmigrant workers on the labour market and finally to trade union members), has meant that Ihave chosen to structure the thesis and present my findings based on three different problemareas. I have chosen to refer to these problem areas as boundaries, there LO have dealt withvarious problems concerning the phenomena of immigration and immigrants on the Swedishlabour market, as well as problems related to some of its own members having foreignbackgrounds. These boundaries consist firstly of an outer boundary that is a physicalboundary, coincident with national boundaries and influencing immigration politics, there LOwas able to consider the scope of the immigration process and make calculations about whatthe resultant addition of new workers, that is a natural consequence of the immigrationprocess, would mean for the labour market. Secondly an inner boundary, that encompasses thelabour market but is more transparent to members of society and influences immigrant politics,there LO was able to consider the terms and conditions that should be made available to theimmigrant workers, in general within society and in particular on the labour market. Finally aninnermost boundary, encompassing the trade union membership, there LO was able to managethe terms and conditions for the immigrant workers within the trade union movement.The thesis’ overriding objective has been to examine LO’s strategies for these threeboundary areas and to see if there is a coherent pattern behind LO’s actions on these threevarying levels. A more theoretical objective with this thesis has been to examine if the possiblepatterns that would appear in LO’s actions within these three boundary areas, could bediscussed from the perspective of a power structure.
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Invartsen, Mette. "EXPANDED CHOREOGRAPHY : Shifting the agency of movement in The Artificial Nature Project and 69 positions." Doctoral thesis, Stockholms konstnärliga högskola, Institutionen för dans, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uniarts:diva-177.
Full textAbstract:
Through two books and a series of video documentations of live performances Mette Ingvartsen makes choreography into a territory of physical, artistic and social experimentation. The Artificial Nature Series focusses on how relations between human and non-human agency can be explored and reconfigured through choreography. By investigating and creating a ‘nonhuman theater’ questions regarding material agency, ecology, natural disasters, the Anthropocene and non-subjective performativity are posed. The resulting reflections are closely related to the poetic principles utilized to create the performances, while also drawing connections to territories outside theater. By contrast, 69 positions inscribes itself into a history of human performance with afocus on nudity, sexuality and how the body historically has been a site for political struggles. By creating a guided tour through sexual performances – from the naked protest actions of the 1960’s, through an archive ofpersonal performances into a reflection on contemporary sexual practice – this solo work rethinks audience participation and proposes a notion of soft and social choreography. The contrasting performative strategiesarticulate a twofold notion of expanded choreography: on the one hand movement is extended beyond the human body by including the agency of nonhuman performers, and on the other hand, movement is expanded into animaginary and virtual space thanks to ‘language choreography’.LINKS
https://vimeo.com/164552586
https://vimeo.com/164558381
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Friberg, Anna. "Demokrati bortom politiken : En begreppshistorisk analys av demokratibegreppet inom Sveriges socialdemokratiska arbetareparti 1919–1939." Doctoral thesis, Mittuniversitetet, Avdelningen för humaniora, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:miun:diva-17674.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation analyzes the concept of democracy as it was used in the official rhetoric of the Swedish SocialDemocratic Party (SAP ) between 1919 and 1939. Theoretically, the dissertation relies on German Begriffsgeschichte, as put forward by Reinhart Koselleck, and Michael Freeden’s theory of ideologies. Together, by supplementing each other, these theories offer a perspective in which concepts are thought of as structures that are under contestation and change due to socio-political circumstances. However, the formulation of this change takes place in relation to the linguistic praxis of each time-period, and renegotiates the relative constraints of established relations between concepts in language. The analysis shows that the profound changes in society provided impetus for a continuous renegotiation of meanings, allowing concepts to retain their explanatory power under changing circumstances, at the same time the SAP needed new ways to express what kind of society the party strived to realize. The SAP had been one of the leading forces in the struggle for universal suffrage, and when the bill, giving universal suffrage to men andwomen, was passed in the Parliament 1919 this meant a temporary cessation to a long and intensive political debate. However, the SAP did not consider the introduction of suffrage reform as the end of full societal democratization. Rather than seeing the reform as a terminal point, the SAP saw it as the starting point for the struggle for full democracy. The SAP did not limit itself to only one concept of democracy but instead used a number of composite concepts, such as political democracy and economic democracy. The use of composite concepts can be understood as a changing temporalization of democracy. Since parliamentarism and suffrage were seen as central components in democracy, the realization of these institutions meant that the concept of democracy lost its future dimension. Thus, the usage of composite concepts should be seen as a re-temporalization of democracy. The composite concepts pointed forward in time, toward political goals that the SAP envisaged realizing in the future. Concepts should not be thought of as having cores but rather, as suggested by Freeden, ineliminable features. An ineliminable feature is not of logical nature but has a strong cultural adjacency. By analyzing the ineliminable components of the concepts of democracy that the SAP used, it is possible to discuss whether the composite concepts should be understood as subsets of a whole or as separate concepts. The analysis shows that the composite concepts that the SAP used during the first half of the 1920s shared a number of ineliminable features, but that the commonality of these features started to disintegrate during the latter half of the decade, leading to a rather diversive concept of democracy. During the 1930s the disintegration ceased as the party was faced with new circumstances, for example the growing threat of international war and national clashes between different social groups. There has always been a close relation between language and society. However, the relationship does not follow a simple and clear-cut logic but a complex mixture of various factors at different levels, both within language itself and of society. When society develops, language also has to change if the ongoing process is to be understood. As this study shows, new circumstances require new argumentsand thus revised concepts.
