Academic literature on the topic 'Labor movement – Europe – History'
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Journal articles on the topic "Labor movement – Europe – History"
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Mello, William J. "Labor and the New Millennium: Class, Vision, and Change. The Twenty-second North American Labor History Conference." International Labor and Working-Class History 60 (October 2001): 212–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547901244524.
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Wayne State University, in Detroit, Michigan, once again hosted the twenty- second North American Labor History Conference (NALHC). Held between October 19–21, 2000, the conference was an incursion into cutting-edge scholarly research, examining the history of working-class and labor movements in the United States, Europe, Canada, and Mexico, as well as Central and Latin America. NALHC explored the deep-rooted relations among work and race, gender, ethnicity, citizenship, and the economy. A unique and particularly interesting aspect of the conference was that many of the panels were composed of both activists and academics of the labor movement, which made the examination of past and present issues of working-class life highly informative.
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Zwahr, Hartmut, Donah Geyer, and Marcel van der Linden. "Class Formation and the Labor Movement as the Subject of Dialectic Social History." International Review of Social History 38, S1 (April 1993): 85–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000112313.
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As an introduction to this essay, three points need to be made. First, the European labor movements of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, on which we focus here, were part of bourgeois society. Secondly, they were a factor that challenged bourgeois society and thus contributed in several different ways to its change. Thirdly, as a result of this interaction, the labor movements themselves underwent changes. All of those were lasting changes. The systemic changes, imposed by revolutionary or military force, that accompanied the experiment in socialism, were not. In countries where the labor movement pursued socialist aims prior to the First World War on the crumbling foundations of a primarily pre-bourgeois society, such as in eastern and south-eastern Europe, it was the most radical force behind political democratization and modernization (Russia; Russian Poland: the Kingdom of Poland, Bulgaria). But it could not compensate for the society's evident lack of basic civic development, whereas the socialist experiment in Soviet Russia led not only to the demise of democratization but also to a halt of embourgeoisement.
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Druxes, Helga, and Patricia Anne Simpson. "Pegida as a European Far-Right Populist Movement." German Politics and Society 34, no. 4 (December 1, 2016): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2016.340401.
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Historian Geoff Eley argues that the idea of Europe has contracted from the ideal of a pluralistic community with the potential to integrate cultural “Others” to a “narrowly understood market-defined geopolitical drive for the purposes of competitive globalization.” Global deregulation, he states, has produced streams of labor migrants and the tightening of Europe’s external borders, while the economic expansion of Europe to more member countries since 1992 has opened up new divisions and inequalities among them. Aftereffects from the break-up of the East bloc can be felt in the escalation of antiminority violence in Central and Eastern Europe, as well as “the smouldering slow burn of the legacies of colonialism” in Western Europe. These diverse pressures and anxieties coalesce on the spectral figure of the Islamic fundamentalist at Europe’s gates.
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Swenson, Peter A. "Varieties of Capitalist Interests: Power, Institutions, and the Regulatory Welfare State in the United States and Sweden." Studies in American Political Development 18, no. 1 (April 2004): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x0400001x.
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Current wisdom about the American welfare state's laggard status among advanced industrial societies, by attributing it to the weakness of the Left and organized labor, poses a historical puzzle. In the 1930s, the United States experienced a dramatically progressive turn in social policy-making. New Deal Democrats, dependent on financing from capitalists, passed landmark social insurance reforms without backing from a well-organized and electorally successful labor movement like those in Europe, especially Scandinavia. Sweden, by contrast, with the world's strongest Social Democratic labor movement, did not pass important social insurance legislation until the following two decades.
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Gonick, Sophie. "Fordist Absences: Madrid's Right to Housing Movement as Labor Struggle." International Labor and Working-Class History 93 (2018): 91–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547917000321.
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AbstractThroughout the literature on contemporary populism in Europe, scholars point to increasing precarity brought about by post-Fordist labor relations as a central component in outrage on both the Left and the Right. Focusing on the case of Madrid and its right to housing movement, I instead argue that current mobilizations need to be understood as the product of the long absence of Fordist urban economic arrangements. I demonstrate how the working class was only able to attain full membership in the city during the recent economic boom. With the property crash, that membership appeared fleeting, triggering both inequality and outrage. Ultimately, I insist on the role of housing in the production of class formation and subjectivities.
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van der Linden, Marcel. "The “Globalization” of Labor and Working-Class History and its Consequences." International Labor and Working-Class History 65 (April 2004): 136–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547904000092.
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Labor historians from Europe and North America frequently assert that their discipline is not in a healthy state. Such a picture is a distortion, however, for the world does not stop at the equator: in various regions of Latin America, Africa and Asia the historiography of workers and labor movements has made great strides in the last twenty to thirty years. Labor history's “globalization” calls for a new type of historiography, which transcends old-style labor history from North America and Europe by incorporating its findings in a new globally-orientated approach. This article discusses some of the main issues involved: problems of a general theoretical nature, of conceptualization, multidisciplinarity, and sources. The article also identifies a few research desiderata.
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Moch, Leslie Page. "Migration and the Nation." Social Science History 28, no. 1 (2004): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200012724.
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The theme of this year’s meeting, “International Perspectives on Social Science History,” rises out of two realities. The first is the recognized international character of phenomena under study, such as fertility decline, political contention, family strategies in response to changing conditions, gendered work, migration, labor, and policing. The second is the way in which the Social Science History Association (SSHA) operates across borders and among scholars in the Americas, Europe, and Asia to investigate common scholarly problems. The attention of migration scholars is now focused on global movements of people and international migrations, particularly immigration. The politics and policies of receiving newcomers are very important now–in the Americas and in Europe. The SSHA is giving its attention to the old and new international immigrants to the United States, as in last year’s session on Nancy Foner’s fine book on New York,From Ellis Island to JFK(2000), and the presidential address by Caroline Brettell (2002) on the quantitative and qualitative methods by which we can understand human movement.
