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Journal articles on the topic 'Labor movement – Europe – History'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 March 2023

Last updated: 31 July 2025

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1

Mello, William J. "Labor and the New Millennium: Class, Vision, and Change. The Twenty-second North American Labor History Conference." International Labor and Working-Class History 60 (October 2001): 212–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547901244524.

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Wayne State University, in Detroit, Michigan, once again hosted the twenty- second North American Labor History Conference (NALHC). Held between October 19–21, 2000, the conference was an incursion into cutting-edge scholarly research, examining the history of working-class and labor movements in the United States, Europe, Canada, and Mexico, as well as Central and Latin America. NALHC explored the deep-rooted relations among work and race, gender, ethnicity, citizenship, and the economy. A unique and particularly interesting aspect of the conference was that many of the panels were composed o

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Zwahr, Hartmut, Donah Geyer, and Marcel van der Linden. "Class Formation and the Labor Movement as the Subject of Dialectic Social History." International Review of Social History 38, S1 (1993): 85–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000112313.

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As an introduction to this essay, three points need to be made. First, the European labor movements of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, on which we focus here, were part of bourgeois society. Secondly, they were a factor that challenged bourgeois society and thus contributed in several different ways to its change. Thirdly, as a result of this interaction, the labor movements themselves underwent changes. All of those were lasting changes. The systemic changes, imposed by revolutionary or military force, that accompanied the experiment in socialism, were not. In countries where th

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Druxes, Helga, and Patricia Anne Simpson. "Pegida as a European Far-Right Populist Movement." German Politics and Society 34, no. 4 (2016): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2016.340401.

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Historian Geoff Eley argues that the idea of Europe has contracted from the ideal of a pluralistic community with the potential to integrate cultural “Others” to a “narrowly understood market-defined geopolitical drive for the purposes of competitive globalization.” Global deregulation, he states, has produced streams of labor migrants and the tightening of Europe’s external borders, while the economic expansion of Europe to more member countries since 1992 has opened up new divisions and inequalities among them. Aftereffects from the break-up of the East bloc can be felt in the escalation of

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Swenson, Peter A. "Varieties of Capitalist Interests: Power, Institutions, and the Regulatory Welfare State in the United States and Sweden." Studies in American Political Development 18, no. 1 (2004): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x0400001x.

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Current wisdom about the American welfare state's laggard status among advanced industrial societies, by attributing it to the weakness of the Left and organized labor, poses a historical puzzle. In the 1930s, the United States experienced a dramatically progressive turn in social policy-making. New Deal Democrats, dependent on financing from capitalists, passed landmark social insurance reforms without backing from a well-organized and electorally successful labor movement like those in Europe, especially Scandinavia. Sweden, by contrast, with the world's strongest Social Democratic labor mov

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Gonick, Sophie. "Fordist Absences: Madrid's Right to Housing Movement as Labor Struggle." International Labor and Working-Class History 93 (2018): 91–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547917000321.

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AbstractThroughout the literature on contemporary populism in Europe, scholars point to increasing precarity brought about by post-Fordist labor relations as a central component in outrage on both the Left and the Right. Focusing on the case of Madrid and its right to housing movement, I instead argue that current mobilizations need to be understood as the product of the long absence of Fordist urban economic arrangements. I demonstrate how the working class was only able to attain full membership in the city during the recent economic boom. With the property crash, that membership appeared fl

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van der Linden, Marcel. "The “Globalization” of Labor and Working-Class History and its Consequences." International Labor and Working-Class History 65 (April 2004): 136–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547904000092.

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Labor historians from Europe and North America frequently assert that their discipline is not in a healthy state. Such a picture is a distortion, however, for the world does not stop at the equator: in various regions of Latin America, Africa and Asia the historiography of workers and labor movements has made great strides in the last twenty to thirty years. Labor history's “globalization” calls for a new type of historiography, which transcends old-style labor history from North America and Europe by incorporating its findings in a new globally-orientated approach. This article discusses some

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Moch, Leslie Page. "Migration and the Nation." Social Science History 28, no. 1 (2004): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200012724.

