Relevant bibliographies by topics / Labor movement – Great Britain – History

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Labor movement – Great Britain – History'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Labor movement – Great Britain – History"

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Buturlimova, O. "EVOLUTION AND ACTIVITIES OF THE BRITISH LABOR PARTY (1893-1931): A HISTORIOGRAPHY." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 145 (2020): 21–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2020.145.4.

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The article is devoted to the analysis of the historiography of the British Labour Party in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The author tries to systematize an array of scientific literature on this theme based on the problem-chronological approach. The works were divided into four main groups: 1) the works of theorists and the Labour movement activists, 2) the studies devoted to the general history of the formation and activities of the Labour Party of this period, 3) the works devoted to the history of the relationship between church organizations and British Labour Party 4) Ukrainian researches in the field of British Labour history. The author proposes to outline 3 chronological periods in the scientific study of the history of the British Labour Party when a great amount of works has appeared. As we can see, the first period was 1930-1940’s, when the vast amount of the works of prominent leaders and active members of the Labour movement and the Labour Party were published. The second period, as we can outline, was in the 1950’s – the beginning of the 1960’s when the Labour Party lost its positions in the political sphere of Great Britain. And the third period is nowadays when in the early 2000’s Labour Party’s 100th anniversary was celebrated and besides it, the Party achieved the greatest success - it won parliamentary election three times in a row (1997, 2001 and 2005). The author concluded that the history of the British labor movement of the second half of the 19th – the first third of the 20th centuries and the theme of the party struggle for the electorate among the workers still needed to be reconsidered and re-evaluated. Although there are many works devoted to the British Labour Party history, the reasons for its strengthening, the factors of its rapid growth at the beginning of the 20th century, the causes and consequences of the crisis of 1931, etc. still remain debatable. Therefore, it is not a quiet time to talk about the completeness of the research topic. The author also noted that despite the number of historical researches of modern Ukrainian scholars, Ukrainian British studies still lack investigations with the analysis of the organizational structure of the British Labour party and its leadership.
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Kelemen, Paul. "British Communists and the Palestine Conflict, 1929–1948." Holy Land Studies 5, no. 2 (November 2006): 131–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2007.0004.

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During the 1930s and 1940s, the Communist Party of Great Britain was a significant force in Britain on the left-wing of the labour movement and among intellectuals, despite its relatively small membership. The narrative it provided on developments in Palestine and on the Arab nationalist movements contested Zionist accounts. After the 1941 German attack on the Soviet Union, the party, to gain the support of the Jewish community for a broad anti-fascist alliance, toned down its criticism of Zionism and, in the immediate post-war period, to accord with the Soviet Union's strategic objectives in the Middle East, it reversed its earlier opposition to Zionism. During the 1948 war and for some years thereafter it largely ignored the plight of the Palestinians and their nationalist aspirations.
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Weiler, Peter. "Labour History and the Labour Movement in Britain, and: Thomas Burt, Miners' MP, 1837-1922: The Great Conciliator (review)." Victorian Studies 43, no. 4 (2001): 625–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/vic.2001.0123.

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Atapin, Evgenii. "Evolution of British Euroscepticism in the Second Half of the 20th Century." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 5 (December 2022): 171–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.5.13.