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Field, Geoffrey, and Michael Hanagan. "ILWCH: Forty Years On." International Labor and Working-Class History 82 (2012): 5–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547912000324.
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This issue celebrates the fortieth anniversary ofInternational Labor and Working-Class History. A relative youngster, it was a product of the second of two waves that resulted in the foundation of many labor history journals and societies.1The first wave, between roughly 1956 and 1962 included the Dutch-basedInternational Review of Social History;2the Feltrinelli Institute'sAnnaliin Italy; Le mouvement socialin France;Labor Historyin the United States; the BritishBulletin of the Society for the Study of Labour History;3the West GermanArchiv fur Sozialgeschichte;and Australia'sLabour History. These journals developed at a time when organized labor and left-wing politics were strong and confident of their future,4although many who were active in these journals were highly critical of the political strategies of the existing Left and, in Eric Hobsbawm's words, viewed them “as an attempt to find a way forward in Left politics through historical reflection.”5The second wave of journal creation in labor history took place in the 1970s and included not onlyILWCH(1972), butRadical History Review(1975),Labour/Le Travail(1976), andHistory Workshop Journal(1976). These journals were especially shaped by the radicalism of the 1960s—the Vietnam War, the Cuban revolution, and the wave of student, feminist, and left-wing unrest in Europe and the world in 1968 and subsequently.6The new journals were more transnational and more comparative; malleable youths, these journals were more susceptible to the influence of the social movements evolving around them. They were more attentive to the relationship between metropole and colonial territories and more focused on the burgeoning fields of black studies and women's history than was true earlier. Drawing upon the work of sociologists, political scientists, and demographers, they were also animated by the tremendous explosion of social history in the 1960s and 1970s and new research underway on social protest movements, race, and social conditions.7
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Claeys, Jos. "Christelijke vakbonden van hoop naar ontgoocheling : Het Wereldverbond van de Arbeid en de transformatie van het voormalige Oostblok na 1989." Trajecta. Religion, Culture and Society in the Low Countries 29, no. 1 (July 1, 2020): 49–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tra2020.1.003.clae.
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Abstract The implosion of Communism between 1989 and 1991 in Central- and Eastern Europe (CEE) and the following socio-economic transitions had a strong impact on Western European social movements. The international trade union movement and trade unions in Belgium and the Netherlands were galvanized to support the changing labour landscape in CEE, which witnessed the emergence of new independent unions and the reform of the former communist organizations. This article explores the so far little-studied history of Christian trade union engagement in post-communist Europe. Focusing on the World Confederation of Labour (WCL) and its Belgian and Dutch members, it reveals how Christian trade unions tried to recruit independent trade unions in the East by presenting themselves as a ‘third way’ between communism and capitalism and by emphasizing the global dimensions of their movement. The WCL ultimately failed to play a decisive role in Eastern Europe because of internal disagreements, financial struggles and competition with the International Confederation of Trade Unions.
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Caruso, Amerigo, and Claire Morelon. "The Threat from Within across Empires: Strikes, Labor Migration, and Violence in Central Europe, 1900–1914." Central European History 54, no. 1 (March 2021): 86–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938920000448.
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AbstractThe decade before the First World War saw a heightened level of social and political conflicts throughout Germany and Austria-Hungary. Strikes in pre-1914 central Europe have largely been examined as part of the development of the workers’ movement, but much less often from the perspective of the employers and government elites. Their strategies to counteract “strike terrorism” included hiring replacement workers through private strikebreaking agents, who provided a variety of services such as recruitment, transportation, housing, and providing “willing workers” with weapons for their self-defense. The discourses around “strike terrorism,” and the repressive strategies to counter it, are a lens through which we can look afresh at some of the most crucial issues in the history of central European empires in the prewar years, namely the structure of violence embedded in social conflicts, migration, growing political antagonism, and fears surrounding social democracy. This article analyzes the public debate around the protection of “willing workers” as well as concrete episodes of antilabor violence in a transnational framework. It offers a reassessment of social conflicts in the period following the 1905 social mobilizations in central Europe, and it explores the circulation of antilabor measures between Germany and Austria-Hungary, their radicalizing impact, and their connections with labor migration patterns.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Labor movement – Europe – History"
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Waddington, Robert. "Which Way Now?: A n Examination of the Ideological Movement of the British Labour Party between 1974 and 1992." W&M ScholarWorks, 1993. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625834.
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Newes-Adeyi, Gabriella. "The Belgian Rexist Movement before the Second World War: Success and Failure." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 1987. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1364207105.
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Webster, Barbara Grace. ""Fighting in the grand cause" a history of the trade union movement in Rockhampton, 1907-1957 /." Access full text, 1999. http://elvis.cqu.edu.au/thesis/adt-QCQU/public/adt-QCQU20020715.151239.
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Thesis (Ph.D) -- Central Queensland University, 1999.Submitted as fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, Central Queensland University, August 1999". Bibliography: leaves 425-452. Also available via the World Wide Web.
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Curry, Curtis. "One hundred years of servitude : the Colombian labor movement 1848-1948." FIU Digital Commons, 1992. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/2699.