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Siqueira, Elcio. "Melhores que o patrão : a luta pela cogestão operaria na Companhia Brasileira de Cimento Portland Perus (1958-1963)." [s.n.], 2009. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280755.
Full textAbstract:
Orientador: Michael McDonald HallTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: Este estudo analisa a experiência de construção de uma corrente sindical operária de feição democrata-cristã na cidade de São Paulo entre 1954 e 1963 centrada nos trabalhadores da Companhia Brasileira de Cimento Portland Perus, localizada no bairro paulistano com este mesmo nome. O movimento conseguiu projeção no plano da política nacional em razão da importância econômica da empresa e do amplo leque de alianças sociais e políticas articuladas pela direção do sindicato operário local. Nos anos de 1959 e 1962, o sindicalismo de Perus realizou um interessante processo de articulação de suas lutas com mobilizações dos trabalhadores da região do ABC influenciados pelo trabalho pastoral desenvolvido por Dom Jorge Marcos de Oliveira, o ?Bispo dos Operários?. Dessa iniciativa resultou a formação da Frente Nacional do Trabalho em 1960, associação civil comprometida com a luta por um sindicalismo desatrelado do Ministério do Trabalho. O ponto alto do movimento foi a grande greve de 1962-1963 que visava à desapropriação da Companhia de Cimento pelo Estado de São Paulo para que uma cooperativa operária assumisse a gestão da empresa. Esta paralisação colocou em xeque a administração Carvalho Pinto (1959-1963) e não se esfacelou com o afastamento da maioria dos grevistas da Companhia em agosto de 1962, pois prosseguiu de diversas formas, fora da fábrica, até a reintegração ao trabalho dos operários estáveis no ano de 1969, num total de sete anos e quatro meses de greve legal. Os acontecimentos de 1962-1963, todavia, levaram a direção do sindicato a repensar seu projeto político, levando-a a constituir uma variante brasileira do movimento da Não-Violência afinado com as profundas mudanças pelas quais passou a Igreja Católica do Brasil na década de 1960.
Abstract: This study analyzes the experience of construction of a Democrat-Christian laboring syndical group in the city of São Paulo between 1954 and 1963 centered in the workers of Brazilian Portland Cement Company, located in the district named Perus. The movement obtained projection in the national politics in reason of the economic importance of the Company and because the ample fan of social and politic alliances articulated by the direction of the local laboring union. In the years of 1959 and 1962, the unionism of Perus carried through an interesting process of joint of its fights with mobilizations of the workers of the region of the ABC influenced by the pastoral work developed under the leadership of Dom Jorge Marcos de Oliveira, the ?Bishop of the Workers?. The formation of the National Front of the Work (Frente Nacional do Trabalho, FNT) in 1960 resulted of this initiative. FNT was a civil association compromised with the fight for an independent unionism. The high point of the movement was the great strike of 1962-1963 that it aimed at to the dispossession of the Cement Company for the State of São Paulo: the workmen on strike intended that a laboring cooperative assumed the management of the company. This strike challenged the administration of the Governor Carvalho Pinto (1959-1963) and wasn't dissolver with the removal of the majority of the strikers of the Company in August of 1962. Therefore, it continued of diverse forms until the reintegration to the work of a part of laborers in the year of 1969, totalizing seven years and four months of legal strike. The 1962-1963 events, however, had taken the direction of the union to rethink its politician project, being taken it to constitute a Brazilian variant of the movement of Not-Violence conjoined with the deep changes happened in the Church Catholic of Brazil during the decade of 1960.
Doutorado
Historia Social
Doutor em História Social
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Solé, Soldevila Josep Maria. "Bandera Roja (1968-1974)." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/666895.