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Introduction. The United Kingdom is the most prominent example of a Eurosceptic country in the EU. For many years the United Kingdom did not feel a part of Europe. Great Britain was geographically separated from continental Europe and psychologically distant from the European integration movement established by the 1957 Treaty of Rome. The British Eurosceptic tradition rested on these geographic and psychological characteristics. Eurosceptic traditions included political, economic, linguistic, cultural and historical aspects that made it difficult for the United Kingdom to accept European integration. Methods and materials. The research methodology is based on narrative and comparative methods. The materials of the study incorporate statements of certain British politicians about attitudes towards European integration, works devoted to the analysis of Euroscepticism in the United Kingdom and manifestos of some far-right political parties. Analysis. A study of the attitude to European integration of the two main political forces of Great Britain, namely the Conservative and the Labour Parties, in the second half of the 20th century is carried out. Results. The study results in the creation of a periodization of British Euroscepticism in the second half of the 20th century. Three stages of evolution of British Euroscepticism in the period under study are distinguished: 1) the stage preceding the entry of Great Britain into the European Communities, conventionally called “Labour”; 2) the stage of the United Kingdom’s participation in the “common market”, conventionally called “Conservative”; 3) the stage of Britain’s participation in the European Union, conventionally called “Right-wing populist”. Their chronological framework is established and their main characteristics are given.
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Morgan, Kevin. "Bolshevization, Stalinization, and Party Ritual: The Congresses of the Communist Party of Great Britain, 1920-1943." Labour History Review: Volume 87, Issue 2 87, no. 2 (July 1, 2022): 141–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/lhr.2022.6.

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This paper examines the national congresses of the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) in the period of the Communist International (1919- 43). Both in Britain and internationally, communist party congresses in this period lost any independent decision-making role and became a mechanism activated and controlled from above. Not surprisingly, they have attracted little serious scholarly notice in their own right, but this paper identifies three themes deserving consideration: first, that of the congress as a field of tension between inherited notions of delegatory democracy and the Comintern’s top-down version of democratic centralism; second, that of its growing importance as a site of symbolic demonstration and ritualized group action; and third, that of bolshevization and Stalinization as processes that can be traced through these changing conceptions of the congress’s role. Each theme is considered here in a separate section. These employ a three-party periodization that supports an argument of the CPGB’s early but protracted bolshevization. Further watershed moments in the late 1920s and the mid-1930s can both in different ways be identified with Stalinization. These, however, did not so much resolve as displace the tensions with wider labour movement practices.
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Wells, Richard. "Class Politics and the Filmmaker's Craft in Mike Leigh's Peterloo." Labor 19, no. 3 (September 1, 2022): 57–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15476715-9794984.

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Abstract This essay offers a close examination of director Mike Leigh's Peterloo, which recounts the struggle for parliamentary reform in Great Britain between the battle of Waterloo and the Peterloo massacre of 1819. Peterloo succeeds, the essay contends, because of Leigh's approach to the craft of filmmaking. If we take Peterloo on its own terms, that is, with an understanding of the unique form of creative labor that went into it, we get a better sense of what we can learn from it, about class politics, about power, about the complicated and difficult formation of democratic movements such as that which brought those many thousands to St. Peter's Field in 1819.
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Hanagan, Michael. "Family, Work and Wages: The Stéphanois Region of France, 1840–1914." International Review of Social History 42, S5 (September 1997): 129–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000114816.

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Exploring issues of the family wage, this paper examines labour markets, family employment patterns and political conflict in France. Up to now, the debate over the family wage has centred mainly on analysing British trade unions and the development of an ideal of domesticity among the British working classes, more or less taking for granted the declining women's labour force participation rate and the configuration of state/trade union relations prevailing in Great Britain. Shifting the debate across the Channel, scholars such as Laura Frader and Susan Pedersen have suggested that different attitudes to the family wage prevailed. In France, demands for the exclusion of women from industry were extremely rare because women's participation in industry was taken for granted. But a gendered division of labour and ideals of domesticity remained and made themselves felt in both workforce and labour movement.
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Ackers, Peter. "Colliery Deputies in the British Coal Industry Before Nationalization." International Review of Social History 39, no. 3 (December 1994): 383–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002085900011274x.