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The current study seeks not only to place into focus the general patterns of social and economic organization prevalent in Colombia in the late nineteenth century and the early twentieth (such political and economic organization has been ably illustrated by several authors), but also strives to elucidate the systems of thought or 'ideologies' to which such socio-economic and political structures gave rise. It is concerned with the thought-systems that influenced the development of the Colombian labor movement, those of actors external to organized labor and indigenous systems of thought of labor activists themselves.
The hypothesis is that class and party-based interests channelled the early development of organized labor toward a path that would further, or failing that, not conflict with dominant elite interests. Artisans, proudly independent, exerted inordinate influence over the movement, hindering the development of working class consciousness. As the result of dominance by élites external to the labor movement itself, workers were never able to forge an independent voice that would allow them to define their own interests in society.
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Fung, Chi-ming. "History at the grassroots : rickshaw pullers in the pearl river delta of South China, 1874-1992 /." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1996. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B17537058.
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Sucharczuk, Gregory. "A free trade union in a totalitarian society : towards understanding the Solidarity movement in Poland, August, 1980-December, 1981." Thesis, McGill University, 1994. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=28926.
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This thesis attempts to contribute to our understanding of the emergence and the growth of the Solidarity Movement in Poland in the period of August 1980-December 1981. It is argued that Solidarity can be seen as a "hybrid" movement which combined "traditional" economic and syndicalist demands and "new" concerns with democratization of political life. A number of conducive factors, such as the fluidity and homogeneity of the Polish stratification system, the existence of a young, ambitious and alienated working class, concentrated in large enterprises and the perception of the social order in dichotomous terms, contributed to the emergence of an inter-class alliance of urban segments of Polish society against the political elite, which was widely perceived as being responsible for the acute economic, political and moral crisis of the late seventies. Also, the structure of Solidarity appears to contribute to its organizational and political success. It is maintained that the massive and rapid mobilization involved the activation of pre-existing informal ties among Polish workers. In this context, we also stress the importance of the charismatic leadership of Solidarity, especially that of Lech Walesa. Finally, we partly attribute the success of our movement to the failure of the weak, hesitant and internally divided political elite to contain the Solidarity movement and to respond to the crisis facing the nation. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)
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Dynner, Glenn. "Yikhus and the early Hasidic movement : principles and practice in 18th and 19th century Eastern Europe." Thesis, McGill University, 1997. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=27940.
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Yikhus--the salient feature of the Jewish aristocracy--may be defined as a type of prestige deriving from the achievements of one's forbears and living family members in the scholarly, mystical, or, to a lesser degree, economic realms. Unlike land acquisition, by which the non-Jewish aristocracy preserved itself, yikhus was intimately linked with achievement in the above realms, requiring a continual infusion of new talent from each generation of a particular family.A question which has yet to be resolved is the extent to which the founders of Hasidism, a mystical revivalist movement that swept Eastern European Jewish communities from the second half of the eighteenth century until the Holocaust, challenged prevailing notions of yikhus. The question relates to the identities of Hasidism's leaders--the Zaddikim--themselves. If, as the older historiography claims, the Zaddikim emerged from outside the elite stratum, and therefore lacked yikhus, they might be expected to challenge a notion which would threaten their perceived right to lead. If, on the other hand, the Zaddikim were really the same scions of noble Jewish families who had always led the communities, they would probably uphold the value of yikhus. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)
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Hunter, Richard William. "Voices of our past: the rank and file movement in social work, 1931-1950." PDXScholar, 1999. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1602.
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During the period of the late 1920s through the late 1940s, a most remarkable event in the history of American social work emerged: the development of a vital radical trade union organizing effort known as the ''rank and file movement." Born within the growing economic crisis of the 1920s and maturing in the national economic collapse and social upheaval heralded by the Great Depression, the rank and file movement would attract the support and membership of thousands of professional social workers and uncredentialed relief workers in efforts to organize social service workers along the lines of industrial unionism. Within its relatively short life span, the rank and file movement would grow in sufficient number and influence to challenge both the prevailing definitions of social work as a profession - its form and identity and the essence of its function - its practice.
It is the thesis of this study that an understanding of the rank and file movement is central to a modem understanding of our profession. The origin, development and demise of the rank and file movement reflects more than the historical curiosity of a momentary tendency in the evolution of a profession; rather, it reveals the enduring legacy of individuals, organizations and collective intellectual discourse in common struggle for the possibilities of a more just and democratic social order. And, perhaps unlike any other profession, the domain of social work is historically one uniquely born of this struggle, encompassing the self-imposed imperatives and paradoxes of morality, socially purposive service and scientific rationality.
Consequently, this study seeks to inform the terms of this enduring legacy within the dynamic world of social work. It does so by: 1) locating the history of the rank and file movement within the context of an evolving profession; 2) analyzing this specific history of a profession within the context of broader social and political forces that defined both the limits and potentials of that evolution; and 3) assessing the implications of this history for social work in terms of its past, present and future.
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Davies, Bernard William. "Central Europe – Modernism and the modern movement as viewed through the lens of town planning and building 1895 - 1939." Thesis, Brunel University, 2008. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/3444.