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The theme of this year’s meeting, “International Perspectives on Social Science History,” rises out of two realities. The first is the recognized international character of phenomena under study, such as fertility decline, political contention, family strategies in response to changing conditions, gendered work, migration, labor, and policing. The second is the way in which the Social Science History Association (SSHA) operates across borders and among scholars in the Americas, Europe, and Asia to investigate common scholarly problems. The attention of migration scholars is now focused on glob

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8

Field, Geoffrey, and Michael Hanagan. "ILWCH: Forty Years On." International Labor and Working-Class History 82 (2012): 5–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547912000324.

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This issue celebrates the fortieth anniversary ofInternational Labor and Working-Class History. A relative youngster, it was a product of the second of two waves that resulted in the foundation of many labor history journals and societies.1The first wave, between roughly 1956 and 1962 included the Dutch-basedInternational Review of Social History;2the Feltrinelli Institute'sAnnaliin Italy; Le mouvement socialin France;Labor Historyin the United States; the BritishBulletin of the Society for the Study of Labour History;3the West GermanArchiv fur Sozialgeschichte;and Australia'sLabour History. T

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Claeys, Jos. "Christelijke vakbonden van hoop naar ontgoocheling : Het Wereldverbond van de Arbeid en de transformatie van het voormalige Oostblok na 1989." Trajecta. Religion, Culture and Society in the Low Countries 29, no. 1 (2020): 49–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tra2020.1.003.clae.

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Abstract The implosion of Communism between 1989 and 1991 in Central- and Eastern Europe (CEE) and the following socio-economic transitions had a strong impact on Western European social movements. The international trade union movement and trade unions in Belgium and the Netherlands were galvanized to support the changing labour landscape in CEE, which witnessed the emergence of new independent unions and the reform of the former communist organizations. This article explores the so far little-studied history of Christian trade union engagement in post-communist Europe. Focusing on the World

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Friedman, Gerald. "The Political Economy of Early Southern Unionism: Race, Politics, and Labor in the South, 1880–1953." Journal of Economic History 60, no. 2 (2000): 384–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700025146.

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Southern unions were the weak link in the American labor movement, organizing a smaller share of the labor force than did unions in the northern states or in Europe. Structural conditions, including a racially divided rural population, obstructed southern unionization. The South's distinctive political system also blocked unionization. A strict racial code compelling whites to support the Democratic Party and the disfranchisement of southern blacks and many working-class whites combined to create a one-party political system that allowed southern politicians to ignore labor's demands. Unconstr

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Caruso, Amerigo, and Claire Morelon. "The Threat from Within across Empires: Strikes, Labor Migration, and Violence in Central Europe, 1900–1914." Central European History 54, no. 1 (2021): 86–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938920000448.

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AbstractThe decade before the First World War saw a heightened level of social and political conflicts throughout Germany and Austria-Hungary. Strikes in pre-1914 central Europe have largely been examined as part of the development of the workers’ movement, but much less often from the perspective of the employers and government elites. Their strategies to counteract “strike terrorism” included hiring replacement workers through private strikebreaking agents, who provided a variety of services such as recruitment, transportation, housing, and providing “willing workers” with weapons for their

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Parvulescu, Anca, and Manuela Boatcă. "Creolization as Method." Cambridge Journal of Postcolonial Literary Inquiry 10, no. 1 (2023): 121–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/pli.2022.34.

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“What took place in the Caribbean,” writes Édouard Glissant, “which could be summed up in the word creolization, approximates the idea of Relation as nearly as possible.”1 For Glissant, the word creolization condenses the history of the Caribbean. This is a history characterized by trans-border connections, culture flows, and the transregional movement of people and capital.2 As the first region to be colonized by Europe in the sixteenth century and the last one to be—incompletely—decolonized in the twentieth, the Caribbean has been shaped by the worldwide demand and supply of colonial labor.