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SummaryThis article challenges the militant and industrial unionist version of British coal mining trade union history, surrounding the Miners' Federation of Great Britain and the National Union of Mineworkers, by considering, for the first time, the case of the colliery deputies' trade union. Their national Federation was formed in 1910, and aimed to represent the three branches of coal mining supervisory management: the deputy (or fireman, or examiner), overman and shotfirer. First, the article discusses the treatment of moderate and craft traditions in British coal mining historiography. Second, it shows how the position of deputy was defined by changes in the underground labour process and the legal regulation of the industry. Third, it traces the history of deputies' union organization up until nationalization in 1947, and the formation of the National Association of Colliery Overmen, Deputies and Shotfirers (NACODS). The article concludes that the deputies represent a mainstream tradition of craft/professional identity and industrial moderation, in both the coal industry and the wider labour movement.
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Weiler, Peter. "BOOK REVIEW: Sidney Pollard.LABOUR HISTORY AND THE LABOUR MOVEMENT IN BRITAIN. and Lowell J. Satre.THOMAS BURT, MINERS' MP, 1837-1922: THE GREAT CONCILIATOR." Victorian Studies 43, no. 4 (July 2001): 625–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/vic.2001.43.4.625.

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Nic Dháibhéid, Caoimhe. "Historians and the Decade of Centenaries in Modern Ireland." Contemporary European History 32, no. 1 (January 23, 2023): 21–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777322000522.

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The Irish ‘Decade of Centenaries’ is, at last, drawing to a close, ending the ‘interminable round of national soul-searching’ which one prominent historian warily anticipated in 2013.1 The final major event to be commemorated is the Civil War of 1922–3, when the Irish republican movement split bitterly and violently over the terms of the treaty granting the southern part of Ireland partial independence from Britain. As it turns out, the government in charge of overseeing that commemoration is a coalition made up of the two principal political parties that emerged from the aftermath of that civil war. Where for a century these parties had formed the binaries of the Irish political division, now their peaceful cooperation in government could be seen as proof of the ‘end of history’, Irish-style. Even erstwhile political enemies – whose ancestors one hundred years ago executed and assassinated each other – could unite in a shared project of ‘inclusive’ and ‘ethical’ commemoration informed by an expert advisory panel made up of prominent academic and public historians. Their unprecedented political cooperation would be encapsulated by the peaceful swapping of the position of Taoiseach (Prime Minister) half-way through the government's term. The third great strand of the Irish Revolution, the labour movement, was fortuitously represented by the election to the Irish Presidency in 2007 of Michael D. Higgins, an academic sociologist and former Labour Party TD (member of parliament). Casann an roth, as Higgins declared in one of his many addresses during the ‘Decade’, as it is colloquially known in Irish history parlance.2 The wheel turns, and this time had come full circle, repairing the fractures in the national movement and restoring national political unity.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Labor movement – Great Britain – History"

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Manderson, Kate. "Fabian socialism and the struggle for Independent Labour Representation, 1884-1900." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape11/PQDD_0003/MQ43910.pdf.

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Mitchell, John A. 1966. "Bolshevik Britain: An Examination of British Labor Unrest in the Wake of the Russian Revolution, 1919." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1993. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc501153/.

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The conclusion of the First World War brought the resumption of a struggle of a different sort: a battle between government and labor. Throughout 1919, government and labor squared off in a struggle over hours, wages, and nationalization. The Russian Revolution introduced the danger of the bolshevik contagion into the struggle. The first to enter into this conflict with the government were the shop stewards of Belfast and Glasgow. The struggle continued with the continued threats of the Triple Alliance and the police to destroy the power of the government through industrial action. This thesis examines the British labor movement during this revolutionary year in Europe, as well as the government's response to this new danger.
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Tang, Kung. "The Search for Order and Liberty : The British Police, the Suffragettes, and the Unions, 1906-1912." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1992. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc279136/.

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From 1906 to 1912 the British police contended with the struggles of militant suffragettes and active unionists. In facing the disturbances associated with the suffragette movement and union mobilization, the police confronted the dual problems of maintaining the public order essential to the survival and welfare of the kingdom while at the same time assuring to individuals the liberty necessary for Britain's further progress. This dissertation studies those police activities in detail.
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Banks-Conney, Diana Elisabeth. "Political culture and the labour movement : a comparison between Poplar and West Ham, 1889-1914." Thesis, University of Greenwich, 2005. http://gala.gre.ac.uk/5797/.