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This thesis sets out to re-locate and redefine the historical arguments around the development of the Modern Movement in architecture. It investigates the development of architectural modernism in Central Europe from 1895-1939 in the towns and cities of the multinational Habsburg Empire, in a creative milieu in which opposition, contrast and difference were the norm. It argues that the evolution of the Modern Movement through the independent nations that arose from the Empire constituted an early and significant engagement with urbanisation, planning and architectural modernism that has been largely overlooked by western scholarship. By reviewing the extant literature in discussion with Central European authorities and by drawing upon a little known range of sources, this thesis brings into focus the role of key individuals such as Plečnik, Fabiani and Kotěra and it explores the significance of developments in town planning in places like Zagreb and Ljubljana. In restoring some of this missing detail and revisiting some of the key sites, the thesis reveals how Central European individuals made early and significant contributions to the development of architectural modernism and the Modern Movement that have hitherto received little critical acknowledgement. What this research reveals is how these figures developed what can be seen as local solutions, rooted in the context and culture of individual towns and cities and their unique histories. However more significantly, this thesis also demonstrates that these independent initiatives were formed with an understanding of - and in response to - wider national and international developments in the field of architectural modernism. In this connection, the thesis can be regarded as part of an emerging academic effort to redress the history of the Modern Movement and an attempt to set in motion a raft of suggestion for further research into this rich field of cultural endeavour.
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Teles, Luciano Everton Costa. "A vida operária em Manaus: imprensa e mundos do trabalho (1920)." Universidade Federal do Amazonas, 2008. http://tede.ufam.edu.br/handle/tede/3718.
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Luciano Everton Costa Teles.pdf: 3423648 bytes, checksum: 68a970f0c0fff0d652532c0b2d6443b7 (MD5)
Previous issue date: 2008-10-10Still walking in the sense of to contribute for the process of renewal regional historiográfica and to lessen the field little explored of the Labor History in Amazon to present researches search to understand the universe of the work and, especially, the dimensions of the speech, organization and fight worker in Manaus, in the beginning of the decade of 1920, filtered by the pages of the newspaper Labor Life, one of the most important labor newspapers appeared in Amazon. It is also tried to discuss the own Imprensa Operária, as one of the most important manifestations of the culture of the working classes, inquiring concerning the paper carried out by the newspaper Labor Life inside the journalism amazonense, expressing his/her line editorial and the characteristics that single out him/it inside that press, besides identifying the dimensions (size, composition, characteristics) of the universe of the work and of the urban workers from Manaus, still mapping the demands and accusations concerning the life conditions and work and observing the performance of the newspaper mentioned in the organization processes, understanding and fight worker, punctuating the organizational dilemmas, the internal disputes, you influence them of theoretical currents inside the political movement of the workers amazonenses
Caminhando no sentido de contribuir para o processo de renovação historiográfica regional e minorar o campo ainda pouco explorado da História Operária no Amazonas, a presente dissertação buscou compreender o universo do trabalho e, em especial, as dimensões da fala, organização e luta operária em Manaus, no início da década de 1920, filtradas pelas páginas do Vida Operária, um dos mais importantes jornais operários surgidos no Amazonas. Procura-se também discutir a própria Imprensa Operária, como uma das mais importantes manifestações da cultura das classes trabalhadoras, inquirindo acerca do papel desempenhado pelo jornal Vida Operária no interior do periodismo amazonense, externando sua linha editorial e as características que o singularizam no interior daquela imprensa, além de identificar as dimensões (tamanho, composição, características) do universo do trabalho e dos trabalhadores urbanos de Manaus, mapeando ainda as demandas e denúncias acerca das condições de vida e trabalho e observando a atuação do jornal mencionado nos processos de organização, conscientização e luta operária, pontuando os dilemas organizacionais, as disputas internas e as influenciais das diversas correntes teóricas no interior do movimento político dos trabalhadores amazonenses
Books on the topic "Labor movement – Europe – History"
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A labour history of Ireland, 1824-2000. Dublin: University College Dublin Press, 2011.
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Michel, Launay. Le syndicalisme en Europe. Paris: Impr. nationale, 1990.
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Dick, Geary, ed. Labour and socialist movements in Europe before 1914. Oxford: Berg, 1989.
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Zur Frage der Entstehung und Formierung der griechischen Arbeiterbewegung: Eine sozialhistorische Untersuchung. Frankfurt am Main: P. Lang, 1994.
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Labour and liberalism in nineteenth-century Europe: Essays in comparative history. Manchester [England]: Manchester University Press, 1992.
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Anarchist ideology and the working-class movement in Spain, 1868-1898. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989.
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Stefan, Berger, and Broughton David, eds. The force of labour: The Western European labour movement and the working class in the twentieth century. Oxford [England]: Berg, 1995.
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Lex, Heerma van Voss, Pasture Patrick 1961-, and Maeyer Jan de 1952-, eds. Between cross and class: Comparative histories of Christian labour in Europe 1840-2000. Bern: P. Lang, 2006.
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Democracy, trade unions and political violence in Spain: The Valencian anarchist movement, 1918-1936. Eastbourne: Sussex Academic Press, 2011.
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Le syndicalisme, la politique et la grève: France et Europe XIXe-XXIe siècles. Nancy: Arbre bleu, 2011.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Labor movement – Europe – History"
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Hild, Matthew. "Policing the Nineteenth-Century American Labor Movement." In The Routledge History of Police Brutality in America, 75–84. New York: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003109969-9.
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Schandevyl, Eva. "Immigrants and the Brussels Labor Movement: Activism, Integration, and Exclusion since 1945." In Migration and Activism in Europe Since 1945, 129–50. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230615540_8.
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Coenen, Ann. "The City and the Parking Lot: Movement and Standstill on the 21st-century Urban Labour Market." In Studies in European Urban History (1100-1800), 123–38. Turnhout, Belgium: Brepols Publishers, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/m.seuh-eb.5.120441.
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Wenzel, Cornelia. "The Archive of the German Women’s Movement in Kassel." In History of Social Work in Europe (1900–1960), 217–18. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-322-80895-0_26.