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Lederhendler, Eli. "Classless: On the Social Status of Jews in Russia and Eastern Europe in the Late Nineteenth Century." Comparative Studies in Society and History 50, no. 2 (2008): 509–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417508000224.

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In this paper I examine the economic and political factors that undermined the social class structure in an ethnic community—the Jews of Russia and eastern Europe at the end of the nineteenth century. Compared with the documented rise and articulation of working classes in non-Jewish society in that region, Jews were caught in an opposite process, largely owing to discriminatory state policies and social pressures: Among Jews, artisans and petty merchants were increasingly reduced to a single, caste-like status. A Jewish middle class of significant size did not emerge from the petty trade sect

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Milner, Susan. "The International Labour Movement and the Limits of Internationalism: the International Secretariat of National Trade Union Centres, 1901–1913." International Review of Social History 33, no. 1 (1988): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000008610.

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SummaryDespite an abundance of literature on the Second International relatively little is known about the work of the International Secretariat of National Trade Union Centres (ISNTUC). Foundect in 1901 by the German and Scandinavian labour leaders, this exclusively trade union International (the forerunner of the post-war International Federation of Trade Unions) included representatives of most of the major labour movements of Europe and the USA. Under German leadership it occupied itself with exclusively trade union issues, a limitation which was contested by revolutionary labour federatio

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Berger, Stefan. "‘Organising Talent and Disciplined Steadiness’: the German SPD as a Model for the British Labour Party in the 1920s?" Contemporary European History 5, no. 2 (1996): 171–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300003763.

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In comparative Labour history there is a long tradition of adhering to a typology of labour movements which distinguishes south-western European, ‘Latin’ labour movements (France, Spain, Italy) from north-eastern European labour movements (Germany, Austria, Scandinavia, east and south-east Europe) and invokes a third category: Anglo-American labour movements. The British Labour Party is usually subsumed under this latter category, whereas the German SPD is regarded as the spiritual leader of the second. Insofar as these comparisons explicitly deal with the time before the First World War, thei

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Wolff, Frank. "Eastern Europe Abroad: Exploring Actor-Networks in Transnational Movements and Migration History, The Case of the Bund." International Review of Social History 57, no. 2 (2012): 229–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859012000211.

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SummaryThe “transnational turn” is one of the most discussed topics in historiography, yet it has inspired more theoretical tension than empirically saturated studies. This article combines both aspects by examining the transnational network formation of one of the most important social movements in late imperial Russia, the Jewish Labour Bund. It furthermore introduces into historiography one of the most fruitful theories in recent social sciences, “actor-network theory”. This opens the view on the steady recreation of a social movement and reveals how closely the history of the Bund in easte

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Strange, Gerard. "The British Labour Movement and Economic and Monetary Union in Europe." Capital & Class 21, no. 3 (1997): 13–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030981689706300102.

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ONE OF THE MOST DIFFICULT and controversial policy issues currently facing the British Labour movement is undoubtedly the question of whether or not a Labour government should take the historic step of abandoning sterling—not something it has favoured in the past—and sign up for the European single currency and full European economic and monetary union (EMU).

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Allen, Garland E. "Eugenics and American social history, 1880–1950." Genome 31, no. 2 (1989): 885–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/g89-156.

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Eugenics, the attempt to improve the human species socially through better breeding was a widespread and popular movement in the United States and Europe between 1910 and 1940; Eugenics was an attempt to use science (the newly discovered Mendelian laws of heredity) to solve social problems (crime, alcoholism, prostitution, rebelliousness), using trained experts. Eugenics gained much support from progressive reform thinkers, who sought to plan social development using expert knowledge in both the social and natural sciences. In eugenics, progressive reformers saw the opportunity to attack socia

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Sassoon, Donald. "The Rise and Fall of West European Communism 1939–48." Contemporary European History 1, no. 2 (1992): 139–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300004410.