Full textAbstract:
La tesis doctoral Bandera Roja (1968-1974) té per objecte l’estudi d’aquesta organització comunista nascuda a Barcelona sota la influència dels moviments revolucionaris de la segona meitat de la dècada dels seixanta i, particularment, d’aquells més propers en l’espai, com ara els que es van desenvolupar als estats francès i italià. Amb una presència destacada de militants a la Universitat de Barcelona, Bandera Roja va desplegar alhora una acció política de masses amb accent propi tant a barris com a fàbriques. El desenvolupament d’aquests plantejaments, preocupació fonamental del nostre estudi, va coincidir en el temps amb el despertar i reorganització dels moviments veïnal i obrer durant el tardofranquisme, i va permetre a l’Organització créixer i arrelar entre els sectors més combatius de les classes populars i obreres.
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Langkjaer, Jenny. "Övervakning för rikets säkerhet : Svensk säkerhetspolisiär övervakning av utländska personer och inhemsk politisk aktivitet, 1885–1922." Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Historiska institutionen, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-54782.
Full textAbstract:
During the 19th century the European states experienced a new kind of threat to their existence. The military threats from other countries were now accompanied by civilian threats that inspired mass protest, terrorism and other menaces to the established order. In Sweden, these threats were mainly seen as connected to the rising labor movement and to a growing number of foreign citizens. The aim of the dissertation is to examine surveillance for national security carried out by the Stockholm Criminal Investigation Department and its Police Bureau between 1885 and 1922. Apart from examining what specific surveillance methods that were used, the dissertation gives an answer to the question why the surveillance was carried out, and why it was carried out the way it was. It also discusses how differences and similarities between the surveillance in Sweden and other countries can be explained and how the surveillance between 1885 and 1922 relates to the corresponding activities during the latter part of the 20th century. The main conclusions are that there was a lack of formal rules regulating the surveillance, and that it therefore was based on the following of routines. The bureaucratization process that characterized the period influenced the surveillance, which came to be performed as a bureaucratic machine, characterized by a tendency of expansion. This meant that the surveillance activities were constantly expanded and became more and more extensive. The expansion is connected to the surveillance phenomenon, which could be said to have an unlimited scope. Furthermore, it is suggested that this specific historic legacy has affected the development of Swedish security police activity during the second half of the 20th century.
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Santos, João Marcelo Pereira dos. "Os trabalhadores da Light São Paulo, 1900-1935." [s.n.], 2009. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280762.
Full textAbstract:
Orientador : Michael McDonald HallTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: Esta pesquisa de doutorado foca a ação coletiva dos trabalhadores da unidade da Light em São Paulo nas três primeiras décadas do século XX. Reconstituímos a trajetória da empresa e suas estratégias de expansão no eixo São Paulo - Rio de Janeiro com a perspectiva de estabelecer as conexões existentes entre a indústria de energia elétrica e os processos de urbanização e industrialização. Fomos explícitos em apontar o entrelaçamento entre os interesses dos acionistas e administradores da Light e o poder político que hegemonizou a estrutura de estado em São Paulo durante a Velha República. Investigamos a estrutura organizacional da empresa e traçamos um perfil de sua força de trabalho. Isso foi fundamental para dimensionarmos com maior precisão os constrangimentos impostos à organização dos trabalhadores e à construção de identidades coletivas. Através da análise dos acidentes de trânsito, descobrimos como se formou uma opinião pública contrária aos motorneiros e condutores. Geralmente apontados como causadores imediatos dos acidentes, os operários dos bondes desenvolveram mecanismos de autodefesa que dificultaram o estabelecimento de alianças com os usuários em momentos de protesto contra a empresa. A análise dos acidentes também contribuiu para acrescentarmos alguns detalhes sobre a condição de trabalho desses operários e sobre aspectos relacionados à mobilidade nas ruas paulistanas nas primeiras décadas do século XX. Na segunda parte da pesquisa, acompanhamos a trajetória das organizações dos trabalhadores lightianos, as situações de enfrentamento, as pautas de reivindicação e as relações de distanciamento e proximidade com o conjunto do operariado paulistano. Remontamos as disputas travadas entre sindicalistas revolucionários e comunistas no momento de transição para um sistema de relações de trabalho e sindical regulado pelo estado. Acompanhamos as ambiguidades da União dos Trabalhadores da Light (UTL) em torno da legislação trabalhista e sindical e de sua falência enquanto entidade de classe. Em paralelo, abordamos as diversas tentativas do Sindicato dos Operários em Tração, Luz e Força de São Paulo para se estabelecer na complexa conjuntura dos primeiros anos do governo Vargas. Finalmente, investigamos as articulações entre a Light e a Delegacia Estadual de Ordem Política e Social de São Paulo (DEOPS/SP) e demonstramos o quanto o padrão de relações de trabalho foi marcado pela violência institucionalizada, pela cultura de intransigência e recusa de negociação.