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Hering, Sabine, and Berteke Waaldijk. "International Information Center and Archives for the Women’ s Movement (IIAV)." In History of Social Work in Europe (1900–1960), 211–12. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-322-80895-0_23.
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Gerli, Gianluca. "The emergence of free movement, refugees and voluntary migrants in recent European history." In Europe between Migrations, Decolonization and Integration (1945–1992), 103–14. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2020. |: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429269011-8.
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Krebs, Stefan, and Heike Weber. "Rethinking the History of Repair:." In The Persistence of Technology, 27–48. Bielefeld, Germany: transcript Verlag, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.14361/9783839447413-003.
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Stefan Krebs and Heike Weber historicise the concept of "repairing things" with a view to broadening and redefining the emphasis of current debates on repair as a "new social movement" and the emergence of a "repair society". These current discourses often lack a sense of the long history of repairing things which saw ups and downs in cultures of repair and self-repair. The chapter charts out the heterogeneity and interrelatedness of the actors involved in repair over time. It draws on examples from Western Europe and North America to highlight some important moments in the history of repair, the intrinsic links between professional and DIY repair practices, discourses on the "lifespan" of things, and changing disposal regimes.
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Bos, David J. "Hellish Evil, Heavenly Love: A Long-Term History of Same-Sex Sexuality and Religion in the Netherlands." In Public Discourses About Homosexuality and Religion in Europe and Beyond, 21–58. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-56326-4_2.
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AbstractThis chapter offers an overview of changes in Dutch perceptions of, and attitudes toward, same-sex sexuality and the part religion played in them. It discusses landmark events and publications from 1730—when “sodomy” became a public issue—until the present. It describes the evolution of discourse on same-sex sexuality, with special reference to the earliest publications on “homosexuality,” alias “Uranism,” which often referred to religion. In the twentieth century, Roman Catholic and Protestant opposition to homosexual emancipation gradually gave way to sympathy, and in the 1960s some pastors were vocal advocates of acceptance. In the early 1970s, homosexuality became a doctrinal issue, a religious identity marker. Polarization was exacerbated in the late 1970s, which saw the rise of both the gay and lesbian movement and religious fundamentalism. “Discursive associations” between religion—including Judaism and Islam—and homosexuality are brought to light partly by means of quantitative content analysis of newspapers.
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Bauder, Harald. "Conclusion: Labor, Migration, and Action." In Labor Movement. Oxford University Press, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195180879.003.0021.
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Social, cultural, and legal practices associated with international migration are integral elements of a wider neoliberal regime of accumulation. Neoliberalism, however, is not a monolithic configuration. It evolved through a history and geography of experimentation (Peck 2004) and exists in a variety of forms. Likewise, the manner in which international migration regulates labor markets does not follow a prewritten, universal script but evolves in a place- and contextspecific manner. Formal citizenship, for example, is a powerful category to control migrant labor in many countries. In Canada, however, foreign immigrants and citizens have similar labor market rights, and in Germany long-term foreign residents acquire postnational rights, which put newcomers on more or less equal legal footing with nonmigrants. When citizenship fails to distinguish between migrant and nonmigrant workers, then other mechanisms of distinction, including various forms of cultural and social capital, assume more prominent roles. The case studies presented in this book show how these legal, social, and cultural processes of distinguishing and controlling international migrants regulate labor markets. Cultural representation is a critical process in maintaining, enforcing, and advancing this aspect of the neoliberal project. A particularly powerful discursive strategy is the representation of migrant labor as essential for production and economic well-being and, at the same time, the vilification of migrant workers as outsiders, parasites, and threats to local and national communities. Although I limited my empirical investigation to a few case studies, similar representations of migrant workers likely exist in Australia, throughout Europe, in the United States, and in other migrant-receiving industrialized countries. In recent years, cultural representations of migrants have been tied to the so-called war on terrorism, which constructs international migrants as a particularly deadly population. Exploiting the fears of terror, restrictive and oppressive policies and practices toward international migrants have gone far beyond genuine efforts to filter out traveling suicide assassins (Wright 2003). The strategic incorporation of new narratives into discourses of migration and the appropriation of relatively unrelated but highly visible events such as the destruction of the World Trade Center in New York illustrate the systematic, if not deliberate, nature of representation.
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Simpson, Thula. "Imperial Impi." In History of South Africa, 47–62. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197672020.003.0005.
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Abstract The chapter begins by recounting South Africa's conquest of German South-West Africa, and the split between the pro- and anti-war factions of the (white) Labour movement. The anti-war faction established the International Socialist League (ISL). The chapter follows South African troops on all the major fronts in which they fought, including East Africa, Egypt, Palestine, and the Western Front in Europe. Among the battles discussed are Delville Wood, Marrières Wood, and Square Hill. The South African Native Labour Contingent is also considered, including the tragedy of the SS Mendi disaster. The home front also receives extensive consideration, including the radicalization of the Transvaal SANNC, which owed both to wartime inflation, and the efforts of the ISL. Another aspect of the war at home that receives extensive coverage is the impact of the Spanish Flu of 1918 on South Africa.
Conference papers on the topic "Labor movement – Europe – History"
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Fritz, Jessica Garcia, and Federico Garcia Fritz. "Labor Histories and Carbon Futures." In 2020 ACSA Fall Conference. ACSA Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.aia.fallintercarbon.20.2.