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The First World War had engendered in 1917 the first communist state and, following this, in 1919, an international communist movement. With the exception of the People's Republic of Mongolia no new communist states emerged between the wars. The Second World War provided European communism with a second chance to establish itself as a significant political force. In its aftermath the Soviet model was extended to much of the eastern part of Europe while, in the West, communism reached, in 1945–6, the zenith of its influence and power. When the dust had settled, Europe, and with it socialism, ha

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G.M., Mendikulova, Tumabayev T.S., and Koblandin K.I. "New findings under state grant of “Kazakhs in the Second World War: new documents from foreign archives” (2018-2020)." Bulletin of the Karaganda university History.Philosophy series 110, no. 2 (2023): 176–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.31489/2023hph2/176-189.

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The participation of Kazakhs in the movement of resistance in Europe is a glorious page of both Kazakh and European history. The study and use of archival documents that shed light on the participation of Kazakhs in the fight against fascism, on the fate of people who were captured by the fascists, the discovery of the burials of fallen heroes, the restoration of the names of people who were officially considered missing, is an important part of the formation and preservation of the historical memory of the Kazakh people. Complex interdisciplinary study of the problems of the participation of

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21

Hiepel, Claudia. "Catholic Labor Movements in Europe. Social Thought and Action, 1914–1965, by Paul Misner." Church History and Religious Culture 99, no. 1 (2019): 125–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712428-09901024.

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22

Lenger, Friedrich. "Beyond Exceptionalism: Notes on the Artisanal Phase of the Labour Movement in France, England, Germany and the United States." International Review of Social History 36, no. 1 (1991): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000110326.

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SUMMARYThe early labour movements in Western Europe and North America were all dominated by urban artisans, a fact reflected most clearly at the programmatic level by the prominence of demands for producers' cooperatives. This article presents a proposal for and an extremely brief sketch of a comparative investigation of this first phase of the labour movement in England, France, Germany, and the United States. Different aspects of class formation, such as the economic situation of the trades, the social relationships within them, or the role of artisanal and corporate traditions in artisanal

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Patch, William L. "Catholic Labor Movements in Europe: Social Thought and Action, 1914–1965, written by Paul Misner." Journal of Jesuit Studies 4, no. 4 (2017): 733–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22141332-00404008-18.

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Austin, David. "Dread Dialectics." Small Axe: A Caribbean Journal of Criticism 24, no. 3 (2020): 228–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/07990537-8749914.

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Rounding out a discussion of Moving Against the System: The 1968 Congress of Black Writers and the Making of Global Consciousness, the author engages in a dialogue with his respondents about the significance of the congress. This essay assesses the legacy of the 1968 congress as a manifestation of the black radical tradition and a critical involvement with socialism. Drawing on C. L. R. James and Sylvia Wynter, it argues that black freedom struggles in the Americas and Europe, including slave revolts, have been an essential part of the history of labor and freedom struggles. It also contends t

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García, Magaly Rodríguez. "Constructing Labour Regionalism in Europe and the Americas, 1920s–1970s." International Review of Social History 58, no. 1 (2012): 39–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859012000752.

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AbstractThis article provides an analysis of the construction of labour regionalism between the 1920s and 1970s. By means of a comparative examination of the supranational labour structures in Europe and the Americas prior to World War II and of the decentralized structure of the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU), I attempt to defend the argument that regionalism was a labour leaders' construct that responded to three issues: the quest for power among the largest trade-union organizations within the international trade-union movement; mutual distrust between labour leade

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Ebbinghaus, Bernhard. "The Siamese Twins: Citizenship Rights, Cleavage Formation, and Party-Union Relations in Western Europe." International Review of Social History 40, S3 (1995): 51–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000113604.