Abstract: This doctoral research focuses on the collective action of workers of the unity of Light in Sao Paulo in the first three decades of the twentieth century. Reconstructed the trajectory of the company and its expansion strategies in the axis São Paulo - Rio de Janeiro with a view to establishing the connections between the electric power industry and the processes of urbanization and industrialization. This piece of research points out the links between the interests of shareholders and directors of the Light and the political power, such net of connections hegemonies the structure of state in São Paulo during the Old Republic. The structure of the company was investigated, which provided a profile of its workforce. This was essential to scale with greater precision the constraints imposed on the organization of workers and the construction of collective identities. Through the analysis of traffic accidents was found that such accidents formed a public opinion against the "motorneiros" and drivers. Often described as immediate causes of accidents, the workers of the tramway developed mechanisms for self-defense that hampered the establishment of partnerships with users in times of protest against the company. The analysis of accidents also helped to add some details about the condition of workers and work on issues related to mobility in the São Paulo streets in the first decades of the twentieth century. In the second part of the research follows the trajectory of the organizations of workers "lightianos", situations of confrontation, the rules of claim and the relations of distance and proximity to the entire workforces of the city. The reconstruction of the back disputes was created, precisely those between union and communist revolutionary at the time of transition to a system of labour relations and union regulated by the state. The study follows the ambiguities of the Union of Workers of Light (UTL) around labour laws and union and its failure as a union. Furthermore, the attempts of the Union of Workers in Traction, Light and Force of São Paulo to establish itself in the complex political environment of the early years of the Vargas government. Finally, was investigated the links between the Light and DEOPS in order to demonstrated how the pattern of labour relations of Light was marked by a culture of intransigence and refusal to negotiate.
Doutorado
Historia Social
Doutor em História
39
Faniel, Jean. "Les syndicats, le chômage et les chômeurs: raisons et évolution d'une relation complexe." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210879.
Full textAbstract:
En Belgique, 85% des chômeurs sont affiliés à une organisation syndicale. Cette situation inhabituelle est principalement due à la fonction d’organisme de paiement des allocations de chômage que remplissent les trois syndicats interprofessionnels. L’objet de la thèse est d’examiner les origines de la relation particulière qui découle de cet état de fait et de questionner ses implications tout à la fois pour les syndicats et pour les chômeurs.Les développements théoriques se penchent sur le mode de fonctionnement et sur les déterminants de l’action des organisations syndicales, sur les causes du chômage et ses conséquences pour les travailleurs salariés et leurs organisations, ainsi que sur les obstacles et les incitants à l’action collective contestataire des sans-emploi.
Ces outils d’analyse sont ensuite utilisés pour examiner, depuis l’origine des organisations syndicales contemporaines et de l’indemnisation du chômage, au XIXe siècle, jusqu’à la réforme du mode de contrôle des chômeurs en 2004, les fondements et l’évolution de la relation que les syndicats belges entretiennent avec les questions de l’emploi et du chômage d’une part, avec les chômeurs d’autre part.
In Belgium, 85% of the unemployed are unionised. This peculiar situation is mainly related to the specific position of the trade unions, as the jobless can choose to receive their benefits through the intervention of one of the three national unions. The Ph.D. dissertation aims at examining the origins of that specific relationship and its implications on both the trade unions and the unemployed.
The theoretical part explores the features of union action and functioning, the causes of unemployment and its consequences for the workers and their organisations, as well as the impediments and impetus to the contentious mobilisation of the unemployed.
Based on that theoretical framework, the Ph.D. dissertation then examines the origins and the evolution from the 19th century till 2004 of the union positions on the issues of employment and unemployment on the one hand, and their links with the jobless on the other.
Doctorat en sciences politiques
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Moratelli, Thiago. "Os trabalhadores da construção da Estrada de Ferro Noroeste do Brasil : experiencias operarias em um sistema de trabalho de grande empreitada (São Paulo e Mato Grosso, 1905-1914)." [s.n.], 2009. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281967.