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The link between construction labor and the effects of carbon upon climate and globalized labor forces is not central to architectural education. The next ten years of curriculum design in the Department of Architecture (DoArch) at South Dakota State University posits that long-term carbon management should be tied to core educational strategies. This paper outlines a proposed theory sequence that connects the production of architecture with the ongoing global movement and displacement of people. Long-term carbon management strategies and the history of people’s movement across the world are linked through four required classes: Drawing Architecture, Reading Architecture, Writing Architecture, and Practicing Architecture. By positioning carbon footprints beyond technological deterministic outcomes, the relationship between carbon management and the politics of construction labor are foregrounded in the DoArch curriculum.
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Fritz, Jessica Garcia, and Federico Garcia Lammers. "Labor Histories and Carbon Futures." In 2020 ACSA Fall Conference. ACSA Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.aia.intercarbon.20.2.
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The link between construction labor and the effects of carbon upon climate and globalized labor forces is not central to architectural education. The next ten years of curriculum design in the Department of Architecture (DoArch) at South Dakota State University posits that long-term carbon management should be tied to core educational strategies. This paper outlines a proposed theory sequence that connects the production of architecture with the ongoing global movement and displacement of people. Long-term carbon management strategies and the history of people’s movement across the world are linked through four required classes: Drawing Architecture, Reading Architecture, Writing Architecture, and Practicing Architecture. By positioning carbon footprints beyond technological deterministic outcomes, the relationship between carbon management and the politics of construction labor are foregrounded in the DoArch curriculum.
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Pilko, Nadezhda. "Slovenian Women's Movement in the Interwar Period and Its Representatives." In Woman in the heart of Europe: non-obvious aspects of gender in the history and culture of Central Europe and adjacent regions. Institute of Slavic Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/0475-6.24.
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Kotov, Viktor. "The Sokol Movement and Gender Relations in the Czech Lands in the 1860s - Early 1870s." In Woman in the heart of Europe: non-obvious aspects of gender in the history and culture of Central Europe and adjacent regions. Institute of Slavic Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/0475-6.12.
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Feherty, Craig, Andrew Garioch, and Annabel Green. "Disposable Fibre Optic Intervention System: Case Study of Successful Leak Detection Offshore North Sea." In SPE Offshore Europe Conference & Exhibition. SPE, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/205425-ms.
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Abstract Maintaining well integrity is critical to sustaining production from mature and aging fields. Disposable fibre optic technology has been deployed in wells in the North Sea to locate known tubing leaks in the completion. The disposable fibre optic intervention system releases a probe into the well to enable the deployment of bare fibre optic line. The fibres are released from the probe as it descends into the well. In the presented case study, the probe contained both single-mode and multi-mode fibre optic lines to enable simultaneous Distributed Temperature Sensing (DTS) and Distributed Acoustic Sensing (DAS) surveys to be performed. Once deployed in the well, pressure manipulation programs were performed to activate any tubing or casing leaks while acquiring DTS and DAS data. As a result of the exceptional sensitivity of the bare fibres and the effective coupling of the fibre with the tubing wall the technology is shown to be highly effective in detecting leaks and confirming barrier integrity. In the presented example a leak was located along with the direction and rate of the fluid movement in the ‘B’ annulus. The simplicity of the system and highly efficient operations greatly reduced survey times in comparison to conventional intervention techniques thereby greatly reducing the cost of intervention. It can be demonstrated that the disposable fibre optic deployment system provides a game changing and cost-effective solution for both leak detection and determining liquid levels in the wells. The disposable fibre solution is a unique deployment method which provides an alternative to conventional well surveys, reducing the complexity, time and cost to acquire valuable distributed well data. This is the first case history published for this technology in leak detection application.
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Oppenheimer, Nat, and Luis C. deBaca. "Ending the Market for Human Slavery Through Design." In IABSE Congress, New York, New York 2019: The Evolving Metropolis. Zurich, Switzerland: International Association for Bridge and Structural Engineering (IABSE), 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2749/newyork.2019.1797.
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<p>The design and construction of structures throughout history has too often been realized through the labor of enslaved people, both in the direct construction of these structures and in the procurement and fabrication of building materials. This is as true today as it was at the time of the pyramids.</p><p>Despite the challenges, the design and construction industries have a moral and ethical obligation to eradicate modern human trafficking practices. If done right, this shift will also lead to commercial advances.</p><p>Led by the Grace Farms Foundation, a Connecticut-based non-profit organization, a working group composed of design professionals, builders, owners, and academics has set out to eliminate the use of modern slaves within the built environment through awareness, agency, and tangible tools. Although inspired by the success of the green building movement, this initiative does not use the past as a template. Rather, we are committed to work with the most advanced tracking and aggregation technology to give owners, builders, and designers the tools they need to allow for clear and concise integration of real-time data into design and construction documents.</p><p>This paper summarizes the history of the issue, the moral, ethical, and commercial call to action, and the tangible solutions – both existing and emergent – in the fight against modern-day slavery in the design and construction industries.</p><p>Our intent is to present this material via a panel discussion. The panel will include an owner, an international owner’s representative, a builder, a big data specialist, an architect, an engineer, and a writer/academic who will act as moderator.</p>
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"Psycho-Behavioral and Socio-Economic Characteristics of Juvenile Delinquency in Wasit Province at 2016 To 2020." In 4th International Conference on Biological & Health Sciences (CIC-BIOHS’2022). Cihan University, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.24086/biohs2022/paper.766.