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Prophecies of doom for both working-class party and labor unions have gained popularity in the Western industrial democracies over the last two decades. The “old” Siamese twins, working-class party and labor unions, have a century-long history of their combined struggle to achieve political and industrial citizenship rights for the working class. Both forms of interest representation are seen as facing new challenges if not a crisis due to internal and external changes of both long-term and recent nature. However, despite these prophecies political parties and union movemehts have been differe

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Gabaccia, Donna R., and Fraser Ottanelli. "Diaspora or International Proletariat? Italian Labor, Labor Migration, and the Making of Multiethnic States, 1815-1939." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 6, no. 1 (1997): 61–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.6.1.61.

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We offer a transnational and comparative analysis of the “nationalization” of foreign-born workers in western nation states of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. An analysis of this complex historical moment is an important foundation for assessing present-day fears of the imminent collapse of nation states. Canadians and Italians wrestling with demands for regional autonomy; German and French voters opting for a “fortress Europe” united against new waves of migrations; and Americans anticipating the disintegration of the United States into ethnic and religious fragments, often believe th

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Kazin, Michael. "A Liberal Nation In Spite of Itself." International Labor and Working-Class History 74, no. 1 (2008): 38–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547908000136.

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All praise to Jeff Cowie and Nick Salvatore. They've dared to look deep into the pit of progressive hopes in modern US history and have emerged with something important and new to say about that much debated, much lamented subject. And they get certain big things right. The hegemony of individualism, the historic weakness of the labor movement, divisions of race, and the ways in which most white Christians apply their religious faith have all interacted to limit what, in Europe, are called the prospects of social-democracy and, in this country, usually go under the name of modern liberalism. T

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Laqua, Daniel, and Charlotte Alston. "Activism and Dissent under State Socialism: Coalitions and Campaigns in the 1970s and 1980s." Labour History Review: Volume 86, Issue 3 86, no. 3 (2021): 295–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/lhr.2021.13.

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This article introduces a special Labour History Review issue on the subject of Challenges to State Socialism in Central and Eastern Europe: Activists, Movements and Alliances in the 1970s and 1980s. Our piece highlights different stimuli for dissent and opposition in the Eastern bloc, drawing attention to three strands that helped to inform political activism. First, it discusses the way in which various forms of dissident Marxism informed critiques of ‘actually existing socialism’ and helped activists to envision alternative ways of organizing society and state. Second, it emphasizes interse

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Majewska-Güde, Karolina. "Regional Claims Through Exhibitions—The Transnational Circulation of Włocławek “Fajans” in East Central Europe." Arts 13, no. 6 (2024): 169. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts13060169.

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The article examines the exhibition history of hand-painted ceramic objects from the “Fajans” factory in Włocławek and the politics of regional contextualization during the period of détente in the 1970s and 1980s. It extends both existing scholarship on transnational art history in socialist Europe and the notion of cultural diplomacy, approached here in the context of regional politics and economic frameworks. The paper highlights the peripheral networks and movements that developed in relation to the socialist cultural politics of working-class artistic engagement and artistic practice as l

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Petar, Taleski. "Pan-European Pension System, Possibility or Fiction?" AICEI Proceedings 6, no. 1 (2011): 222–47. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.4499155.

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Today Europe has different pension systems. According to the history of forming, there are some based on the Bismarck model, like in central and southern Europe; and others on Beveridge’s model, like in UK, Ireland, Netherlands and Cyprus; and those based on the Scandinavian model in the Scandinavian countries. In the past two decades there are pension reforms that are conducted in the eastern European countries based on the World Bank model. Most Western European countries did not reform their pension systems. In the past two decades they have made only adjustments but not reforms. Some

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Richards, Eric. "How Did Poor People Emigrate from the British Isles to Australia in the Nineteenth Century?" Journal of British Studies 32, no. 3 (1993): 250–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386032.

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One of the great themes of modern history is the movement of poor people across the face of the earth. For individuals and families the economic and psychological costs of these transoceanic migrations were severe. But they did not prevent millions of agriculturalists and proletarians from Europe reaching the new worlds in both the Atlantic and the Pacific basins in the nineteenth century. These people, in their myriad voyages, shifted the demographic balance of the continents and created new economies and societies wherever they went. The means by which these emigrations were achieved are lit

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Kelemen, Paul. "In the Name of Socialism: Zionism and European Social Democracy in the Inter-War Years." International Review of Social History 41, no. 3 (1996): 331–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002085900011404x.