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This thesis compares two areas of East London, Poplar and West Ham,that ultimately became strongholds of the Labour Party. The thesis attemptsto answer the crucial question of why, prior to 1914, it seemed as if Labour had succeeded in South West Ham but had failed to achieve similar representation in Poplar. This thesis considers that although contemporaries had identified similar social and economic problems in both Poplar and West Ham in the early twentieth century, more detailed analysis reveals differences as well as similarities in the underlying economic and social structure, which had implications for political outcomes. The difference in attitude of local trade unionists and councillors was crucial as was the behaviour of the political leadership. The reason for this, it will be shown, lay in the characters of the individuals who led their respective activists, as well as in the social and economic structure of the two boroughs. Using the theoretical model of social movements and political parties it is hoped that an understanding may be reached as to why socialist politics in these two boroughs, apparently so similar, achieved different outcomes in the years prior to 1914. The initial chapters outline the social and economic conditions in the boroughs and the national attitudes to their problems. Chapters Three and Four consider the left wing activists and their leaders, exploring their differing attitudes to the social and economic problems and their different styles ofpolitical activity. Chapter Five discusses the difficulties experienced by activists in achieving local and national representation so as to effect social and political change. Chapters Six, Seven and Eight, by considering the issue of unemployment, the campaign for women' s suffrage and the history of the Great Unrest, exemplify the main argument of this thesis. Thus by assessing economic factors, employment patterns and trade unionism, problems with the franchise and elector registration, the quality of local party organisation and the different attitudes and aspirations of the local activists, this thesis will test the hypothesis that the reason for the difference in political fortunes in these two boroughs was that left wing activity in Poplar was more characteristic of a social movement and that of West Ham was more representative of a political party.
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Hunt, C. J. "Alice Arnold of Coventry : trade unionism and municipal politics 1919-1939." Thesis, Coventry University, 2003. http://curve.coventry.ac.uk/open/items/609ddb54-f370-3cd0-e706-e01689025023/1.

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The central focus of the thesis is Alice Arnold (1881-1955), women's organiser for the Workers' Union in Coventry between 1917 and 1931 and Labour councillor on Coventry City Council from 1919. The adoption of a local, biographical approach highlights the need to move beyond generalisations about 'Labour women' and encourages examination of the diverse political experiences of women who worked within trade unionism and municipal labour politics in interwar Britain. Within the context of Coventry's early twentieth century industrial and political development, Arnold's politicisation is explored and her experiences compared with those of men and women activists who worked in the industrial and political wings of the Coventry Labour movement. Additionally material that allows comparisons to be made with national figures as well as those from other localities is employed. As well as emphasising the influence of factors including gender, class and political affiliation upon Arnold's position within the male dominated labour movement between the wars, there is consideration of the effect that her status as a single woman had upon her career. The thesis advances what is known about the development of regional labour politics and emphasises the effects that local political, economic and social factors had upon both the involvement of women and on the attitudes of male colleagues towards women's participation. The study is situated within a tradition of feminist history that seeks not merely to draw attention to what women did but questions their motivations for doing it and how they were able to pursue their political ambitions. Through analysis of a range of primary sources, it examines the effects that gendered perceptions and sexist stereotypes had on the ways in which women were able to work within trade unionism and municipal politics. It places women's interests first in an area of history that has traditionally been dominated by accounts of men's involvement and it challenges the construction of historical accounts that have ignored or marginalised women. The influence of masculine epistemology on the ways in which women's political work has been recorded both nationally and at a local level is examined throughout the thesis.
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Darby, Michael. "The emergence of the Hebrew Christian movement in nineteenth-century Britain." Thesis, University of Wales Trinity Saint David, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.683333.

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Thomlinson, Natalie Joy. "Race and ethnicity in the English women's movement after 1968." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/252297.

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Sambrook, Stephen Curtis. "The optical munitions industry in Great Britain 1888-1923." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2005. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/3451/.