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Orientador: Fernando Teixeira da SilvaDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: Esta dissertação trata da história social dos trabalhadores da construção da estrada de ferro Noroeste do Brasil. O estudo aborda o sistema de trabalho adotado durante a realização das obras de construção da ferrovia e as experiências dos trabalhadores em São Paulo e Mato Grosso entre 1905 e 1914. Apesar de atravessar terrenos difíceis e insalubres em sua maior parte, a estrada de ferro Noroeste do Brasil foi construída em tempo recorde devido à mobilização de milhares de trabalhadores recrutados em diversas regiões do país e do exterior. A dissertação considera a construção da ferrovia como um empreendimento em si mesmo. Neste sentido, analisa o processo de recrutamento dos trabalhadores, as condições de vida de trabalho, a luta da imprensa operária contra a ferrovia, a criminalidade e aspectos do cotidiano e do mundo do trabalho da construção da estrada de ferro Noroeste do Brasil
Abstract: This dissertation is a social history laborers in the construction of Noroeste do Brasil railroad system. The study deals with the labor system adopted during the realization of the railroad tracks and worker's experiences in São Paulo and Mato Grosso between 1905 and 1914. Although the majority Noroeste do Brasil railroad spans very difficult and unhealthy terrain, it was constructed in record time due to the mobilization of thousands of workers recruited from diverse regions of the country, within and outside the boundaries of the nation. The dissertation considers the construction of the railroad as an undertaking in itself. In this sense, it analyzes the process of recruitment, worker's living conditions, and the fight by the working class press against the construction of the railroad, criminality, and other aspects of quotidian life in the construction of Noroeste do Brasil railroad system
Mestrado
Historia Social
Mestre em História
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Moran, Gimeno Neus. "El CADCI. Guerra i memòria espoliada (1936-1939)." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/666878.
Full textAbstract:
Aquesta recerca es centra en l’anàlisi del Centre Autonomista de Dependents del Comerç i de la Indústria- Entitat Obrera, CADCI, durant la guerra civil. Des de la seua fundació el 1903, l’entitat expressava la via nacional de la vindicació laboral per als treballadors mercantils. La seua estratègia s’anà adaptant a les noves demandes dels dependents, cada cop més proletaritzats i conscients de formar part de la classe obrera. A partir dels anys trenta, la realització de mesures de força pioneres per al sector i l’augment del prestigi de l’entitat, situaran el CADCI al capdavant de les organitzacions mercantils catalanes. Aquesta activitat unida a la participació en la insurrecció del 6 d’Octubre, feu que el Centre tingués un paper rellevant dintre del moviment antifeixista i obrerista. L’anàlisi de l’esforç de guerra de l’entitat mercantil ens ajuda a constatar aquesta rellevància i estudiar acuradament l’evolució de la multiplicitat de funcions endegades per tal d’atendre als treballadors i treballadores del comerç, tan al front com a la rereguarda. Durant la guerra, l’entitat comptà amb milers d’afiliats, passant dels 23.000 afiliats de juliol de 1936 als més de 50.000 un any després. A finals del 1938, 11.000 associats, el 22% de la seua militància, estaven al front. D’altra banda, es plantejà la possibilitat de fer del CADCI la tercera central sindical catalana. L’opció s’esvairia en ratificar-se l’adhesió a la regional d’UGT el juliol de 1937. A partir d’aleshores i fins al final de la guerra, el Centre seguí funcionant amb independència de la Regional, situant en l’eix prioritari d’acció al seu Secretariat Militar i en especial al Comitè d’Ajut al Combatent dirigit per les treballadores mercantils.
Aprofundir en la història del CADCI ens permet investigar per què patí la triple repressió franquista executada sobre l’entitat, els associats i el seu estatge social. L’apropiació militar de l’edifici ubicat al número 10 de la Rambla de Santa Mònica, s’efectuava el 26 de gener de 1939, només ser ocupada Barcelona. Poques setmanes després era escorcollat pel personal de l’Oficina de la Delegación del Estado para la Recuperación de Documentos, DERD. L’organisme s’encarregava de localitzar, requisar i controlar tota la documentació que aportés dades sobre els enemics amb l’objectiu d’identificar, amb la major celeritat possible, al màxim nombre de persones i entitats que hagueren participat o col·laborat amb la República per poder processar-les i depurar-les. La finalitat repressiva marcà la conservació del patrimoni documental requisat, doncs fou eliminat tot allò que es considerà inútil per a l’extracció d’informació sobre persones desafectes. Una part de la documentació sostreta és la que conforma el fons restituït al CADCI entre 2008 i 2014, en aplicació de la Llei 21/2005, procedent del Centro Documental de la Memoria Histórica de Salamanca. Les 1.213 unitats de catalogació, més de 105.000 documents foliats, són la base documental de la nostra investigació.