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SummarySince 1917, the European social democratic movement has given fulsome support to Zionism. The article examines the ideological basis on which Zionism and, in particular, Labour Zionism gained, from 1917, the backing of social democratic parties and prominent socialists. It argues that Labour Zionism's appeal to socialists derived from the notion of “positive colonialism”. In the 1930s, as the number of Jewish refugees from Nazi persecution increased considerably, social democratic pro-Zionism also came to be sustained by the fear that the resettlement of Jews in Europe would strengthen

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Shahidian, Hammed. "The Iranian Left and the “Woman Question” in the Revolution of 1978–79." International Journal of Middle East Studies 26, no. 2 (1994): 223–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800060220.

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The relationship between feminism and socialism in both the theoretical and practical realms has been marked with difficulty and “unhappiness.” Feminists have criticized leftists for their lack of attention to sexual domination, and many socialists, in turn, have looked at women's liberation movements as a bourgeois deviation or, worse yet, a conspiracy against the workers' struggle. In 19th-century social democratic movements in Europe, conflicts between feminist-socialist advocates of women's rights such as Clara Zetkin and “proletarian anti-feminism” among workers and communists were consta

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East Central Europe, Editors. "ECE DEBATE on David Ost, The Defeat of Solidarity: Anger and Politics in Postcommunist Europe." East Central Europe 34-35, no. 1-2 (2008): 297. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-0340350102014.

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The nature of labor movements and their political involvement and impact has recently been a matter of academic as well as political concern, at global level. In this respect, post-communist transformation in Eastern Europe offers an interesting case study. In the second half of 2007, the journal East Central Europe organized a debate on political scientist David Ost’s pioneering book The Defeat of Solidarity: Anger and Politics in Postcommunist Europe. A study on socialist and postsocialist political culture, the book focuses on the evolution of Solidarność (Solidarity) in Poland over two dec

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Frandsen, Steen Bo. "Beyond the Multinational States: the Revival of Nations and Nationalism." Contemporary European History 10, no. 2 (2001): 295–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777301002065.

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Rogers Brubaker, Nationalism Reframed: Nationhood and the National Question in the New Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 202 pp., ISBN 0-521-57649-0. Michael Forman, Nationalism and the International Labor Movement. The Idea of the Nation in Socialist and Anarchist Theory (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1998), 212 pp., cloth $35.00, paper $17.95, ISBN 0-271-01727-9. Ilya Prizel, National Identity and Foreign Policy. Nationalism and leadership in Poland, Russia and Ukraine (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 443 pp., hardback £50.00, pap

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MOSTEFAOUI, Aziz. "The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade: An Unrepaired Crime against Humanity." Langues & Cultures 5, no. 02 (2024): 113–22. https://doi.org/10.62339/jlc.v5i02.290.

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Fourteenth-century Europe was marked by the Renaissance, the large movement of European awakening that started in Italy and encompassed scientific, political, economic, social, and cultural fields. One of the results of this movement was an unprecedented wave of explorations of the lands outside Europe, pioneered by the Portuguese in the fifteenth century. These explorations allowed Portugal to create trading posts and build castles along the West African coasts and establish sugarcane plantations on the Atlantic islands which relied on African slave labor. However, the discovery of the Americ

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PERKINS, JAMES. "THE CONGO OF EUROPE: THE BALKANS AND EMPIRE IN EARLY TWENTIETH-CENTURY BRITISH POLITICAL CULTURE." Historical Journal 58, no. 2 (2015): 565–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x14000260.