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This study examines in detail for the first time the emergence and development of a highly specialised sector of British manufacturing industry, charting its evolution and explaining its growth predominantly through scrutiny of original source material relating to the key actors in the story. It proposes that after 1888 Britain produced an optical munitions manufacturing structure which succeeded in dominating production of the most militarily important and commercially valuable instrument in the field, and which by 1914 had achieved an hegemonical position in the international marketplace. The study also overturns the conclusions of the previous brief scholarship on the topic, asserting that the industry responded well to the challenges of the Great War and going on to show that there was a difficult, but ultimately successful translation back to peace. This largely ignored branch of British technological manufacturing performed effectively and ran counter to notions of the relative decline or comparative failure of industries in the sector, and the narrative puts forward reasons to explain that success. To do this, the account employs a methodology embracing a combination of theories and models of historical explanation to demonstrate reasons for the industry’s path and to test the interpretations put forward.
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Tol, Eren Deniz. "The nationalist movement in Turkey and Great Britain, 1919-1923 : relationship between a revolutionary movement and a status quo power." Thesis, University of Kent, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.297405.

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Childs, Michael James 1956. "Working class youth in late Victorian and Edwardian England." Thesis, McGill University, 1986. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=74015.

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Books on the topic "Labor movement – Great Britain – History"

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Pollard, Sidney. Labour history and the labour movement in Britain. Brookfield, Vt: Ashgate, 1999.

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Webb, Beatrice Potter. The co-operative movement in Great Britain. Aldershot, Hants, England: Gower, 1987.

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Webb, Beatrice Potter. The co-operative movement in Great Britain. 2nd ed. London: S. Sonnenschein, 1988.

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Comrade or Brother?: A history of the British labour movement, 1789-1951. 2nd ed. London: Pluto Press, 1993.

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1941-, Bullock Ian, ed. Democratic ideas and the British Labour Movement, 1880-1914. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996.

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Schwarzkopf, Jutta. Women in the Chartist movement. London: Macmillan, 1991.

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Schwarzkopf, Jutta. Women in the Chartist movement. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1991.

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John, Belchem, ed. Popular politics, riot and labour: Essays in Liverpool history, 1790-1940. Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1992.

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Labour and society in Britain and the USA. Aldershot, Hants, England: Scolar Press, 1994.

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The labour movement in Thatcher's Britain: Conservative macro- and microeconomic strategies and the associated labour relations legislation : their impact on the British labour movement during the 1980s. Frankfurt am Main: P. Lang, 1997.

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Book chapters on the topic "Labor movement – Great Britain – History"

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Kohon, Gregorio. "Notes on the History of the Psychoanalytic Movement in Great Britain." In British Psychoanalysis, 25–49. New and extended edition. | New York: Routledge, 2018. |: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351262880-5.

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Parfitt, Steven. "Origins." In Knights Across the Atlantic. Liverpool University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5949/liverpool/9781781383186.003.0002.

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Why did the Knights of Labor go abroad and set up assemblies in Britain and Ireland? Comparing the British and American labour movements over the course of the nineteenth century, this chapter argues that the 1880s was a unique decade: the victories and success enjoyed by American Knights and other American reformers attracted great interest in Britain, where the labour movement faced numerous problems and challenges. It then finds two major reasons behind the internationalism of the Knights of Labor: first, the idea of Universal Brotherhood, with deep roots in American fraternal and political traditions, and second, fears over mass immigration which seemed to require an international response. This chapter notes the important role of glassworkers in the Order’s international history, their creation oo the Universal Federation of Window-Glass Workers, and ends with the opening of the first assemblies on English soil.
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Shepherd, John. "‘We never trained our children to be socialists’: the next Lansbury generation and Labour politics, 1881–1951." In Labour and Working-Class Lives. Manchester University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781784995270.003.0011.