L’estatge social no ha estat retornat. La seua història motiva i estructura bona part de la recerca. A través de les seues quatre clausures estudiem l’evolució del Centre, l’augment del suport popular i l’enfortiment de la xarxa vincular que fou clau per superar els períodes de clandestinitat. A la vegada, analitzem els precedents de l’accionar repressiu i el procés de resignificació de l’edifici que, durant la guerra, es consolidà com un lloc de commemoració i símbol de la resistència antifeixista. La recerca estudia les implicacions de recuperar-lo com a lloc de memòria i d’història. Amb aquesta finalitat es proposen una sèrie d’intervencions per a aquest espai que allotja la multiplicitat dels relats de la història del moviment obrer català.The research focusses on the analysis of the CADCI, Centre Autonomista de Dependents del Comerç i de la Indústria- Entitat Obrera (Autonomic Centre of Dependents of Commerce and Industry– Workers Organization), during the civil war. From its founding in 1903, the organization expressed the national route of labour vindication for mercantile workers. Its strategy evolved along with the demands of its dependants, increasingly proletarianized and aware of belonging to the working class. Beginning in the thirties, the carrying out of pioneering measures for the sector and the increase in prestige of the organization, put CADCI at the head of the Catalan mercantile organisations. This activity coupled with its participation in the insurrection of the 6th of October, led to the centre reinforcing its role within the anti-fascist workers movement. As a result, during the war, the organisation would have thousands of members and at one point it was considered it could become the third union federation. An analysis of its war effort allows us to confirm this relevance and study the multiplicity of functions carried out in order to attend to workers on the frontline as well as in the rear-guard. An in-depth study of the history of CADCI allows us to analyse the reasons for it suffering the triple Francoist repression carried out on the organisation, its associates and its headquarters. The military appropriation of the building, located at Rambla de Santa Mónica number 10, was carried out on the 26th of January 1939, immediately following the occupation of Barcelona. A few weeks later it was searched by the DERD (State Delegation for Document Recovery). Part of the documentation taken is what makes up the content restored to the organisation between 2008 and 2014, by application of the law 21/2005, from the CDMH (Historical Memory Documentary Centre) in Salamanca. These 1213 catalogued items are the documentary base of this investigation. The headquarters has not been returned. Its history motivates and structures a good part of the research. Through its four forced shutdown we study the evolution of the centre, its increase in popular support and the strengthening of its networks that were key to it surviving periods in the underground. At the same time, we analyse the precedents of the repressive action and the resignification process of the building that was consolidated as a place of commemoration and a symbol of the anti-fascist resistance during the war. The research looks at the implications of recovering it as a site of memory and history. For this purpose, a series of interventions are proposed for this space that houses the multiplicity of stories of the history of the Catalan labour movement.
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DOROFEYUK, Maria. "Dynamics and structure of strikes : on the way to the first Russian Revolution." Doctoral thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/34981.
Full textAbstract:
Defence date: 12 February 2015Examining Board: Professor Federico Giovanni (EUI Supervisor) ; Professor Youssef Cassis (EUI Second Reader) ; Professor Leonid Borodkin (Lomonosov Moscow State University) ; Professor Jean-Paul Depretto (Toulouse University).
The research seeks to explore the basic characteristics of labor conflicts in the Russian Empire from the year 1895 to 1905. The central theme of the research is the structure of these labor conflicts, which varied by year, region and branch of industry. A second main subject is the nature of the interactions between the major factors in the labor movement in pre-revolutionary Russia. This work seeks to determine if there is a correlation between the features of the conflict and the intensity of the strike movement. The dissertation gives a new vision of the important phenomenon in the social and political history of Russia in the end of 19th / the beginning of 20th century. The present study is concerned with the lack of statistical analysis of labor conflicts in pre-revolutionary Russia. Particular attention is given to the scale of the strikes that affected all the regions of the Russian Empire and all branches of industry. The period 1895-1904 which is under consideration in the dissertation is important in Russian social history because it was the decade when the workers movement becomes more organized and politically motivated on the way to the first Russian Revolution. The research is focused on the analysis of dynamics and structure of labor conflicts in Russian industries in the decade which preceded the first Russian Revolution (1905-1907). The author characterizes the historical context of the process under consideration and provides the comparative analysis of labor conflicts in the main industrial regions of European part of Russian Empire (Left-Bank Ukraine, St.-Petersburg and Central Industrial Region) on the edge of centuries. The substantial part of the work is oriented to verification of the working hypothesis by means of the statistical analysis of a variety of labor conflicts based on the materials of the two big data bases.
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Shih-Hao, Kang, and 康世昊. "The Political-economical Analysis of Social Transition in Russia: The Labor Movement." Thesis, 2000. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/10944644368098855649.