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AbstractThis article explores early twentieth-century British political and humanitarian engagement with the Balkans. It focuses on the Balkan Committee, a liberal pressure group that served as the main hub for British interest in the region in the decade before the First World War. Whilst drawing attention to the specific challenges presented by the Balkans to the British liberal mind, it is argued that the Balkan Committee was part of a wider movement of humanitarianism and political activism that encompassed both continental and colonial questions. The issues around which the committee camp

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Edmonds, Daniel, Evan Smith, and Oleska Drachewych. "Editorial: Transnational communism and anti-colonialism." Twentieth Century Communism 18, no. 18 (2020): 5–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864320829334807.

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The relationship between international communism, the national communist parties, and anti-colonial political movements is a subject which has drawn heated debates both amongst activists and historians. This professed anti-imperialism attracted new recruits in the non-European world, enabling the organisation to begin to break out of the European and North American strongholds which had been basis of prior social-democratic internationalism. Within the metropoles, racialised outsiders entered party ranks determined to turn the propounded anti-colonial ideals into a political reality. Connectio

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Sinyai, Clayton. "Schools of Democracy." Labor Studies Journal 44, no. 4 (2019): 373–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160449x19887246.

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In the late 20th century, a wave of democratic transformation swept away dictatorships of the right and left across Europe, Africa and much of Asia; and for the first time in human history most citizens lived under governments they had chosen in free elections. Liberal democracy, characterized by multiparty elections, individual liberties, free enterprise and independent trade unions, seemed poised to dominate the future, but today populist movements challenge the liberal consensus and global public opinion surveys indicate a loss of faith in democratic values. The rapid decline in labor union

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Lemos, Sara, and Jonathan Portes. "New Labour? The Effects of Migration from Central and Eastern Europe on Unemployment and Wages in the UK." B.E. Journal of Economic Analysis & Policy 14, no. 1 (2013): 299–338. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bejeap-2013-0065.

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Abstract The UK was one of only three countries that granted free movement of workers to accession nationals following the enlargement of the European Union in May 2004. The resulting migration inflow, which was substantially larger and faster than anticipated, arguably corresponds more closely to an exogenous supply shock than most migration shocks studied in the literature. We evaluate the impact of this migration inflow – one of the largest in British history – on the UK labour market. We use new monthly micro-level data and an empirical approach that investigates which of several particula

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Bracke, Maud Anne. "Labour, Gender and Deindustrialisation: Women Workers at Fiat (Italy, 1970s–1980s)." Contemporary European History 28, no. 4 (2019): 484–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777319000298.

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AbstractThe article presents an in-depth analysis of the struggle for gender equality in hiring, as well as campaigns for parental leave and demands for improved work conditions, by female workers in manufacturing industry in 1970s–80s Italy. The case study is focused on Fiat in Turin, a highly significant site given its economic role in Italy and Europe, and its history of social conflict and radical workforce. Against the backdrop of dramatic changes in gender relations since the 1960s, ongoing industrial unrest since 1968 and the introduction of new gender-equality legislation, fatefully co

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Brown, Kate. "Introduction." International Labor and Working-Class History 73, no. 1 (2008): 104–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547908000070.

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In 1980, Poles were the first to jump the communist ship and organize outside of the Communist Party, forming a ten-million strong alternative labor union, Solidarity. When the Communist government banned the Union in 1981, Poles refused to dissolve it. They went underground forming Solidarity-sponsored schools, theaters, newspapers, and political groups. In so doing, Solidarity activists created an alternative civil society that emerged nearly intact in 1989 when Poles were the first to throw off Soviet-backed communism. Yet now, in this land of self-liberation and freedom, the highly conserv

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Morawska, Ewa. "Labor Migrations of Poles in the Atlantic World Economy, 1880–1914." Comparative Studies in Society and History 31, no. 2 (1989): 237–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500015814.