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George Lansbury, the Leader of the Labour Party from 1932-1935, and his wife Bessie had twelve children – ten surviving into adulthood - many of whom played a significant role in the history of the British Labour movement in the early and mid-twentieth century.This Lansbury generation is the focus of the essay by John Shepherd, whose monumental study of the life and political career of George Lansbury is well known and highly respected. In the early 1920s members of the Lansbury family for a time became members of the Communist Party of Great Britain - a factor that weighed against their father’s inclusion in Ramsay MacDonald’s first Labour Cabinet in 1924. Others became important pioneers in various campaigns in working-class politics, including women’s enfranchisement, birth control and abortion law reform. Altogether, they created something of a memorable Lansbury Labour dynasty in the East End, as well as in national political life. Nevertheless, what emerges from John Shepherd’s detailed and meticulous work is that, although the influence of this Lansbury generation was noteworthy in Labour politics, they never reached the political heights of their popular father. Like Herbert Gladstone, in an earlier essay, they played a very important role but in the shadow of their father’s dominating presence.
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Tenfelde, Klaus. "Conflict and Organization in the Early History of the German Trade Union Movement." In The Development of Trade Unionism in Great Britain and Germany, 1880–1914, 201–18. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315212296-12.

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Parfitt, Steven. "The Rise of a Transnational Movement." In Knights Across the Atlantic. Liverpool University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5949/liverpool/9781781383186.003.0003.

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British and Irish Knights depended on the fortunes of American Knights from beginning to end. This chapter gives a brief sketch of the rise of the British and Irish assemblies, some idea of their geographical scope and size, and explores the nature of those international ties and the consequences that flowed from them. British and Irish workers were attracted to the Knights through the American Great Upheaval, the financial help and organisers that Americans sent them, and the steps Knights took to build an international community. Finally, this chapter emphasises the importance of the Irish diaspora in the history of the Knights of Labor as a whole, and its racial and imperial implications for their history.
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Parfitt, Steven. "The Fall of a Transnational Movement." In Knights Across the Atlantic. Liverpool University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5949/liverpool/9781781383186.003.0008.

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Only four years separated the peak membership of the British and Irish assemblies from their end. This chapter addresses the decline of the Knights of Labor in Britain and Ireland and the events that led to their dissolution. It begins with the changing nature of the relationship between the British and Irish assemblies and headquarters in Philadelphia. That relationship, so beneficial when American Knights went from victory to victory and aided their overseas brethren, turned sour in the 1890s as that assistance ceased. Financial scandals, splits within the assemblies, and the economic downturn of the mid-1890s all contributed to the decline of the British and Irish Knights. The chapter ends with what fragments survive of their last two years’ history.
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Holloway, Jonathan Scott. "War, freedom, and a nation reconsidered." In African American History: A Very Short Introduction, 37—C3F2. Oxford University PressNew York, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780190915155.003.0004.

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Abstract This chapter explores the tensions that undergird the South’s secession from the Union and then the outbreak of the Civil War. Abraham Lincoln is often referred to as “the Great Emancipator,” but his journey toward the Emancipation Proclamation was not straight. Political pragmatism, military manpower shortages, as well as philosophical wrestling with what freedom would mean for African Americans all affected Lincoln’s decision to move toward emancipation. Upon the war’s conclusion important issues had to be resolved regarding African American labor, education, and citizenship rights. Reconstruction marked a marked a high-water mark for post-emancipation black rights, some of which were not seen again until the emergence of the modern civil rights movement.
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Goldman, Shalom. "American Journalists, Artists, and Adventurers and the Zionist Movement (1917–1947)." In Starstruck in the Promised Land, 31–54. University of North Carolina Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469652412.003.0003.

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Beginning with the “reconquest of Jerusalem” of the British over the Turks, this chapter details the transition to British rule and the seeds sown for future conflict. The Balfour Declaration served as a clarion call both to Jews and American Evangelicals, for whom the obsession with a Jewish return to Jerusalem resounded with Biblical import. The chapter also details opponents of Zionism, such as Joseph P. Kennedy, appointed by Franklin Delano Roosevelt as ambassador to Great Britain during the transition to British rule in Palestine. Further, it accounts for the two main branches of political belief in the Yishuv, Palestine’s Jewish community: Labor Zionism, embodied by David Ben Gurion, and Revisionism, embodied by Vladimir Jabotinsky. Finally, the chapter explores Ghandi’s relationship to Israel, the rise of the Nazi state vis a vis British Palestine, and American pro-Israel activism and fundraising in New York City and on Broadway, by such champions as Ben Hecht.
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Shewell, Hugh. "To be an Englishman and a Jew: Basil Henriques and the Bernhard Baron Oxford and St George’s Settlement House." In The Settlement House Movement Revisited, 129–44. Policy Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447354239.003.0008.