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BACKGROUND: one of the serious behavioral problems that affect youth health mentally, physically and socially is Juvenile delinquency. The act by a juvenile is considered delinquency if it is considered a crime when committed by an adult, as well as illegal acts because of offenders age.OBJECTIVE: Is to determine the psycho-behavioral and socio-economic profile of juvenile offenders in Wasit Province. STUDY DESIGN: A cross-sectional hospital-based study targeted all delinquents (n=510) who referred by criminal courts to psychiatric unit for personality study using ICD-10 clinical based interview during 2016 to 2020. Data collected from files of offenders by a routine interviewing (with highly secured information). RESULTS: The mean age ±SD of the indicted was 17.9±2.9 years, male youths consist 96%, with a history of low socioeconomic status, 74% of them lived within family size of ≥7 members; 50% rank in 1st. to 3rd. in among all siblings in their families; 17% losses their fathers. Of total sample, one-half of offenders presented with school dropout and 44% engaged in premature labor. Most of youth presented with good mental health, sometimes they appear with consistent personality only 19 (4%) of them presented with speech and movement disorder, and unstable and uncooperative personality. Of 290 delinquents; 108 (37%) were tobacco smoker and 43 (15%) presented with tattoo. Dropout offenders presented with fourfold smoking and tattoo than students with an Odds Ratios of 3.8 (95% CI 2.25-6.4), and 4.0 (95% CI 1.9-8.7) respectively. 5% of youths have a history of previous offence. (38%) of offenders accused with theft or robbery crimes followed by homicide (16%) and physical fighting or scrimmage (12%). CONCLUSIONS: According to the psychiatric interview, the majority of the indicted were not mentally ill. Low socioeconomic status, live in large family, losses fathers, school dropout, and premature work all these factors may contribute to increase the burden of juvenile delinquency in Wasit province. The prevalence of healthy risk behavior in school dropout delinquents more than in students. Theft and robbery, homicide and physical fighting as a crimes were on the top of the list. Educational and health programs that encourage children to enrolled school and increase awareness of negative impact of juvenile delinquency on individual and community should be considered urgently.
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Vicini, Fabio. "GÜLEN’S RETHINKING OF ISLAMIC PATTERN AND ITS SOCIO-POLITICAL EFFECTS." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/gbfn9600.
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Over recent decades Islamic traditions have emerged in new forms in different parts of the Muslim world, interacting differently with secular and neo-liberal patterns of thought and action. In Turkey Fethullah Gülen’s community has been a powerful player in the national debate about the place of Islam in individual and collective life. Through emphasis on the im- portance of ‘secular education’ and a commitment to the defence of both democratic princi- ples and international human rights, Gülen has diffused a new and appealing version of how a ‘good Muslim’ should act in contemporary society. In particular he has defended the role of Islam in the formation of individuals as ethically-responsible moral subjects, a project that overlaps significantly with the ‘secular’ one of forming responsible citizens. Concomitantly, he has shifted the Sufi emphasis on self-discipline/self-denial towards an active, socially- oriented service of others – a form of religious effort that implies a strongly ‘secular’ faith in the human ability to make this world better. This paper looks at the lives of some members of the community to show how this pattern of conduct has affected them. They say that teaching and learning ‘secular’ scientific subjects, combined with total dedication to the project of the movement, constitute, for them, ways to accomplish Islamic deeds and come closer to God. This leads to a consideration of how such a rethinking of Islamic activism has influenced po- litical and sociological transition in Turkey, and a discussion of the potential contribution of the movement towards the development of a more human society in contemporary Europe. From the 1920s onwards, in the context offered by the decline and collapse of the Ottoman Empire, Islamic thinkers, associations and social movements have proliferated their efforts in order to suggest ways to live a good “Muslim life” under newly emerging conditions. Prior to this period, different generations of Muslim Reformers had already argued the compat- ibility of Islam with reason and “modernity”, claiming for the need to renew Islamic tradition recurring to ijtihad. Yet until the end of the XIX century, traditional educational systems, public forms of Islam and models of government had not been dismissed. Only with the dismantlement of the Empire and the constitution of national governments in its different regions, Islamic intellectuals had to face the problem of arranging new patterns of action for Muslim people. With the establishment of multiple nation-states in the so-called Middle East, Islamic intel- lectuals had to cope with secular conceptions about the subject and its place and space for action in society. They had to come to terms with the definitive affirmation of secularism and the consequent process of reconfiguration of local sensibilities, forms of social organisation, and modes of action. As a consequence of these processes, Islamic thinkers started to place emphasis over believers’ individual choice and responsibility both in maintaining an Islamic conduct daily and in realising the values of Islamic society. While under the Ottoman rule to be part of the Islamic ummah was considered an implicit consequence of being a subject of the empire. Not many scientific works have looked at contemporary forms of Islam from this perspective. Usually Islamic instances are considered the outcome of an enduring and unchanging tradition, which try to reproduce itself in opposition to outer-imposed secular practices. Rarely present-day forms of Islamic reasoning and practice have been considered as the result of a process of adjustment to new styles of governance under the modern state. Instead, I argue that new Islamic patterns of action depend on a history of practical and conceptual revision they undertake under different and locally specific versions of secularism. From this perspective I will deal with the specific case of Fethullah Gülen, the head of one of the most famous and influent “renewalist” Islamic movements of contemporary Turkey. From the 1980s this Islamic leader has been able to weave a powerful network of invisible social ties from which he gets both economic and cultural capital. Yet what interests me most in this paper, is that with his open-minded and moderate arguments, Gülen has inspired many people in Turkey to live Islam in a new way. Recurring to ijtihad and drawing from secular epistemology specific ideas about moral agency, he has proposed to a wide public a very at- tractive path for being “good Muslims” in their daily conduct. After an introductive explanation of the movement’s project and of the ideas on which it is based, my aim will be to focus on such a pattern of action. Particular attention will be dedi- cated to Gülen’s conception of a “good Muslim” as a morally-guided agent, because such a conception reveals underneath secular ideas on both responsibility and moral agency. These considerations will constitute the basis from which we can look at the transformation of Islam – and more generally of “the religion” – in the contemporary world. Then a part will be dedicated to defining the specificity of Gülen’s proposal, which will be compared with that of other Islamic revivalist movements in other contexts. Some common point between them will merge from this comparison. Both indeed use the concept of respon- sibility in order to push subjects to actively engage in reviving Islam. Yet, on the other hand, I will show how Gülen’s followers distinguish themselves by the fact their commitment pos- sesses a socially-oriented and reformist character. Finally I will consider the proximity of Gülen’s conceptualisation of moral agency with that the modern state has organised around the idea of “civic virtues”. I argue Gülen’s recall for taking responsibility of social moral decline is a way of charging his followers with a similar burden the modern state has charged its citizens. Thus I suggest the Islamic leader’s pro- posal can be seen as the tentative of supporting the modernity project by defining a new and specific space to Islam and religion into it. This proposal opens the possibility of new and interesting forms of interconnection between secular ideas of modernity and the so-called “Islamic” ones. At the same time I think it sheds a new light over contemporary “renewalist” movements, which can be considered a concrete proposal about how to realise, in a different background, modern forms of governance by reconsidering their moral basis.