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The recent influx to the United States of a new large wave of immigrants from Hispanic America and Asia has reinvigorated immigration and ethnic studies, including those devoted to the analysis of the origins and process of international migrations. The accumulation of research in this field in the last fifteen years has brought about a shift in the theoretical paradigm designed to interpret these movements. The classical approach explains the mass flow into North America of immigrants (from Southern and Eastern Europe, in the period 1880 to 1914), as an international migration interpreted in

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CROWCROFT, ROBERT. "‘What is Happening in Europe?’ Richard Stokes, Fascism, and the Anti-War Movement in the British Labour Party during the Second World War and After." History 93, no. 312 (2008): 514–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-229x.2008.00435.x.

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Kusser, Astrid. "Arbeitsfreude und Tanzwut im (Post-)Fordismus." Body Politics 1, no. 1 (2013): 41–69. https://doi.org/10.12685/bp.v1i1.1430.

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English abstract: Black dances became popular in Europe and the United States not because they were exotic or different, but because they enabled a polemical attitude towards (self-)exploitation under modern regimes of mass labor. While the capacity of bodies to communicate and cooperate freely was increasingly supervised and instrumentalized on the shopfloor by disciplinary arrangements and racist discourses, people reappropriated it on the dancefloor in radically experimental and non-instrumentalist ways. The aesthetics and techniques of black diaspora dances constituted a vast repertoire of

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Jelušić, Iva, Anna Sidorevich, and Justina Smalkyte. "Cartography of Resistance: Zagreb 1941-1945: An interview." Connexe : les espaces postcommunistes en question(s) 9, no. 1 (2023): 143–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.5077/journals/connexe.2023.e1401.

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On the occasion of the seventieth anniversary of the liberation of Zagreb, a few interested researchers and activists, supported by Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung Southeast Europe (RLS SEE) in partnership with Zagreb-based curatorial collective [BLOK], started to work on a project entitled Cartography of Resistance [Kartografija otpora]. The starting point is the underground networks established for the purpose of resistance to the fascist Ustasha [Ustaša] authorities during the Second World War on the territory of the Yugoslav countries (1941-1945), which were rooted in the interwar left-oriented la

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Fox, Vashti Jane. "“Never Again”: Fascism and Anti-Fascism in Melbourne in the 1990s." Labour History 116, no. 1 (2019): 215–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/jlh.2019.10.

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An upsurge of fascist and anti-fascist activity in Australia in the early part of the twentieth century has received sustained historical attention. Yet scholarly historical coverage of the latter part of the century has been minimal. This article demonstrates the ongoing existence of both a far-right movement and a concomitant anti-fascist opposition by focusing on Melbourne in the 1990s. It draws from interviews with anti-fascist activists and from campaign paraphernalia and press reports. It introduces the group National Action (NA), identifies its political tactics and shows how it rebrand

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Tosstorff, Reiner. "Gerd Callesen, Socialist Internationals: A Bibliography of Publications of the Social-Democratic and Socialist Internationals, 1914–2000. Bonn and Gent: Bibliothek der Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, 2001. 167 pp. Free of charge." International Labor and Working-Class History 65 (April 2004): 173–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547904230137.

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This is a very useful bibliographical tool produced by the efforts of the International Association of Labour History Institutions (IALHI). This association comprises more than one hundred archives, libraries and research centers all over the world, though the vast majority are located in Europe, and not all of them have the same importance, reflecting the geographical and political unevenness of socialism's history. This particular volume aims to list all the publications of the social-democratic internationals after 1914, i.e. from the time of the political split due to the support for World

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Eversberg, Dennis. "From democracy at others’ expense to externalization at democracy’s expense: Property-based personhood and citizenship struggles in organized and flexible capitalism." Anthropological Theory 21, no. 3 (2021): 315–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1463499620977995.

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This contribution investigates the anthropological foundations of European democracies’ continuous entanglement with economic and military expansionism and a hierarchical separation between public and private spheres, both of which have enabled the appropriation of nature and others’ labour as property on which citizens’ abstract personhood could be founded. Drawing on an argument made by David Graeber, it is suggested that modern European history can be interpreted as a process of the ‘generalization of avoidance’, in which such abstract, property-based forms of personhood, which were initial

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