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Inspired by Oxford University’s Christian social reform clubs in the early 20 th century, Basil Henriques a young Jewish gentleman from a distinguished, upper middle-class family in London determined to establish a Jewish boys’ club in London’s East End. Influenced first by his mother’s devotion to Judaism and then by the progressive views of Jewish scholar, Claude Montefiore and his Oxford history professor, Kenneth Leys, Henriques established the Oxford and St.George’s Jewish Boys’ Club in 1914. An anti-Zionist, Henriques believed strongly in establishing a club that would socialize Jewish youth to become both proud Jews and proud citizens of Great Britain. The club soon served both boys and girls and, by 1919, it had acquired larger premises and become a settlement. Changing demographics in London’s Whitechapel and the rise of the welfare state eventually led to the settlements’ relocation in 1973 and then to its eventual demise.
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10

Goldman, Lawrence. "Victorian Social Science: From Singular to Plural*." In The Organisation of Knowledge in Victorian Britain. British Academy, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197263266.003.0004.

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This chapter provides an overview of the history of social science in Britain and the ways in which it was institutionalised in the nineteenth century. Nineteenth-century social science was the product of three great changes, intellectual, material and spiritual. The European Enlightenment stimulated the development of and institutionalisation of the natural sciences, creating a new model for the study of human societies. The material changes include the expansion of population, growth of industries and manufacturing and development of mass culture and democracy. Rationalism and industrialisation caused the third change, the decline of conventional Christian belief and worship. The chapter also analyses the ‘statistical movement’, a dominant genre of social science up to 1860, and social evolution, which provided the leading paradigm for sociological thinking from the mid-century onwards.
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Reports on the topic "Labor movement – Great Britain – History"

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Tymoshyk, Mykola. LONDON MAGAZINE «LIBERATION WAY» AND ITS PLACE IN THE HISTORY OF UKRAINIAN JOURNALISM ABROAD. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.49.11057.

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One of the leading Western Ukrainian diaspora journals – London «Liberation Way», founded in January 1949, has become the subject of the study for the first time in journalism. Archival documents and materials of the Ukrainian Publishing Union in London and the British National Library (British Library) were also observed. The peculiarities of the magazine’s formation and the specifics of the editorial policy, founders and publishers are clarified. A group of OUN members who survived Hitler’s concentration camps and ended up in Great Britain after the end of World War II initiated the foundation of the magazine. Until April 1951, including issue 42, the Board of Foreign Parts of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists were the publishers of the magazine. From 1951 to the beginning of 2000 it was a socio-political monthly of the Ukrainian Publishing Union. From the mid-60’s of the twentieth century – a socio-political and scientific-literary monthly. In analyzing the programmatic principles of the magazine, the most acute issues of the Ukrainian national liberation movement, which have long separated the forces of Ukrainian emigration and from which the founders and publishers of the magazine from the beginning had clearly defined positions, namely: ideology of Ukrainian nationalism, the idea of ​​unity of Ukraine and Ukrainians, internal inter-party struggle among Ukrainian emigrants have been singled out. The review and systematization of the thematic palette of the magazine’s publications makes it possible to distinguish the following main semantic accents: the formation of the nationalist movement in exile; historical Ukrainian themes; the situation in sub-Soviet Ukraine; the problem of the unity of Ukrainians in the Western diaspora; mission and tasks of Ukrainian emigration in the context of its responsibilities to the Motherland. It also particularizes the peculiarities of the formation of the author’s assets of the magazine and its place in the history of Ukrainian national journalism.
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