Full textAbstract:
碩士淡江大學
俄羅斯研究所
88
Abstract: During the period of social-economical transition, how to assess Russia’s reform process has made a lot of confusion among most of observers. The wave of labor strike in summer 1989 marked an important crisis of legitimacy of the CPSU regime which was leading by its general secretary, Mikhail Gorbachev. Since then, Russian labor movement and trade unions has become an important stage of this long-frozen civil society caused by the Stalinist system. Not only because of their extensive membership but also the successor of the former official trade union VTsSPS, the FNPR(Federation of Independent Trade Unions), has the biggest capacity to mobilize its membership among all social organizations in the Russia Federation. Meanwhile, the famous miners’ trade union- NPGR can be seen as a critical sign of social conflict in Russia’s course of economic reform. All above has indicated that the importance of labor conflicts for Russian Studies has been there. This study is consisted of six chapters. In chapter 1, there is a brief introduction about research motive, approach, and some useful theories. Chapter 2 includes three main aspects, I compared labor policy and workers’ reaction from Gorbachev period to Yeltsin period. I try to analysis their common factor. In fact, we can find that their labor policies did not increase workers’ power genuinely even they both introduced a serial of new labor act and right. In addition, I also considered the specific in the protest development of different economic branches, so I took structural interest into account to the development of Russian labor movement. From the chapter 4, I tried to analyze the organizational experiences of several trade unions, which included the VTsSPS and main labor unions in contemporary Russia, if we would accept them as an active subject. Then in the chapter 5, I also analyze the politics of these organizations when they try to get access into existing political system, and their interaction among trade union leadership and various political parties. We can find that almost all trade unions didn’t take real effects from this kind of system. On the other hand, the unstable circumstance brought Russian trade unions more difficult problems on their politics. The number of strikes in Russia has increased sharply from 1994, it showed that the relations among labor, employer and the government are still tense. And the low unrest after the privatization policy started, is just impermanent but was struck by other inner factors. Further more, it also revealed that the Corporatism institution didn’t work. Under the limits of these conditions, we can see strikes were concerned in some ‘strategical branches’, and protests in other branches are individual and small. From labor’s side, the movement and unions had lapsed into inner conflicts especially in 92-94 and lack of democratic channels. That both effectually depressed workers’ power and caused disintegration. All the factors indicate a final point: Under the structure of Authoritarian Corporatism, social organization would fail to take critical status to challenge the ‘new order’ if they couldn’t overcome its inner conflicts.
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Chiang, Kuo-Yu, and 蔣闊宇. "A History of Labor Movement in Colonial Times." Thesis, 2014. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/4qdw4t.
Full textAbstract:
碩士國立臺灣大學
台灣文學研究所
102
The proposal is intended to reconstruct the developing course of labor movement in Taiwan during the Japanese colonial times. By use of the materials of newspapers, memoirs of the involved and correlational studies, a historical narrative of labor movement differ from History of Taiwan Social Movement(台灣社會運動史／警察沿革誌) with perspectives of both anti-colonial and worker-central is expected. To arrange the narrative sequence, labor organizers’ theory of historical periods published on Taiwan Minpow(台灣民報) is deployed with partially revised. Therefore, times of the huge wave of labor movement caused by the strike of Taiwan Ironworks(台灣鐵工所) in Kaohsiung(高雄) is referred to the “Dawn Period(黎明期)” (-1927), times between the Taiwan Ironworks strike and the Asano Cement(淺野洋灰) factory strike in Kaohsiung is referred to the “Mellow Period(成熟期)”(1927-1929), finally, times after Asano Cement strike while the state machine violentized and the strongest labor organization Taiwan Worker League(台灣工友總聯盟) gradually dismissed is referred to the “Distress Period(受難期)”. With respect to the History of Taiwan Social Movement, Reconstructing the historical narrative chronically is helpful to rediscover the lost causal connection between specific labor movement events, also for a deeper comprehension of the past.
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Dolutskaya, Sofia I. "Environmental Activists as Agents of Social Democratization: a Historical Comparison of Russia and Mexico." Diss., 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10161/1615.
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This study is a comparative historical analysis of the link between environmental activism and state-society relations in 20th century Russia and Mexico. It explores the three main currents of environmentalism that originated in these two countries under non-democratic political systems that originated in the social revolutions of 1910 (Mexico) and 1917 (Russia) and the roles that each current has played in the process of democratization that began in the 1980s. It is based on critical evaluation and synthesis of the following theoretical fields: collective action, social movements, political regime change and democratic transition. Scholarly literature and press sources are used to corroborate and evaluate findings from in-depth qualitative interviews with environmental activists, researchers, lawyers, and journalists as well as data from participant observation conducted by the author in Russia and in Mexico. The main findings of the study are two-fold. 1) Environmental activism affects social rather than political democratization. 2) The type of environmental activism that has the most significant impact on social democratization is social environmentalism - the current that emphasizes the synergy between the struggles for social justice and civil rights on the one hand and against environmental degradation on the other.