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Carneiro De Carvalho, Vânia. "Decoration and Nostalgia - Historical Study on Visual Matrices and Forms of Diffusion of Fêtes Galantes in the 20th Century." In 13th International Conference on Applied Human Factors and Ergonomics (AHFE 2022). AHFE International, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe1001365.
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In São Paulo/Brazil, between the years 1950 and 1980, porcelain sculptures representing courtesy scenes were fashionable in wealthy and middle-class homes. Several Brazilian factories started to produce such images and many others were imported, the most of them from Germany. These representations were inspired by the fêtes gallants, a rococo style genre from the 18th century. Factories like Meissen, Limoges and Capodimonte produced thousands of copies which circulated in Western Europe and the Russian Empire. During the 19th century, from French institutional policies, the fêtes galantes were revalued along with the recovery of the rococo. This political and cultural movement resulted not only in domestic interiors decorated with authentic pieces from the 18th century gathered together by collectors, but also in the production of new objects. Following decorative practices, studies anachronistically reclassified 18th artisans as artists, constructing their biographies, circumscribing their peculiarities, and identifying their works. Many pieces from the privates collections ended in museums. The porcelain aristocratic figures won the world and are produced until today. It was at the end of the 19th century, in the region of Thuringia, that the technique of lace porcelain emerged. Produced by women in a male-dominated environment, the technique involved the use of cotton fabric soaked with porcelain mass which was then sewed and molded over the porcelain bodies of male and female figures. After that, the piece was placed in the oven at high temperature, burning the fabric and leaving the lace porcelain. It is significant and relevant for the purposes of this research that the lace porcelain technique was never recognized as a object of interest by the academic literature on porcelain. It is likely that the presence of the female labor, the practice of sewing and the use of fabric have been interpreted by the male academic and amateur elite as discredit elements. Added to this, the lace porcelain became very popular in the 20th century. The reinterpretation of rococo in the 20th century was also understood as a lack of artistic inventiveness associated with marketing interests, which resulted in the marginalization of these sculptures. What is proposed here is to study these objects as pieces of domestic decoration practices, recognizing in them capacities to act on the production of social, age and gender distinctions. I intend, therefore, to demonstrate how these small and seemingly insignificant objects were associated with decorative practices of fixing women in the domestic space in Brazil during the 20th century. They acted not alone but in connection with other contemporary phenomena such as post-war fashion, the glamorization of personalities from the American movie and European aristocracy and the rise of Disney movies, which promoted the gallant pair as a romantic idea for children in the western world.
Reports on the topic "Labor movement – Europe – History"
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Glick, Mark. An Economic Defense of Multiple Antitrust Goals: Reversing Income Inequality and Promoting Political Democracy. Institute for New Economic Thinking Working Paper Series, March 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36687/inetwp181.
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Two recent papers by prominent antitrust scholars argue that a revived antitrust movement can help reverse the dramatic rise in economic inequality and the erosion of political democracy in the United States. Both papers rely on the legislative history of the key antitrust statutes to support their case. Not surprisingly, their recommendations have been met with alarm in some quarters and with skepticism in others. Such proposals by antitrust reformers are often contrasted with the Consumer Welfare Standard that pervades antitrust policy today. The Consumer Welfare Standard suffers from several defects: (1) It employs a narrow, unworkable measure of welfare; (2) It excludes important sources of welfare based on the assumption that antitrust seeks only to maximize wealth; (3) It assumes a constant and equal individual marginal utility of money; and (4) It is often combined with extraneous ideological goals. Even with these defects, however, if applied consistent with its theoretical underpinnings, the consideration of the transfer of labor rents resulting from a merger or dominant firm conduct is supported by the Consumer Welfare Standard. Moreover, even when only consumers (and not producers) are deemed relevant, the welfare of labor still should consistently be considered part of consumer welfare. In contrast, fostering political democracy—a prominent traditional antitrust goal that was jettisoned by the Chicago School—falls outside the Consumer Welfare Standard in any of its constructs. To undergird such important broader goals requires that the Consumer Welfare Standard be replaced with the General Welfare Standard. The General Welfare Standard consists of modern welfare economics modified to accommodate objective analyses of human welfare and purged of inconsistencies.