Dissertation
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Levant, Alex. "The problem of self-emancipation : subjectivity, organization and the weight of history /." 2007. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:NR29336.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--York University, 2007. Graduate Programme in Social and Political Thought.Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 355-361). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:NR29336
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Juravich, Nicholas Albert. "The Work of Education: Community-Based Educators in Schools, Freedom Struggles, and the Labor Movement, 1953-1983." Thesis, 2017. https://doi.org/10.7916/D83J3RHF.
Full textAbstract:
In the early 1960s, civil rights organizers in American cities designed a novel response to the urban and educational crises unfolding around them: hiring local residents, primarily the mothers of schoolchildren, to work in public schools. Local hiring, they argued, would improve instruction, connect schools to communities, and create jobs. Working with allies in antipoverty programs and teacher unions, they created demonstration programs and pushed funding for them into federal law. American school districts responded by hiring half a million community-based paraprofessional educators between 1965 and 1975. Today, despite the waning of the movements that created their positions, over one million paraprofessionals work in public schools.
“The Work of Education” explores the lives and labor of community-based para-professional educators from 1953 to 1983. These educators took part in struggles to create their jobs, and once hired, they made themselves essential to students, parents, and teachers. They built on these classroom solidarities to secure and expand community-based educational work through unionization. Their campaigns transformed the social geography of public schooling and expanded the social welfare state in an era of scarcity. Their work generated new pedagogies and curricula, new models for teacher recruitment, and new opportunities for progressive politics and labor organizing in the 1970s. This project reveals a structural, job-creating side of the War on Poverty and an understudied legacy of black and Hispanic freedom struggles led by women.
Community-based educators imagined a more equitable, democratic future for American cities. Their ideas and organizing strategies might yet inspire those who seek such a future today.
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GLASMAN, Maurice. "Unnecessary suffering : a study in applied ethics." Doctoral thesis, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5126.
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Defence date: 19 May 1995Examining board: Prof. Dr. Klaus Eder (Co-supervisor, Humboldt University Berlin and EUI) ; Prof. John Gray (Oxford University) ; Prof. Tadeusz Kowalik (Polish Academy of Science, Warsaw) ; Prof. Steven Lukes (Supervisor, European University Institute) ; Prof. Dr. Claus Offe (University of Bremen)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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NI, LOCHLAINN Aoife. "A question of allegiance? : ideology, agency and structure : British-based union in Ireland 1922-1960." Doctoral thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5915.
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Defence date: 25 November 2005Examining board: Prof. Alan S. Milward, UK Cabinet Office, London (Supervisor) ; Prof. Colin Crouch, University of Warwick ; Prof. Mary E. Daly, University College Dublin ; Prof. Dermot Keogh, University College Cork
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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Rizvi, Mubbashir Abbas. "Masters not friends : land, labor and politics of place in rural Pakistan." 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/22035.
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This dissertation analyzes the cultural significance of land relations and caste/religious identity to understand political subjectivity in Punjab, Pakistan. The ethnography details the vicissitudes of a peasant land rights movement, Anjuman-e Mazarin Punjab (Punjab Tenants Association) that is struggling to retain land rights on vast agricultural farms controlled by the Pakistan army. The dissertation argues that land struggles should not only be understood in tropes of locality, but also as interconnected processes that attend to global and local changes in governance. To emphasize these connections, the dissertation gives a relational understanding of 'politics of place' that attends to a range of practices from the history of colonial infrastructure projects (the building of canals, roads and model villages) that transformed this agricultural frontier into the heart of British colonial administration. Similarly, the ethnographic chapters relate the history of 'place making' to the present day uncertainty for small tenant sharecroppers who defied the Pakistan Army's attempts to change land relations in the military farms. Within these parameters, this ethnographic study offers a "thick description" of Punjab Tenants Association to analyze the internal shifts in loyalties and alignments during the course of the protest movement by looking at how caste, religious and/or class relations gain or lose significance in the process. My research seeks to counter the predominant understanding of Muslim political subjectivity, which privileges religious beliefs over social practices and regional identity. Another aspect of my work elucidates the symbolic exchange between the infrastructural project of irrigation, railway construction and regional modernity in central Punjab. The network of canals, roads and railways transformed the semi-arid region of Indus Plains and created a unique relationship between the state and rural society in central Punjab. However, this close relationship between rural Punjab and state administration is not void of conflict but rather it indicates a complex sense of attachment and alienation, inclusion and exclusion from the state.text